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PERKINS  LIBRARY 

Duke   University 


Kare  Dooks 


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a 


CONSTITUTIONAL    REPUBLICANISM, 


IN  OPPOSITION  TO 


FALLACIOUS   FEDERALISM; 


AS   PUBLISHED    OCCASIONALLY   IN   THE 


f  n&qjen&ent  Cfntrntcle, 


UNDER 


THE    SIGNATURE   OF 


OLD-SOUTH 


TO  WHICH   IS  PREHXED, 

A  PREFATORY   ADDRESS 

TO  THE   CITIZENS  c*  553 UNITED  STATES, 

K  NEVER    BEFORE    PUBLISHED. 


by    BENJAMIN   AUSTIN,   jun. 


be, 


"OH,  that  this  ore  might  u- 
That  all  our  rpecics  liv'd  in  harmony  ! 
Thafctbe  wide  world  outflretch'd,  in  moral  ?il, 
The^.rad'.:ng  arm.  to  inciter  anil  to  dat'c  ! 
That  tcndci   transport  incited  cv'ry  foul, 
And  one  warm  wifn  preGded  o'er  the  whole  ! 
That  all  th'  oppoftng  elements  of  life, 
The  gales  of  rage,  and  hurricanes  of  ftrifc. 
Might  ce.ife  ;  and  waft  our  barks  with  lilkcn  fail; 
And  on  life's  ocean  zephyrs  mild  prevail  ! 
That  mutual  pafTions  mutual  charms  might  lend. 
And  each  to  each  be  NEIGHBOUR,  FATHER,  FRIENO  !' 


BOSTON: 
PRINTED    FOR   ADAMS  tf  RIIOADES, 

EDITOPS  Or   THE  INDEPENDENT  CHRONICLE. 


1C 


t\ri(\ 


^fS'i'v 

Fellow-Citizens, 

1  HAT  the  United  States,  in  their  political  fituation, 
connected  with  all  thofe  advantages  which  refult  from  cnterprife 
and  induftry,  ftand  pre-eminently  confpicuous  amid  the  nations 
of  the  world,  is  a  truth  readily  acknowledged  by  the  contending 
parties  throughout  the  continent.  On  this  fuhject  there  is  no  real 
controverJy  ;  federalifts  and  republicans  unite  in  this  one  princi- 
ple, and  nothing  can  be  wanting  but  a  fpirit  of  reconciliation  to 
promote  univcrfal  harmony. 

As  Americans,  we  are  all  interefted  in  the  general  welfare  ;  we 
all  partake  of  equal  blcflings,  arifing  from  one  fource.  The 
conftitution  is  the  true  ark  of  fafety,  and  while  we  adhere  to  the 
principles  of  its  legitimate  conftruclion,  all  will  go  well. 

The  government  is  organized  for  the  happinefs  of  the  whole 
people  ;  no  exclufive  privileges  are  the  birth-right  of  particular 
individuals  ;  no  man  has  a  claim  on  public  patronage  ;  but  each 
citizen,  however  elevated,  muft  depend  for  his  continuance  in  of- 
fice, on  the  fuffrages  of  his  fellow-citizens,  defignated  in  fuch 
modes  as  are  explicitly  pointed  out  by  the  conftitution  and  laws 
of  the  United  States. 

Who  then  has  a  right  to  arraign  the  voice  of  the  people, 
when  thus  exprefled  ?  What  body  of  men  have  the  privilege 
to  contemn  thofe,  whom  the  citizens  have  approbated  ?  Who 
have  a  licenfe  to  calumniate,  in  terms  the  moll  opprobrious,  thofe 
who  are  placed  in  the  feats  of  government  ?  A  free  inquiry  into 
national  tranfactions,  is  laudable  and  patriotic  ;  but  when  fcur- 
.  rility  and  defamation  attend  fuch  inquiries,  we  have  reafon  to 
fufpect  the  integrity  of  the  agents. 

The  hiilory  of  the  world  cannot  produce  a  parallel,  wherein 
the  groffnefs  of  abufe,  and  the  malignity  of  temper,  have  been 
carried  to  fuch  an  unbounded  excefs.     The  prefent  adminiftxatiott 


1C0796 


4  Prefatory  Address. 

have  been  attacked  with  a  virulence,  which  has  nearly  exceeded 
the  ingenuity  of  grammarians  to  coin  words  adequate  to  its  im- 
port. The  whole  vocabulary  of  the  Englifh  language,  expreffive 
of  the  malignant  paflions,  has,  within  a  few  years,  been  exhaufted 
to  defame  the  reputation  of  almoft  every  republican  in  the  gov- 
ernment.  The  greatefl  culprit  within  Newgate,  the  mod  aban- 
doned mifcreant  that  ever  made  his  exit  from  Tyburn,  has  been 
more  favoured  by  his  opponents  than  the  Prefident  of  the  United 
States  and  thofe  who  adhere  to  his  adminiftration.  Decency  has 
been  facrificed  at  the  fhrine  of  federal  ifm  ;  and  oftentimes  have  the 
libellous  paragraphs  been  fo  bafely  defamatory,  that  a  virtuous 
man  felt  a  confeious  guilt  in  admitting  fuch  obfeenities  within  his 
family.  Every  epithet  of  flander  was  admitted.  Our  na- 
tional character  has  been  fported  with,  by  men  who  pretend  to  ref- 
pect  the  honour  of  their  country,  with  a  wantonnefs  which  would 
di/grace  a  tribe  of  favages,  or  a  horde  of  Hottentots. 

Fellow-citizens  !  it  is  unnecefTary  to  recapitulate  in  detail  the 
falfehoods,  fcurrility,  and  malicious  defamation,  which  have  been 
propagated  through  thofe  proflituted  vehicles,  arrogantly  ftiled 
federal  prefTes.  They  are  difgraceful  to  any  organifed  fociety, 
more  efpecially  to  one  which  exclufively  claims  the  appellation  of 
republican.  If  we  may  judge  of  the  difpofition  of  thofe  authors, 
by  their  manner  of  writing,  the  reign  of  Roberfpierre  would  be  a 
millennium  in  comparifon  with  the  fanguinary  actions  of  fuch  in- 
veterate calumniators,  provided  their  power  was  co-extenfive  with 
their  malice.  If  the  guillotine  was  not  the  weapon  of  their  cruel- 
ty, to  filence  all  oppofition,  it  would  not  arife  from  motives  of  leni- 
ty ;  but  imprifonment,  fines  and  perfecutions  would  be  adopted  as 
more  adequate  to  the  purpofes  of  torture  and  diflrefs,  by  the  ling- 
ering ppignancy  of  the  death  inflicted. 

If  thefe  men  Mere  really  defirous  to  promote  the  welfare  of 
their  country,  would  they  try  every  method  to  excite  the  hatred  of 
the  citizens  againfl  their  conftituted  authorities  ?  Would  they  at- 
tempt to  diflolve  the  Union,  by  raifing  a  jcaloufy  between  the  ref- 
lective ftates  ?  Would  they  profane  the  name  of  Washington, 
by  urging  an  attachment  to  his  precepts,  while  at  the  fame  time, 
they  were  crucifying  this  patriot  on  the  crofs  of  anarchy  and  civil 
diflenfion  ? 

The  fact  is,  thefe  people  are  enemies  to  the  happinefs  and  pro£ 


Prefaliry  Address,  $ 

perity  of  America  ;  they  are- the  remnants  of  that  faction,  which 
were  well  known  during  our  revolution,  under  the  appellation  of 
tories.  This  party  have  had  the  addrefs,  like  Satan  in  the  garden 
of  Eden,  to  deceive  fome,  whom  we  delighted  to  call  our frjl 
parents.  They  tempted  them  to  renounce  their  primeval  (late,  and 
attempting  to  be  GODS,  they  became  lefs  than  men.  They  loft 
their  original  purity,  and  by  their  fall  threatened  to  inflict  a 
political  curfe  on  the  prefent  and  future  generation.  Thank 
heaven,  the  guardian  angel  of  America  appeared  for  our  deliver- 
ance ;  and  fince  the  authors  of  our  misfortunes  have  been  legally 
difmiiTed  from  their  (lations,  wp  truft,  that  the  happinefs  of  fociety 
is  referved  for  the  faithful  and  virtuous  citizens.  The  conftitution 
of  our  country  does  not  make  one  clafs  of  men  the  fole  reprefen- 
tatives  of  our  national  profperity,  but  has  referved  a  right  in  the 
people,  to  change  them  whenever  apoftacy  becomes  the  prominent 
feature  of  their  adminlftration. 

At  this  crifis,  fellow-citizens,  what  is  the  direct  path  before  us  ? 
Will  you  truft  to  them,  who  are  abufing  thofc  who  do  all  in  their 
power  to  relieve  you  ?  Are  you  in  favour  of  thofe  who  wiih  addi- 
tional taxes  in  opposition  to  fuch  who  are  defirous  to  lefTen  them  ? 
Do  you  want  an  eight  per  cent:,  loan,  excife,  ftamp  duties,  (land- 
ing army  and  Supernumerary  officers,  when  the  government  de- 
clares there  is  no  occaflon  for  them  ?  Are  you  fo  anxious  to  pay 
away  your  money,  that  you  muft  reprobate  the  men  who  tell  you 
they  do  not  require  it  ?  Does  die  merchant  earn  his  property  fo 
readily,  that  he  is  uneafy  unlefs  government  is  conftantly  drain- 
ing his  coffers  ?  Do  the  farmer  and  tradefman  enjoy  fuch  a  plen- 
itude, that  they  require  an  excifeman  to  carry  away  the  furplus  ? 
If  die  executive  of  the  United  States  pledges  himfelf  to  anfwer  all 
emergencies  without  thefe  Supplementary  aids  ;  if  the  Secretary  of 
the  treafury  exhibits  a  fifcal  (Is  tement,  proving  the  practicability 
of  paying  off  our  cumbrous  debt,  with  the  revenue  arifing  from 
impost  alone,  why  in  the  name  of  common  fenfe  are  we  oppofed 
to  the  experiment  ?  Depend  on  it,  fellow-citizens,  the  man  who  is 
againfr.  the  repeal  of  our  excife  laivs,  is  not  a  friend  to  the  people  ; 
he  willies  to  affimilate  our  mode  of  taxation  with  die  BritiSh,  and 
is  afraid,  unlefs  diis  fyftem  of  taxation  is  adopted,  he  Shall  not 
(land  a  chance  to  participate  in  enjoying  thoSe  perfonal  bleffings* 
which  arife  from  a  multiplicity  of  offices, 


Prefatory  Addrtu. 

Let  us  then  unite  in  the  falutary  fyftem  adopted  by  the  pref. 
cnt  government  ;  let  each  one  end  favour  to  promote  the  general 
harmony,  and  do  all  in  his  power  to  flrengthen  an  adminiftration, 
whofe  object  appears  concentrated  to  lejfen  taxes,  and  cafe  the  cit- 
from  unnccfjfary  burdens.  If  any  government  in  Europe  had 
adopted  fmiilar  meafures,  die  projectors  of  fuch  a  beneficent  plan 
would  receive  the  plaudits  of  every  honeft  man  within  the  nation. 
If  a  minifter  in  England  had  curtailed  the  taxes  of  the  people  in 
a  limilar  proportion  to  Prelident  Jefferfon,  millions  of  voices 
would  join  in  hallelujahs  to  celebrate  his  patriotic  merit. 

The  foregoing  remarks  may  be  thought  inconfiftcnt  with  that 
fpirit  of  reconciliation  inculcated  in  the  motto  of  this  volume. 
But  in  the  idea  of  the  author,  they  perfectly  coincide  with  the  ef- 
fentials  contained  in  it.  Harmony,  peace,  and  moderation  depend 
on  the  body  of  republican  citizens,  acting  upon  one  confolidated 
principle  in  iupport  of  the  confutation  and  laws  of  the  government. 
An  union  of  republicans  and  menarchifts  can  never  be  expected  ;. 
an  union  with  thofe  who  advocate  unneceftary  taxes,  and  thofe 
who  are  oppofed  to  them,  is  chimerical  ;  an  union  of  thofe,  who 
ufe  fcurrility  and  defamation,  with  thofe  who  fubftantiate  their 
meafures  by  reafon  and  found  policy,  is  reverfing  every  logical 
decifion  ;  an  union  with  friends  of  order  and  the  revilers  of  an 
adminiftration,  which  inculcates  peace  abroad,  and  harmony  at 
home,  is  as  impoffible  as  a  cordiality  between  God  and  mammon. 
The  union  fought  after,  depends  on  the  candid  deliberation  of  the 
well-difpofed  citizens,  whofe  happinefs  is  involved  in  the  perma- 
nency of  a  wife  and  economical  adminiftration.  An  union  of  this 
kind  may  be  effected  ;  as  we  have  reafon  to  think  that  many  hon- 
eft  men  have  been  in  oppofition,  from  the  arts  and  intrigues  of 
fuch  clafTes  as  are  above  defcribed  :  and  we  charitably  hope, 
a  pre-eminent  character,  now  in  ietirement,  is  convinced  that  he 
was  deceived  by  thofe  who  pretended  the  higheft  friendfhip  towards 
him.  We  ever  wifh  to  revere  his  character  for  the  part  he  took 
■.'ion  ;  and  we  pray  GOD,  that  his  laft  days  may  be 
employed  in  cxpofing  thofe  culprits,  who  pretend  to  venerate  him, 
igife  the  man  who  attempted  to  blaft  his  fame  with 
iiy  and  reproach. 
Taking  this  ground,  the  author  of  the  following  numbers  has 
conudered   the  various  fubjects   contemplated.     He  has  noticed 


,      Prefatory  Address.  if 

every  individual  in  his  political  character.  As  private  men,  he  es- 
timates them  in  proportion  to  their  fbcial  virtues,  and  does  not 
wiflr  to  invalidate  whatever  may  be  elTential  to  their  moral  recti- 
tude. He  acknowledges  to  have  written  with  freedom  :  but  the 
controverfy  of  the  prefent  day,  as  connected  with  the  future  happi- 
nefs  of  our  common  country,  demands  an  unequivocal  invefti- 
gation  of  public  men  and  meafures.  He  is  willing  to  Hand  the 
tell  of  principles  ;  and  for  this  purpofe  only,  has  he  confented  to 
give  his  name  as  a  voucher  for  the  fmcerity  of  his  obfervations. 

The  caufe  of  real,  undefilcd  religion,  as  inculcated  in  the  go/pel, 
he  is  ever  defirous  to  efpoufe,  and  if  any  remarks  on  its  profeflbrs 
may  appear  pungent,  it  is  for  the  fole  purpofe  of  difcriminating  be- 
tween piety  and  hypocrify  :  neither  would  he  uncharitably  con- 
temn all  fuch  men,  as  differ  from  him,  as  hypocrites  or  apof- 
tates  ;  yet  the  feverity  and  indecency  with  which  fome  have  repli- 
ed to  his  remarks,  juftify  him  in  adminiflering  the  tartar  of  retal- 
iation. 

He  has  been  particular  in  fome  of  his  numbers  to  appeal  to  the 
good  fenfe,  and  unbiafTed  judgment,  of  the  young  men.  He  has 
made  his  addrefs  to  this  valuable  clafs  of  citizens,  from  the  moil: 
inconteflible  documents  ;  and  though  he  may  be  thought,  by  a 
few  of  them,  to  have  efpoufed  doctrines  fubverfive  of  their  interefi:, 
yet  he  trulls  they  will,  on  a  candid  re-perufal  of  the  fubject,  acquit 
him  from  any  fuch  defign.  He  has  furniflied  them  with  the 
Specific  proceedings  of  the  merchants,  functioned  with  names  of  the 
higheft  credibility  ;  and  he  leaves  it  with  the  young  men  to  decide 
on  this  important  queftion. 

If  he  is  wrong  in  any  one  particular  throughout  tire  fcveral 
numbers,  he  is  willing  to  acknowledge  his  error  ;  but  fcurrility 
and  defamation  will  never  be  confidered  as  arguments,  either  to 
abandon  his  principles,  or  intimidate  him  from  perfeverance.  The 
remarks  are  fubmitted  to  a  candid  public  ;  and  to  their  tribunal 
he  is  ready  to  fubmit  his  plea.  Having  no  fmifter  views  to  grat- 
ify, if  they  arc  acceptable  to  his  fellow-citizens,  he  is  perfectly  re- 
warded for  his  labours. 

The  author  (lands  on  the  bafis  of  the  conflitution  ;  and  while 
he  maintains  an  attitude,  which  is  juflifiable  by  this  compact,  the 
billingfgate  effufions  of  a  defperate  faction  will  be  unnoticed.     If 


S  Prefatory  AJJress. 

any  man  will  meet  him  with  his  name,  he  is  willing  to  rttteftigate 
the  fubjecT,  becoming  a  gentleman  and  citizen.  After  this  ex- 
plicit  declaration,  whoever  replies,  in  abufive  language,  in  an  an- 
onymous difguife,  will  be  treated  as  fuch  a  character  ought  ever  to 
be,  with  filent  contempt. 


^ 


THE 

POLITICAL    WRITINGS 

OP 

OLD-SOUTH. 


No.  I. 

ON    THE    BRITISH    TREATY. 

A  HE  fignature  of  Old-South  may  appear  a  little  fingular  to  thofc 
who  are  not  acquainted  with  the  proceedings  of  the  town  of  Bof- 
ton,  afiembled  at  this  ancient  edifice  on  the  queftion  of  the  treaty. 
At  a  previous  meeting,  the  treaty  was  univerfally  difapproved, 
and  a  petition  forwarded  to  the  Prefident  on  the  fubjedt.  It  was 
therein  declared  to  be  injurious  to  the  interefl:  of  the  country,  and 
deftructive  to  our  commerce.  Many  weighty  objections  were 
made  to  its  ratification,  and  after  the  fulleft  investigation  of  the 
principles  of  the  report,  it  was  ordered  to  be  fent  to  the  Prefident 
by  the  Selectmen. 

About  three  weeks  afterwards,  a  petition  was  handed  about  by 
particular  individuals,  to  be  figned  by  the  citizens,  urging  our  Re- 
prefentatives  to  make  the  neceiTary  appropriations  for  the  fulfil- 
ment of  the  treaty.  This  meafure  was  confidered  as  counteract- 
ing the  former  declaration  of  the  town  in  their  corporate  capacity  ; 
and  as  undue  means  were  ufed  to  obtain  fubferibers,  another  meet- 
ing was  called  to  take  the  fenfe  of  the  citi/.ens  on  the  funject. 
During  the  debates,  the  fame  objections  were  ftated  as  at  the  for- 
mer meeting,  and  the  injurious  cor.fequcnces  of  this  internment 
were  (till  held  forth  in  oppofition  to  its  ratification,  and  apprcpna- 
tions.^  The  pointed  reflections  then  made  on  the  oppofers,  are 
frefh  in  the  minds  of  thofe  who  attended,  and  though  the  v.-tc  was 
carried  againfi;  th*m,  yet  the  confequent  disadvantages  wc  e::perh- 


10  6n  the  British  Ti  No.  I. 

ence,  are  proofs  of  the  propriety  of  the  objections  then  offered. 
To  commemorate  this  important  asra,  the  fignature  of  Old-South  is 
now  taken. 

As  the  oppofers  of  the  treaty  were  at  that  period  the  objects 
of  the  mod  fevcre,  and  ungenerous  abufe  and  cenfure  ;  and  as  their 
principles  were  repiobated  with  all  the  venom  of  calumny  und  de- 
famation, it  is  but  proper  to  turn  the  minds  of  the  citizens,  into 
that  channel  of  reflection,  as  will  lead  them  to  j&dgey  "  Whether  the 
ftntimenis  of  the  oppofers,  or  thofe  of  the  advocates,  were  mofi  congenial  to 
the  tntercjls  of  the  country  :  Whether  the  predictions  of  the  fallacy  of 
Britifh  integrity,  in  protecting  our  commerce  and  refpecting  our 
neutrality  ;  in  their  profeffions  of  friendfhip,  and  their  cordiality 
to  our  feamen,  have  not  in  almoft  every  inftance  been  realized  : 
And  whethc  •  we  have  not  proofs  as  clear  as  holy  writ  to  vindicate 
the  afTertiens  then  made,  that  the  benefits  anticipated  by  the  treaty 
would  foon  become  as  delufive,  as  the  "  bafelefs  fabric  of  a  virion,-*' 

Let  the  orators  who  then  pictured  in  the  mofi  glowing  drains 
the  bleffings  we  were  to  enjoy  under  the  mild  operation  of  this  in- 
ftrument,  now  enumerate  the  manifold  advantages  we  experience. 
Let  them  lay  their  finger  on  the  document,  which  gives  that  am- 
ple indemnification  to  our  merchants,  for  captured  property,  which 
they  fo  pleafingly  defcribed.  Let  them  relate  the  honorary  marks 
of  reipect  paid  to  the  American  flag.  Let  them  contraft  the  late 
orders  of  the  Britifh  government,  with  their  rhapfody  on  Britifh 
amity,  and  reciprocal  attachments.  Let  them  oppofe  the  whip- 
pings, and  infults  to  our  feamen,  with  their  pleafmg  recitals  of 
good  fellowfhip  between  Britilh  and  American  tars.  Let  them 
dilplay  the  ports  of  Jamaica,  New-Providence,  &c.  with  the  ex- 
panded wings  of  the  American  eagle,  pourtrayed  as  covering  the 
ocean  in  every  quarter  of  the  maritime  globe.  Or  let  them  con- 
fohdate  the  bleffings  in  die  modeft  demands  on  the  country  for  the 
payment  of  mercantile  debts,  and  the  execution  of  the  unfortunate 
Robbins.— Thefe  are  fubjects,  on  which  we  wifh  to  be  informed,  in 
order  to  judge  with  accuracy  between  the  friends  and  oppofers  of 
the  treaty.  * 

The  political  controverfy  in  this  country  has  been  carried  on 
with  a  degree  of  perfonal  inveteracy,  unbecoming  the  character  ei- 
ther of  gentlemen  or  citizens.  Particularly  fmce  the  adoption  of 
the  treaty,  every  indecent  term  of  reproach  has  been  given  to  thofe 


No.  I.  On  the  British  Treaty.  II 

who  were  in  the  oppofition.  Diforganizers,  traitors,  enemies  to 
their  country,  jacobins,  aie  epithets  which  have  been  ufed  againft 
men,  whofe  characters  in  every  point  of  view  have  flood  at  leaft  on 
a  par  with  their  calumniators,  and  in  mod  inftances  fuperior. 
But  we  truft,  however,  that  the  time  is  faft  approaching,  when  po- 
litical merit  will  be  duly  appreciated  ;  as  events  will  foon  decide, 
how  far  the  fentiments  of  individuals  have  been  favorable  or  unfav- 
orable to  the  happinefs,  intereft,  and  independence  of  the  country. 
Our  political  fituation  cannot  long  remain  a  fpeculative  queftion  ; 
it  has  arrived  to  that  ci  ids,  which  muft  difclofe  the  aftions  of  men, 
and  (lamp  on  their  mcafures  the  indelible  marks  of  right  or  turoug, 
in  characters  too  legible  to  be  concealed,  and  too  deeply  engraved 
to  be  erafed  ;  each  individual  will  ftand  cenfured  or  approved,  ac- 
cording to  the  part  which  he  has  taken,  and  judgment  will  be 
pa(Ted  upon  them,  not  under  the  influence  of  party  fpirit,  but  un- 
der that  impreflion  which  ariies  from  deliberation  and  reflection. 
This  is  the  teft  to  which  every  honeft  man  is  willing  to  fubmit  his 
conduct,  and  though  he  may  have  borne  the  contumely  of  his  en- 
emies with  a  filent  indignation,  yet  he  muft  feel  a  confolation,  that 
the  period  muft  foon  arrive,  when  actions  and  principles,  inftead  of 
calumny  and  reproach,  will  be  admitted  as  the  evidences  of  his  in- 
tegrity. Art  and  intrigue,  threats  and  defamation,  will  no  longer 
be  wielded  as  the  menacing  weapons  to  deprive  a  tradefman  of  his 
employment ;  nor  the  horrors  of  a  diftrefled  family  be  ufed  as  argu- 
ments to  oblige  a  citizen  to  vote  and  act  contrary  to  his  fentiments. 
Thank  God  !  this  day  of  political  perfecution  is  near  over  j  info- 
lence  begins  to  lower  his  creft,  and  though  here  and  there  we  fee 
its  fliadow,  with  fome  traits  of  its  former  arrogance,  yet  its  fallow 
countenance  befpeaks  the  feeblenefs  of  its  future  operations.  With 
great  propriety  we  can  exclaim  with  the  Prophet,  as  it  applies  to 
the  circumftances  of  many,  who  grew  fat  and  kicked,  "  How  has 
the  gold  become  dim,  and  how  has  the  moft  fine  gold  changed. 
Their  prophets  have  prophefied  falfely,  and  their  pricjls  bear  rule 
by  their  means — and  my  people  love  to  have  it  Jot  but  what  will  ye 
do  in  the  end  thereof  V* 


It  On  the  British  Treaty.  No.  II. 


No.  II. 

ON    THE    BRITISH    TREATY. 

X  HE  tranfactions  of  this  town,  on  the  fubject  of  the  treaty, 
"were  fo  unprecedented,  that  a  mere  relation  of  them  at  this  diftant 
period,  cannot  but  carry  conviction  of  the  impropriety  of  our 
conduct. 

Notwithftanding  the  legal  meafure  originally  adopted  by  the 
town,  in  bearing  their  teflimony  againft  the  treaty,  yet  a  number 
of  perfons  formed  themfelves  into  a  "  felf-creatcd  committee,"  and 
early  in  the  morning  patroled  the  flreets,  and  by  unjuflifiable  means 
obtained  a  large  number  of  fubferibers,  in  favour  of  immediate  ap- 
propriations being  made  to  carry  the  fame  into  operation.  Inflcad 
of  calling  upon  their  fellow-citizens  in  a  legal  tozvn-meeting,  they 
took  the  advantage  of  the  fears  and  apprehenfions  of  individuals, 
and  thereby  increafed  their  fubfeription-paper,  not  by  the  deliberate 
determination  of  the  inhabitants,  but  by  ibatlperfonal  influence,  which 
their  pre-eminent  fituation  gdvc  them  over  the  judgment  of  thofe 
to  whom  they  applied. 

On  a  queflion  fo  important,  and  on  which  the  town  had  previ- 
oufly  acted,  it  was  incumbent  on  thofe  gentlemen  of  the  committee, 
to  call  another  meeting  of  the  inhabitants,  that  the  fubject  might 
be  candidly  debated  and  maturely  confidered  : — That  the  town  in 
its  corporate  capacity  might  hear  the  arguments  in  favour,  and  in  op- 
pofition  to  the  meafure  : — That  each  man  might  be  able  to  judge 
and  act,  according  to  the  weight  of  reafoning  offered  on  both 
fides  : — That  free  difcuffion,  inftead  of  threats  and  menaces,  fhould 
be  the  criterion  on  which  the  mind  fhould  decide.  This  mode  of 
conduct  would  have  been  fair  and  candid,  and  no  reflections  could 
afterwards  have  been  thrown  on  any  one,  whatever  might  have 
been  the  ifTue  of  the  bufmefs.  It  would  have  fhewn  a  difpofltion 
for  reconciliation,  and  given  an  opportunity  for  each  citizen  to 
ftate  his  objections. 

It  may  here  be  anfwered,  that  a  town-meeting  was  called,  and 
that  the  fubject  was  debated  in  a  legal  affembly  of  the  citizens. — 
But,  after  the  committee  had  accomplifhed  their  ohjeB,  by  obtain- 
ing twelve  or  thirteen  hundred  fubferibers,  the  pitblic  mind  had  by 


No.  II.  On  the  British  Tr.sty.  1 3 

this  meafure  been  fo  far  pre-engaged,  that  it  placed  the  bufinefs  be- 
fore the  town,  in  a  very  different  pofition,  than  if  iuch  a  proce- 
dure had  not  taken  place.  After  men  had  figned  to  a  paper  in 
favour  of  the  treaty,  it  was  too  great  a  challenge  on  their  pride,  to 
expect  that  they  would  renounce  in  public,  what  they  had  thus  done 
in  private.  This  whole  tianfaction  was,  if  I  may  ttfe  the  exprel- 
fion,  forjfaHcd,  previous  to  the  town-meeting  being  called  ;  and 
the  advocates  for  the  treaty  evidently  felt  their  fecurity  in  cairying 
their  vote,  from  the  peculiar  conduct  which  they  afuimed  on  this 
occaflon.  The  debates  were  carried  on,  with  that  hmtieur  of  iclf- 
coniidence,  as  fully  evinced,  that  they  knew  what  would  be  the  final 
ifTue  of  the  queftion.  Clamour,  and  other  indecencies,  fo  fir 
drowned  the  voice  of  the  oppofers  of  the  freaty,  that  even  the 
thunder  of  a  Stcntor,  would  have  been  as  feeble  in  the  tumult,  as 
the  whifpers  cf  an  infant.  From  thefe  circurnftances,  therefore,  the 
town-meeting  was  rendered  entirely  ufelefs,  as  it  refpected  an  unli- 
cjfid "niihjligation  of  the  fubject  on  which  they  had  aflexhbled  ;  and  the 
whole  tranfaction  mull,  on  cool  reflection,  be  confidcred  (as  it  relates 
tofome)  as  the  efforts  of  an  overbearing  party,  to  counteract,  by 
undue  means,  the  legal  meafures  of  the  town  at  their  previous 
meeting. 

It  may  be  obferved  by  fome,  that  it  is  unnecefTary  at  this  dis- 
tance of  time,  to  recount  die  doings  of  individuals  on  this  occa*. 
fion,  as  what  they  then  did,  cannot  nozv  be  remedied.  But,  when 
•re  reflect,  how  far  political  characters  have  been  eftimated,  by 
their  opinions  on  this  queftion  ;  what  abuiive  fcurrility  has  been 
incefTantly  heaped  upon  thofe,  who  dared  to  fpeak  their  fentinents, 
— it  may  not  be  improper  to  mention  thefe  diings,  by  iviiy  of  rennm- 
brance,  in  order  to  (hew,  that  however  partv  spirit  might  at 
that  period  gain  fuch  an  afcendancy,  as  to  injure  the  reputation  of 
individuals,  yet,  that  the  oumi  has  proved  their  opponents  to  be 
in  the  wrong.  The  apprehenfions  of  the  inutility  of  this  inftru-. 
ment,  and  the  diftruft  of  its  beneficial  operation,  were  the  princi- 
pal caufes  which  originated  the  oppofition  to  its  adoption.  The 
venerable  Samuel  Adams  declared  in  his  fpeech  to  the  legislature 
of  MafTachufetts,  that  "  it  was  pregnant  with  evils  ;"  and  Prefix 
dent  Washington  faid  alfo,  that  "  it  was  pregnant  with  events." 
The  former  with  a  prophetic  fpirit,  dreaded  its  confequences,  and 
the  latter  hefitated  as  to  its  falutary  effects.     Such  were  the  cha-c 


14  On  the  British  Treaty.  No.  II. 

rafters,  that  halted,  and  paufed  over  this  important  instrument ; 
how  ungenerous  then  has  been  the  abufe  which  thofe  have  receiv- 
ed, who  exprefled  their  doubts,  when  fuch  fages  were  thus 
agitated  ? 

The  prefent  Situation  in  which  we  are  placed,  is  a  ftrong  evi- 
dence, that  the  benefits  anticipated  from  the  treaty  are  vain  and 
delufive.  The  commiflioners  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
have  feceded  from  the  claims  of  the  Brilifli.  This  is  a  proof  the 
demands  muR  have  been  fo  unreafonable  that  MeSTrs.  Fitz Sim- 
mons and'SiTGREAYEs  could  not  juflify  themfelves  in  acceding  to 
them.  NotwithRanding  thefe  gentlemen  were  warm  advocates  in 
its  favour,  yet  on  an  attempt  to  liquidate  the  fyflem  of  Settlement, 
they  are  obliged  to  relinquish  the  bufinefs.  NotwithRanding  the 
government  have  made  all  their  neceflary  appropriations,  and  fub- 
mitted  the  whole  tranfaction  to  the  friends  of  the  treaty,  yet  when  they 
come  to  act  on  the  Subject,  the  impropriety  of  the  claims  and  the 
extent  of  the  demands,  are  fo  glaringly  improper,  they  are  forced 
to  fufpend  the  negociation.  If  thefe  gentlemen  are  confounded 
(who  are  fo  favorably  inclined  towards  the  treaty)  what  muR  we 
think  of  the  nature  of  the  claims  ?  If  they  could  not  tranfact  the 
bufinefs,  who  among  us  can  expect  to  do  it  ?  If  the  British  com- 
missioners will  perfiR  in  oppofition  to  thefe  gentlemen,  to  whom 
will  they  condefcend  to  comply  i  The  objections  by  thefe  gentle- 
men muR  be  of  the  greateR  magnitude,  otherwife  they  would  not  ven- 
ture to  derange  and  fufpend  fo  important  a  bufinefs.  The  treaty  is 
now  placed  on  their  Shoulders,  as  it  has  gone  through  every  de- 
partment of  government,  and  it  reRs  with  them  to  bring  it  to  a 
clofe.  They  muR  have  flrong  reafons  why  they  have  feceded  ; 
the  property  of  the  merchants  is  fufpended  on  their  decifion  ;  mil- 
lions now  lay  in  the  Britiih  courts,  waiting  the  fulfilment  of  our 
treaty.  AmidR  fuch  anxious  expectations,  our  commifEoners  muft 
be  led  by  arguments  the  moR  cogent,  to  break  off  from  this  nego- 
ciation. We  muR  conclude,  when  fuch  men  hejitate,  that  "  the 
treaty  is  pregnant  with  evils,"  and  that  they  dread  its  confequences. 
No  fmall  consideration  could  fuSFer  them  to  delay  a  moment  ;  but 
to  fecede  and  difperfe,  carries  in  it  an  appearance  of  the  moft 
alarming  nature  ;  or  at  leafi,  in  the  words  of  General  Washing- 
ton, "  it  is  pregnant  with  events." 

What  then,  fellow-citizens,  fhall  we  fay  to  thefe  things  ?  After 


No.  Ill'  On  the  Dangers  of  passive  Obedience.  i$ 

every  exertion  mnde  by  its  advocates — after  Mr.  Pickering  was 
fo  ftrenuous  for  its  ratification,  as  to  declare  that  all  was  "  thrown 
into  the  wind,"  if  it  was  not  effected — after  the  violent  meafures  pur- 
fued  to  intimidate  all  who  were  in  the  opposition — after  the  "  felf- 
created  committee"  in  Bofton,  had  ranfacked,  early  in  the  morning, 
every  part  of  the  town,  and  difturbed  the  pious  citizens  in  their 
family  devotions — after  the  abufe  of  MefTrs.  Gallatin,  Living- 
ston and  others,  for  prefuming  to  offer  a  reafon  againft  it — after 
all  the  huzzas  and  exultation  on  Succeeding  in  this  bufmefs, — is  it 
not  ftxange  that  when  it  was  left  to  MefTrs.  Fitzsimmons  and  Sit- 
greaves, (two  of  its  moft  ftrenuous  advocates)  the  whole  fhould 
be  "  thrown  into  the  wind,"  by  them,  and  that  they  are  the  per- 
fons  to  difcover  its  fallacy  and  deception  ? 

This  is  a  moft  curious  circumftance.  What  muft  the  "  fclf- 
crcated  committee"  in  Bofton  think  of  this  ?  If  they  were  fo  irritat- 
ed at  a  few  obfervations  againft  the  treaty,  what  muft  be  their 
opinion  of  MefTrs.  Sitgreaves  and  Fitzsimmons  ?  Thefe  gentle- 
men have  ftruck  radically  at  the  bufmefs  ;  they  have  forgot  your 
zeal  in  making  the  appropriations,  and  if  one  of  the  oppolers  had 
told  you  in  town  -meeting,  that  the  treaty  would  be  fufpended  in  its 
operation,  by  its  friends,  you  would  have  redoubled  your  clamours 
inhiffing  him  from  the  fanctum  fan&orum  of  the  Old  South. 

Not  to  purfue,  for  the  prefenf,  this  fubjecl  any  further,  we  can- 
not but  flatter  omfelves,  that  the  characters  of  men  will  be  duly 
appreciated,  and  that  Congrefs  in  their  next  feffion  will  call  on  our 
commiflioncrs'/tfr  the  reafvns  of  their  feceding.  It  is  a  qucftion  too 
interefting  in  its  nature  to  be  confined  within  the  breads  of  MefTrs. 
Fitzsimmons  and  Sitgreaves.  If  government  have  done  their 
duty,  and  the  "  felf-created  committee"  in  Bofton  have  done  their 
duty,  why  is  the  bufmefs  of  the  treaty  fufpended  ?  The  wifdem  of 
the  executive,  aided  by  the  refolution  of  the  legiflature,  wc  truft, 
will  reconcile  thefe  Teeming  contradictions. 


No.  III. 

ON    THE    DANGERS    OF    PASSIVE    OBEDIENCE. 

X  HE  pride  of  every  freeman  muft  recoil  at  the  difgraceful  way* 
and  means,  taken  by  thofe  who  have  the  effrontery  to  claim  the  ex* 


ft  On  die  Dangers  cf  passive  C  No.  lit. 

clufive  title  tif  federalifts,  to  obtain  profelytes  to  their  meafures  ; 
and  the   infaifl  \  ~ed  by  the  tools  of  this  party,  cannot 

but  e  ry  man,  who  duly  eftimates  the 

character  and  dignity  of  an  independent  citizen. 

Paffive  obedience,  not  only  in  principle,  but  In  practice,  is  the 
teft  by  which  the  patronage  (  f  thefe  perfons  is  to  be  gained  ;  and 
"without  the  moft  humiliating  fublerviency  to  all  their  plans,  no 
man  is  fecure  againft  the  utmoft  extent  of  their  perfecution  and  de- 
traction. Knowing  the  bafenefs  of  their  views,  they  are  afiaid  to 
truft  to  the  deliberate  and  unbiased  judgment  of  the  public,  but 
depending  altogether  on  deception,  they  take  every  method  to 
k  an  inveftigation  of  their  conduct,  and  by  terror  and  tli-eats 
accomplifh  thofe  purpofe's,'  which  otherwife  would  be  flifled  in 
embryo. 

This  is  a  pichirefque  defcriptinn  of  i  p^rty,  who  have  been  af- 
fiduous  in  controling  the  public  mind.  (  They  have,  for  a  num- 
ber of  years  pad,  been  active  in  bearing  down  every  man,  who 
dared  to  act  or  even  think  contrary  to  their  opinion.  Every  vile 
calumny  has  been  propagated  againft  characters,  whole  indepen- 
dence of  mind  would  not  fufrer  themfclves  to  become  the  dupes  of 
a  junto,  whofe  only  claim  to  be  obeyed,  confided  in  the  perempto- 
ry infolence  of  their  demands,  and  the  audacious  arrogance  with 
which  they  profecuted  their  meafures. 

In  a  government  like  our  own,  it  is  but  fair  and  reafonable 
that  every  citizen  Ihould  be  entitled  to  act  and  think  independent 
of  the  influence  of  a  "  fAf-created"  body  of  dictators.  But  unfor- 
tunately the  times  have  produced  a  let  of  men,  who  prefume  to 
take  a  rank  above  the  common  level  of  the  people,  and  becaufe 
they  have  acquired,  by  {peculation,  ufury,  and  other  accidental  clr- 
cwnfi-mces,  a  larger  proportion  of  property  than  many  of  their 
neighbours,  they  think  they  have  a  right  to  infringe  on  the  privi- 
leges of  thofe,  whom  they  ignominioufly  defignate  as  the  lower  clefs 
of  the  community. 

This  ariftocratical  junto  cannot  however  obtain  that  rever- 
ence of  character  which  they  are  aiming  to  acquire.  The  good 
fenfe  of  the  citizens  will  ever  appreciate  their  worth,  as  the  means 
by  which  fome  of  them  have  rifen  to  their  prefent  elevation,  are  in 
fo  many  inftances  derogatory  to  their  reputation,  that  even  the 


No.  III.  On  the  Dangers  of  passive  Obedience.  iq 

brilliancy  of  their  outfide  deportment,  cannot  conceal  the  black- 
nefs  of  their  inward  depravity. 

For  the  moft  part,  the  meafures  of  this  pretended  federal  corps 
are  matured  within  a  "  fmall  party,"  emphatically  ftiled  the 
Essex  Junto;  and  after  they  have  paiTed  the  ordeal  of  thefe  choice 
Spirits,  are  brought  forward  with  as  much  folemnity  as  a  young 
child  to  be  chriftened.  The  plans  thus  adjufted  by  this  primary 
afiembly,  are  laid  before  another  order,  (promifcuoufly  aflembled 
in  a  well  noted  place  of  refort)  for  their  bcnediclion,  and  from  thence 
are  tranfmitted  through  various  channels,  confiftirig  of  runners, 
dependants,  fycophants,  and  hirelings,  till  at  length  the  whole  fu- 
perftrucTure  rifes  into  view,  with  as  much  facility  as  the  machinery 
of  an  Harlequin  exhibition.  The  different  fchemes  adopted  to  ef- 
fect their  purpofes  are  worthy  notice  :  one  man  is  threatened,  and 
another  coaxed — one  is  promifed  a  vaft  employment  in  his  bufmefs, 
while  another  is  told  that  he  will  be  deprived  of  the  little  he  has  al- 
ready got — fome  are  placed  on  the  vi/ionary  lift  of  preferment,  and 
the  high  founding  titles  of  Colonel,  Captain,  Lieutenant,  and  En- 
fign,  are  fufficiently  enchanting  to  fecure  a  great  number  on  this 
alluring  profpect.  Every  wheel  is  fet  in  motion,  and  even  the  infig- 
nificant,  childifh  bauble  of  a  cockade,  is  exhibited  as  a  token  of  fcr- 
vile  fubmiffion  to  all  the  dogmatical  mandates,  and  grofs  impofi- 
tions,  which  this  fupercilious  junto  are  pleafed  to  enjoin.  No  de- 
pendance  however  is  to  be  placed  on  their  affurances  ;  for,  after  they 
have  anfwered  their  purpofes,  they  leave  their  votaries  a  prey  to 
chagrin  and  difappointment.-  Neither  are  they  more  faithful  to 
each  other,  for  if  any  accident,  arifmg  either  from  an  unfortunate 
fpeculation  or  mercantile  tranfaclion,  creates  the  lead  fufpicion, 
they  purfue  each  other  with  the  moft  unrelenting  feverity. 

Thus,  during  the  controverfy  on  the  treaty,  every  artful 
means  was  pracrifed  to  intimidate  the  honeft  tradefmen.  Some  of 
this  party  had  the  impudence  to  threaten  an  induftrious  citizen 
with  a  deprivation  of  his  whole  bufmefs.  Every  little  contemptible 
art  was  practifed  to  obtain  fignatures  to  many  of  their  fubferip- 
tion  papers.  Boys  in  their  non-age,  and  old  men  in  their  dotage,  were 
forced  to  enrol  their  names,  to  fwell  the  lift  of  fubferibers.  They 
even  deceived  the  Prefident  and  Congrefs,  in  the  number  exhibited 
on  their  fcroll  ;  for  inftead  of  free  and  independent  citizens,  » 
C 


issive  Obedience,  No.  Ill, 

re  obliged  to  fubmit  to  the  :-  ipn,  fj    man  ap« 

prehenfion  of;  g  family,  rather  than  from  a  difpoiition  in 

it  of  a  paper  the  contents  of  which  they  held  in  ft  ab- 

horrenc*.  TV  names  of  this  Committee,  (fuch  ;:s  ufed  unfair 
^btain  fignatures)  ought  to  be  known  to  the  public,  and 
read  yearly  in  our  town-meeting,  to  imprcis  on  the  minds  of  the 
people  the  dangerous  tendency  of  a  felf-created  junto,  in  impofmg 
on  the  fears  of  the  citizens,  and  in  attempting  to  deceive,  by  falfer 
representations,  the  constituted  authorities  of  the  United  Slates. 

The  mot  virulent  abide  was  conftantly  offered  in  die  papers 
under  this  influence,  to  all  fuch  pcrfons  as  refufed  to  comply  with 
their  arrogant  requisition  ;  and  every  one  was  treated  with  the 
moft  pointed  indignity,  who  dated  to  exprefs  a  fentiment  in 
opposition  to  their  fyftem  of  terror. 

In  juftice,  however,  to  a  few  who  acted  in  this  bufinefs,  we  are 
willing  to  exercife  a  candour,  in  believing  they  undertook  it  from 
the  pureft  motives,  though  without  maturely  confidering  the 
importance  of  the  fubject.  The  difference  between  fuch  characters, 
and  the  htghjlylng  Terrorjjls,  is  eafdy  diftinguifhable,  and  charity 
draws  a  veil  over  their  conduct.  But,  it  may  with  truth  be  faid, 
that  in  no  inftance,  was  the  honour  of  die  town,  and  the  liberties  of 
the  citizens  more  grofsly  violated  than  in  this  tranfaction. 

However  unpleafing  the  recollection  of  pad  events  may  be,  yet, 
when  we  reflect  on  the  nature  and  tendency  of  fuch  unjuflifiable  me- 
thods, to  control  the  unwary  and  terrify  the  timid — how  deftructive 
to  the  unbiaiTcd  exercife  of  freedom  and  deliberation,  when  the  mid- 
dling clafles  of  citizens  are  expofed  to  the  perfonal  application  of 
men,  whofe  pecuniary  htjluence  clogs  every  avenue  of  inveftigation— 
when  poverty  is  made  an  argument  to  enforce  a  compliance  with 
their  demands,  what  more  effectual  fyftem  can  be  adopted  to  def- 
troy  that  independent  fpirit,  which  is  the  bafis  of  a  republican 
government  ?  If  this  mode  of  conduct  is  permitted  with  impunity, 
inftead  of  that  dignified  deportment,  which  ever  characterifes  the 
tradefmen  of  this  metropolis,  we  have  reafon  to  fear  that  this  val- 
uable body  of  citizens  will  foon  be  placed  in  that  degraded  fitua- 
tipn,  as  to  obliterate  every  trait  of  their  former  refpectability. 

Let  us  then,  fellow-citizens,  hereafter  be  jealous  ofthefe  viola- 
tors of  our  freedom,  and  watch  with  hawk-eyed  penetration  their 
future  movements,  left,  under  the  mafk  of  exclusive  federalism. 


No.  IV.  Monarchy  and  RepubUcanifm. 

» 
they  may  fubftantiate  a  fyftem  which  may  give  then  caufe  ei  ex- 
ultation, and  you  of  grief,  "  at  a  future  day." 

Ma_.  heaven  "  infatuate  and  defeat  their  councils,  abate  their 
pride,  aflua;  malice,  and  confound t^ieir  devices  !"' 


No.  IV. 

M<  [V    AND    REPUBLICANISM. 

JL  HE  prefent  conte't  in  Europe  is  not  merely  as  it  refpects, 
France  and  the  combined  powers,  but  as  it  relates  to  the  great  prin- 
ciples of  Monarchy  and  Republicanifm  thioughout  the  world. — 
Thij  has  been  openly  avowed  by  the  Britifli  miniftry  in  the  Houfe 
of  Commons.  The  reftoration  of  the  monarchy  of  France,  and 
the  fubverilcn  of  their  prefent  republican  government,  are  the  ob- 
jects contemplated  by  the  Britifli  government  in  their  prefent  oper- 
ations. It  is  therefore  a  ivar  of  principle,  on  the  iiTue  of  which  de- 
pends the  happinefs  and  freedom  of  mankind,  as  founded  on  this 
bafis. 

This  being  granted,  we  cannot  but  view  with  indignation  the 
man  who  affects  a  total  indifference  as  to  the  ultimate  decifion  on 
fo  important  a  queflion.  It  has  of  late  become  very  fafhionable 
to  reprobate  both  France  and  Britain,  particularly  among  thofe 
who  ftile  themfelves  Moderates.  How  often  do  we  hear  fuch  cha- 
racters exclaim,  "  Lei  the  contending  powers  fight  on,  it  is  of  no  confe* 
quence  to  America  which  of  them  proves  tvitlorious.,y  This  is  a  fatal 
miftakc — it  is  of  importance  to  the  United  States  whether  the  prin- 
ciples of  Monarchy  mould  prevail  over  thofe  of  Republicanifm,  as 
the  future  profperily  of  this  country  is  involved  in  the  controverfy. 
If  the  republic  of  France  fhould  be  fubverted,  can  it  be  fuppofed 
that  the  republic  of  America  *  -ould  long  furvive  the  cataftrophe  ?  If 
England  conceives  it  neceflary  to  exterminate  in  France  a  fyftem  of 
government  founded  on  the  bafis  of  republicanifm,  is  it  probable 
they  would  view  the  fame  principles  prevailing  in  America,without 
jealoufy  and  diftruft  ?  If  they  have  involved  themfelves  in  a  debt  of 
millions  to  carry  on  a  monarchic  crufade  in  Europe,  can  we  fuppofe 
they  would  fet  down  quietly  and  obferve  with  an  eye  of  compla* 


23  Monarchy  and  Republic  anifm.  No.  IV. 

cency,  the  rifing  glory  of  the  American  Republic  ?  If  it  is  a  war  of 
principle,  will  they  fuffcr  the  lead  Spark  of  Republicanism  to  re- 
main unextinguished  ;  or  rather,  after  having  annihilated  the  flame 
in  Europe,  will  they  not  exert  their  invigorated  energies  to  oblit- 
erate every  trait  in  America,  which  bears  its  image  or  fuperfcrip- 
tion  ?  Would  the  Monarch  of  France  and  the  King  of  England 
ever  be  reconciled  to  the  prefent  establishment  of  our  government, 
when  the  principles  of  our  revolution  had  roufed  the  Subjects  of 
the  former  to  dethrone  his  predecejfor,  and«obliged  the  latter  to  ac- 
knowledge cur  Sovereignty  and  independence  ?  Depend  on  it, 
America  will  be  viewed  as  the  hot-bed  of  sedition,  and 
the  combined  Monarchs  would  confider  their  work  but  half  com- 
pleted, while  they  Suffered  the  feeds  to  flourish  within  the  climate 
of  the  United  States.  The  obligation  under  which  Britain  would 
lay  France,  (if  Monarchy  Should  again  be  reftored)  would  ever 
make  her  fubfervient  to  the  views  of  England,  and  the  hatred  of 
Britain  would  be  profecuted  againjl  us,  with  the  additional  weight 
of  France  to  haften  our  destruction.  The  power  cf  the  Britiih  gov- 
ernment would  be  encr'eafed  in  proportion  to  the  Strength  of 
France,  and  America  would  be  obliged  to  Stand  alone  in  opposi- 
tion to  their  combined  efforts.  France,  inftead  of  Supporting  our 
independence,  would.become  an  ally  with  Britain  to  annihilate  it. 

By  obferving  the  various  publications  in  this  country,  during 
the  European  controyerfy,  it  is  clear  that  many  perfons  among  our- 
felves  have  anticipated  the  fuccejfes  of  the  coalition  as  introductory  to 
a  monarchical  and  ariStocratical  SyStem  in  America.  For  thefe 
purpofes  the  "  Difcourfes  on  Davila"  Seem  fully  calculated.  The 
pageantry  of  Royalty  has  been  held  up  with  a  reverence,  Solely 
intended  to  recommend  this  form  to  our  approbation.  Numerous 
writers  have  openly  advocated  this  mode  of  government,  and 
many  individuals,  without  hesitation,  have  avowed  their  Senti- 
ments in  favor  of  its  adoption.  The  newSpapers  under  the  direc- 
'  tion  of  this  party,  have  been  more  afliduous  to  propagate  the  fuc- 
ceSTes  of  the  combined  powers,  than  even  the  Royal  Gazette  of 
London  ;  and  the  observations  which  accompanied  their  "  glori- 
ous news"  were  generally  fraught  with  invectives  againft  Repub- 
licanism and  encomiums  on  Monarchy.  It  muft  be  evident,  by 
retracing  the  publications  which  have  appeared  within  twelve 
months  paSt,  that  the  expectations  of  a  certain  junto  in  this  country 


No.  IV.  Monarchy  and  Rcpublicanifm.  zi 

were  highly  elated  at  the  profpect  cf  a  total  annihilation  of 
Republicanifm  in  Europe,  and  fondly  anticipated  its  fall  within 
the  United  States.  Though  lome  of  them  have  not  had  the 
temerity  to  declare  openly  in  favor  of  a  King  and  Nobility,  yet  they 
have  been  defirous  fo  to  extend  the  powers  of  the  Executive,  and 
contract  thofe  cf  the  Legiflative,  that  the  difference  between  the 
Britifh  government  and  our  own  would  be  only  nominal. 

From  all  thefe  circumitances  the  conclufion  is  fairly  drawn, 
that  the  principle  of  Monarchy  and  Repuhlicanifm  is  involved  in  the 
controverfy  between  France  and  the  combined  powers.  Where 
then  is  the  American  who  can  view  with  indifference  the  ultimate 
decifion  of  fo  interefting  a  queftion  ?  Can  thofe  who  fought  and 
bled  to  acquiie  thofe  ineftimable  privileges,  which  are  the  bafis  of 
a  Republican  Conftitution,  behold  with  frigid  apathy  the  contend- 
ing armies  in  Europe,  or  exprefs  an  unconcerned  "  impartiality" 
whether  victory  is  more  propitious  to  one  fide  than  to  the  other  ? 
Would  it  be  plcafing  to  obferve  the  ftandard  of  Monarchy  erected 
on  the  ruins  of  the  Baftile,  and  millions  of  unhappy  vidims  falling 
facrifices  to  the  vengeance  of  an  incenfed  defpot,  and  a  numerous 
body  of  enraged  nobility  and  bloody  priefts  ?  After  contending 
againlt  the  combined  exertions  of  nearly  all  Europe  ;  after  dif- 
playing  the  mofl  brilliant  exploits  of  heroifm  and  bravery,  againfl 
the  mercenary  banditti  of  Britifh  hirelings,  is  it  poffible  that  any 
American  can  feel  a  lukewarm  indifference,  whether  the  barbarous 
Suwarrow  or  the  humane  Bonaparte  fhould  reap  the  laurels  of 
the  controverfy  ?  whether  Maffena  fhould  grace  the  triumphs  of 
this  favage,  or  lead  him,  bound  in  chains,  as  a  fpeftacle  of  horror 
and  deteftation  ? 

Yes,  fellow-citizens,  there  are  fome  who  call  themfelves  Amer- 
icans, who  have  anticipated  the  pleafing  idea  that  Bonaparte 
would  ere  long  be  in  irons,  and  Suwarrow  drove  in  a  triumphal 
car  through  the  llreets  of  Paris.  How  often  have  our  papers 
been  difgraced  with  eulogies  on  this  beaft  of  prey.  Even  the  feftive 
board  has  refounded  in  approving  plaudits  at  the  name  of  a  mon- 
fter,  whole  character  is  ftained  with  the  blood  of  helplefs  matrons 
and  weeping  infants.  The  ghofts  of  murdered  innocents,  it 
might  have  been  expected  on  Inch  occafions,  would  have  (talked 
before  the  inhuman  wretch  who  applauded  this  affaflin,  and  dallied 
the  glafs  from  the  trembling  hand  of  him,  who  thus  dared  to  pro- 


It 


On   Washington's  Legacy.  No.  V. 


fane  their  memory  and  fmile  over  their  tombs.  But  however 
discordant  it  may  be  to  the  feelings  of  the  human  heart,  to  obfervc 
even  a  bacchanalian  in  his  cups  giving  fuch  evidences  of  depravity, 
yet  the  pain  is  increafed  tenfold  in  obferving  the  fair  daughters  of 
America  admitting  the  name  of  this  demoniac  to  defignate  any 
ornament  of  their  attire.  The  name  of  SUWARROW,  is  more 
naturally  attached  to  a  dagger  and  a  poichard,  than  to  a  lady's 
head-drefs.  It  may  alio  be  a  defirable  toaft  within  a  banditti  of 
robbers  ;  and  the  hall  of  Pandemonium  (during  the  caroufals  of 
the  infernals)  might  with  propriety  refound  with  the  name  of  a 
wretch,  whole  wickednefs  gives  him  a  claim  to  dilpute  precedency 
even  with  BELZEBUB.  Civilization  is  become  too  refined  to 
venerate  any  circle,  that  admits  this  bead  of  prey  among  the  char- 
afters  they  celebrate. 

It  is  natural,  fellow-citizens,  that  the  enemies  of  our  revolution 
mould  mourn  at  the  victories  of  the  French  republic.  The  old 
fpirit  of  '75  ftill  corrodes  their  bofoms  ;  and  they  yet  feel  that 
refentment  againfl  the  name  of  a  Frenchman,  which  boiled  in  their 
breads  when  they  were  fighting  with  Wafhington  againfl  the 
armies  of  Britain.  Thefe  men,  would  then  have  flabbed  the  im- 
mortal Wafhington  with  as  much  fatisfacVion  as  they  would  now 
facrifice  Bonaparte.  Monarchy  is  their  object,  and  whoever  flands 
in  the  path  which  leads  to  the  goal,  muft  expect  the  utmofl  ven- 
geance of  their  difpleafure.  Thank  heaven,  the  fnare  is  broken, 
and  we  have  efcaped ! 


No.  V. 

on  Washington's  legacy. 

IT  is  remarkable,  that  the  "  legacy"  (fo  called)  of  Gen.  Wash- 
xngton,  mould  be  recommended  to  the  perufal  of  the  citizens,  by 
thofe  who  act  fo  contrary  to  the  advice  contained  in  that  publi- 
cation, and  who  advocate  meafures  in  direct  oppofition  to  the  prin- 
ciples which  he  recommends. 

The  prominent  features  of  this  farewel  Addrefs,  are  confpic- 
uous  in  three  important  points — ift,  UNION  of  the  States.     This 


No.  V.  On   Washington 's  L-  23 

is  confidered  by  him  fo  eflential  that  he  dius  expreffes  himfelf : 
"  We  have  rcafon  to  diitruft  the  patriotifm  of  thofe,  who  in  any 
quarter  may  endeavour  to  iveakcn  its  bands."  The  fecond  is,  his 
difapprobation  of  MILITARY  ESTABLISHMENTS,  which, 
he  declares,  "  under  any  form  of  government,  are  inaufpicious  to 
libeity,  and  are  to  be  regarded  as  particularly  hoftile  to  republican  lib- 
erty:7 The  3d  is,  ECONOMY  IN  PUBLIC  EXPENDI- 
TURES ;  "  not  throwing  upon  poflerity  the  burthen  which  we 
ourfelvcs  ought  to  bear."  Thefe  are  the  cardinal  points,  on  which 
our  deceafed  friend  emphatically  places  the  happinefs,  profperity, 
and  independence  of  the  United  Stales. 

In  order,  therefore,  to  fhew  the  propriety  of  the  medium  through 
which  the  "  legacy  of  Gen.  Waihington"  is  recommended,  we  are 
led  to  examine  the  fentiments  inculcated  by  thofe,  who  now  invoke 
the  citizens  to  a  consideration  of  the  fubjecl.  For  a  number  of 
years  paft,  the  writers  in  thofe  papers  have  continued  in  one 
conftant  ftrain  of  invective  againft  fome  of  the  mod  important 
States  in  the  Union.  Every  term  of  reproach,  every  epithet  of 
abhorrence,  every  fpecies  of  calumny  and  detraction,  have  been 
heaped  upon  them.  In  many  of  thofe  papers  (efpecially  in  Con- 
necticut) die  qucftion  of  feparation  between  the  Northern  and 
Southern  States  has  bean  ferioully  and  vehemently  agitated.  The 
great  coalition  of  the  federal  government  has  been  indecently  com- 
pared to  "  a  fow  with  a  litter  of  pigs,"  and  die  fovereignty  of  each 
individual  State  has  been  confidered  as  a  monster,  which  ought  to 
be  execrated.  The  people,  in  their  elective  capacity,  have  been 
burlefqued,  a3  an  uninformed,  ignorant  banditti,  and  dieir  votes 
(tigmatized  with  the  odious  appelladon  of  "  dirty  pieces  of  paper." 
The  fubverfion  of  our  Conflitution  has  been  contemplated  by  an  He- 
reditary Prefideni  and  Senate,  and  die  UNION  of  the  States  has  been 
threatened  by  proportions  from  men  high  in  office,  to  alter  the  fun- 
damental principles  of  the  federal  government.  Sentiments  of  this 
nature  have  been  induftrioufly  propagated  by  fome,  who  now 
recommend  to  our  perufal  the  Legacy  of  our  deceafed  Washing- 
ton ;  and,  while  they  pretend  to  revere  his  memory  and  follow  Lis 
precepts,  arc  endeavouring  to  accompliih  mcafures  to  convulfe  and 
agonize  the  union  of  the  American  Confederation.  How  inconfift- 
ent  then  is  the  conduct  of  fuch  perfons,  with  the  advice  given  in 
die  addrefs  ? — This  party  have  ever  bsen  deJirous  to  feek  fhelter 


%\  On   Washington's  L  No.  V. 

under  die  wing  of  General  Wafhington,  and  on  all  occafions  are1 
making  an  infldious  ufe  of  his  fame  to  accomplilh  their  purpofes. 
They  pretend  to  be  his  friends ;  but  while  they  affect  a  friendfhip 
for  him,  they  are  affiduous  to  counteract  every  beneficent  fyftem 
which  he  recommends.  Union  of  the  States  was  with  him  an 
object  of  the  higheft  magnitude  :  but  difunion,  and  even  fepara- 
tion,  would  be  the  refult  of  their  projects.  He  confiders  the  dig- 
nity of  the  States  as  harmonizing  in  their  individual  capacity  ;  while 
thofe  perfons  view  them  as  a  menial  group,  defcriptive  only  by 
the  fordid  fimile  of  a  "  litter  of  pigs."  Can  fuch  people  be  con- 
fidered  in  unifon  with  Wafhington  ? 

As  a  further  pioof  of  the  difpofition  of  this  party,  in  oppofi- 
tion  to  the  Union  of  the  States,  is  the  abufe  we  daily  obferve  in 
particular  papers  offered  to  the  ftates  of  Pennfylvania,  Virginia 
and  Kentucky.  The  indecent  reflections  fo  conflantly  beftov.cd 
on  them,  for  an  exercife  of  their  oivn  fovereignty,  are  calculated  to  en- 
gender a  fpirit  of  animofity,  highly  prejudicial  to  that  "  Union" 
recommended  by  General  Wafhington.  Can  the  fpirit  of  patrio- 
tifm  influence  thofe,  who  are  endeavouring  to  excite  the  moft  ma- 
lignant paffions  and  thereby  raife  a  jealoufy  and  diftruft  between 
the  refpective  ftates  ? — Such  perfons  have  had  the  audacity  to  ftig- 
matize  the  majority  of  the  people  of  thofe  governments,  as  difor- 
ganizers,  enemies  to  order,  and  a  banditti  of  unprincipled  foreign- 
ers. This  kind  of  language  is  folely  calculated,  to  deftroy  every 
principle  of  cordiality,  and,  no  doubt,  is  intended  by  a  Britifh  fac- 
tion to  diffolve  that  amity  fo  effential  to  the  happinefs  and  prof- 
perity  of  the  Uni'ted  States.  Governor  M'Kcan  and  Governor 
Monroe,  have  been  treated  with  the  utmoft  fcurrility  ;  every  infa- 
mous epithet  has  been  ufed,  to  injure  and  depreciate  their  reputa- 
tion. Thefe  refpectable  States  have  been  held  up  as  the  hot-bed  of 
fedition,  and  we  daily  fee  the  grofTeft  reflections  upon  the  civil  and 
moral  character  of  their  fupreme  magiflrates. — What  can  be  the 
refult  of  all  this  virulence  and  defamation  ?  Will  it  not  bring 
on  public  and  private  animofity  ?  Will  it  not  weaken  that 
■  UNION,"  which  General  Wafhington  confiders  as  the  bands  of 
our  ftrength  and  fecurity  ? — We  muft  certainly  admit  thefe  States 
to  equal  rights  with  ourfelves  ;  how  irritating  then  muft  it  be  to  the 
citizens,  to  find  themfelves  calumniated  as  the  moft  deleftable  of 
mankind,  becaufe  they  have  chofen  to  exercife  their  privileges  \A 


No.  V.  On  Washington's  Legacy.  25 

the  choice  of  a  Governor  ?  We  have  never  found  them  ccnfurlng  us 
for  our  choice  ;  and  none  but  thofe,  who  conftitute  a  diforganizing 
parly  (falfely  ftyling  themfelves  federalifts)  would  nowhave  the  ef- 
frontery to  propagate  their  indecencies,  unlefs  with  a  view,  to  ef- 
fect die  wicked  and  deteftable  purpofes  of  difTolving  the  Union, 
and  counteracting  the  object,  fo  ferioufly  contemplated  in  the  lega- 
cy of  the  beloved  Wafliington. 

Fellow-Citizens — in  all  my  former  publications,  I  have  en- 
deavoured to  lay  before  you  facts,  in  order  that  you  may  draw 
fair  conclufions.  Impofition  has  too  long  been  a  weapon,  fuccefs- 
fully  wielded  by  thofe,  who  are  emphatically  defignated  as  afaftion, 
acting  under  the  immediate  control  of  a  Junto.  Such  perfons 
are  now  fhedding  their  crocodile  tears  over  the  tomb  of  Wafhing- 
ton.  They  are  lavifh  in  their  encomiums  on  his  virtues  and  patrl- 
otifm  ;  they  are  recommending  his  legacy  to  be  read  fo  loud,  as 
that  thofe  on  the  houfe  top  may  hear  it.  But  in  order  to  try  their 
faith,  by  their  -works,  examine  critically  their  conduct,  and  you  will 
foon  difcovcr  the  hollow  voice  of  diffimulation,  and  fraud.  While 
Wafhington  cries  "  UNION,"  they  are  vociferous  for  di/fenfon. 
While  he  endeavours  to  draw  the  bands  of  friendfhip  clofer,  they 
are  afliduous  to  diflblve  every  link  which  connects  the  federal 
chain.  While  Wafliington  recommends  peace  at  home,  they  are 
kindling  the  flame  of  interline  difcord,  and  doing  all  in  their  power 
to  create  an  animofity  little  fhort  of  a  civil  war,  between  the  north- 
ern and  fouthern  States.  The  meafures  taken  by  them,  may, 
fooner  than  we  are  aware,  produce  the  dreaded  evil.  Can  we  ex- 
pect that  Pcnnfylvania,  Virginia,  and  Kentucky  will  calmly  obferve 
the  indignities  offered  to  them  ?  Will  they  bear  with  complacency 
the  fcurrilous  language,  and  odious  epithets,  applied  to  their  legal 
proceedings,  in  many  of  our  papers  ?  Will  not  fuch  reiterated 
abufe  ferve  to  alienate  every  affectionate  attachment,  and  in  time 
produce  that  rancour  of  difpofition,  which  threatens  the  mod  feri- 
ous  confequences  ?  Such  an  event  would  be  pleating  to  this  invet- 
erate faction,  as  they  view  themfelves  reduced  to  the  laft  ftage  of 
defperation  ;  and,  as  they  find  that  the  European  controverfy  is  like- 
ly to  terminate  in  favour  of  republicanifm,  their  laft  refource  is,  to 
fow  difTenfion  between  the  refpective  States.  Abufc  and  fcurrility 
are  their  weapons  of  warfare,  and  fcreened  by  a  hypocritical  avew- 
D 


On  Wasli 'nglon's  Legacy.  No.  VI. 

al  of  their  attachment  to  the  deccafed  Wafhington,  they  prowl 
like  wolves  in  fhcep's  clothing,  to  take  an  advantage  of  every  oc- 
currence that  arifes.  How  many  of  thefe  modern  patriots,  who 
now  difplay  tlieir  infignia  of  grief  for  the  death  of  the  hero  of 
Mount  Vernon,  would,  in  the  days  of  our  revolutionary  troubles, 
have  rejoiced  to  fee  him  agonizing  on  the  heights  of  Bunker-Hill, 
and  expiring  in  the  arms  of  Warren  ? 

Recapitulation  and  reflection  are  ftrong  antidotes  to  their 
treachery.  • 

Let  us  then,  fellow-citizens,  while  reading  the  "  Legacy  of 
Wafhington,"  confider  it  as  an  inftrument  of  denunciation  againft 
the  arts  and  ftratagems  of  thefe  pretended  eulogizers  of  his  mem- 
ory. They  are  attempting  to  make  nfe  of  his  name  to  defixoy 
every  republican  principle  which  he  advocated.  They  are  defi- 
rous,  under  the  appellation  of  Wafhington's  friends,  to  unite  us 
with  that  nation,  in  oppofition  to  which,  our  lately  departed  hero, 
by  the  command  of  Congrefs,  arrayed  the  armies  of  America. 

If  Britain  had  fucceeded,  the  amiable  citizen,  whom  we  now 
deplore,  inftead  of  being  refpeciably  depofitcd  on  the  mores  of  the 
Potomack,  would  have  been  elevated  (in  company  with  the  pro- 
fcribed  Hancock  and  Adams)  as  an  object  of  derifion  within  the 
purlieus  of  Temple  Bar.  Let  us  contemplate  his  virtues  at  the 
trying  period  of  our  revolution,  and  let  us  imprefs  this  truth  on  the 
rising  generation-,  that  the  man  who  wifhes  to  ally  us  with  Bri- 
tain, cannot  be  a  friend  to  Wafhington.  We  never  can  efteem 
thofe,  who  aimed  a  dagger  at  his  breaft.  ,     ' 

May  the  tomb  of  this  beloved  Patriot  be  fprinkled  with  the 
tears  of  the  virtuous  Americans,  and  may  it  never  be  polluted 
by  thofe,  who  would  willingly  have  fhed  his  blood  at  the  time3 
which  "  tried  men's  souls"! 

The  other  points  enumerated  will  be  confidered  in  future 
papers. 


No.  VI. 

on  Washington's  legacy. 

Illustrious  Washington  i  the  Republican  Cm- 

zen  i  of  America  celebrate  thy  virtues,  not  ia  (trains  of  hypocritical 


No.  VI.  ®n   Washington's  Legacy.  |J| 

adulation,  nor  in  the  bumble  attitude  of  venal  fycophants,  but  we 
eulogize  tby  memory  in  tbofe  fublime  accents  of  veneration  which 
are  becoming  freemen,  when  commemorating  the  glorious  actions 
of  their  departed  patriots.  "While  performing  this  duty,  we  do  not 
call  to  our  aid  a  group  of  menial  flatterers,  whofe  diflimulation 
cannot  reflect  any  honour  on  thy  character  ;  for  as  thou  acquiredft 
thy  reputation  in  the  days  which  "  tried  men's  fouls,"  and  in  oppo- 
sition to  their  malevolence,  we  difown  their  perfidious  friendfhip,  and 
claim  the  exclufive privilege  of  exprefling  the  agonies  of  our  forrow  ; 
and  with  the  folcmnity  of  real  mourning  raoft  fmcerely  weep  over 
thy  grave.  When  the  enemies  of  the  American  revolution  ex- 
ultingly  anticipated  thy. fall,  and  rejoiced  at  thofe  difaflers  which 
like  daggers  goaded  thy  bofom  ;  when  the  faithful  band  of  Amer- 
ican Soldiers,  in  concert  with  the  troops  of  an  allied  nation,  were 
fuffering  thofe  hardfhips  and  toils  which  peculiarly  attended  the 
American  camp  ;  when  our  cities  were  in  flames,  and  the  diflreiT- 
ed  inhabitants  drove  from  their  dwellings  ;  when  every  face  turn- 
ed pale,  and  "  every  man's  hand  was  upon  his  thigh  ;"  at  thefe  ex- 
cruciating periods  of  public  calamity,  the  citizens  who  now  lament 
thy  exit  were  anxioufly  folicitous  for  thy  fafety,  and  with  fervent 
devotion  offered  up  their  prayers  to  heaven,  for  the  confummation 
of  thy  glory,  and  the  peace,  happinefs  and  independence  of  our  coun- 
try. While  thus  extolling  thy  pre-eminent  virtues,  we  cannot  but 
entwine  the  laurel  on  thy  brow,  and  tears  of  grief  which  now 
flow  on  this  forrowful  occalion,  are  thofe  fpontaneous  efFufions  of 
the  heart,  which  will  forever  embalm  thy  memory,  and  tranfmit 
thy  name  in  honourable  remembrance  to  future  generations. 

I  fhall  now,  fellow-citizens,  as  propofed  in  my  laft,  purfue  the 
fubjedt,  by  confidering  the  other  important  point  contained  in  the 
"  Legacy"  of  our  deceafed  friend,  "  Overgrown  Military 
Establishments  (he  fays)  under  any  form  of  government,  are  in-, 
aufpicious  to  liberty,  and  are  to  be  regarded  as  particularly 
hostile  to  Republican  Liberty."  The  principles  of  General 
Washington  on  the  various  fubjects  enumerated  in  his  addrefs, 
are  fo  diametrically  oppofed  to  the  conduct  of  many  who  now 
recommend  it  to  public  perufal,  that  we  candidly  fuppofe  they  are 
convinced  of  their  former  error,  and  are  now  willing  to  make  an 
atonement  for  their  numberlefs  faults,  by  becoming  profelytes  to  his 
fentiments.    Military  eftabliih.men.ts  have  often  been  advocated  i* 


3 8  On  Washington's  Legacy.  No.  VI. 

the  very  papers  which  now  eulogize  this  performance.  They  have 
gone  fo  far  as  to  hold  them  effential  to  the  fecurity  of  Republican 
Liberty.  How  are  we  then  loft  in  wonder,  when  this  fage  patriot 
is  reprobating  military  eftablifhments  in  the  moft  pointed  terms,  to 
hear  men,  who  pretend  to  extol  his  political  talents,  recommend- 
ing for  our  adoption,  fuch  pernicious  inftitutions  ? — His  cxpreffions 
are  as  ftrong  as  words  can  render  them.  He  defcribes  thefe 
eftablifhments  as  inaufpicious  to  every  form  of  government,  but 
emphatically  declares  them  fo  to  "  republican  liberty."  Thefe 
were  the  fublime  fentiments  of  our  beloved  Washington — fenti- 
ments which  ought  to  be  wrote  in  letters  of  gold,  and  placed  in 
every  public  department  of  the  federal  and  ftate  governments — 
fentiments  which  do  honour  to  the  man  who  has  filled  the  office 
of  fupreme  executive  in  a  free,  fovereign,  and  independent  Repub- 
lic— fentiments  which  fhould  be  taught  to  our  children,  and  be- 
come lefTbns  within  our  colleges,  academies,  public  fchools,  and 
every  feminary  of  education.  They  are  fo  fublime,  that  even  our 
pulpits  fhould  rcfound  with  thofe  pathetic  ftrains.  After  this  ex- 
alted declaration,  where  is  the  man  who  pretends  to  revere  the 
precepts  of  Washington,  or  confiders  his  addrefs  as  the  legacy  of 
a  dying  friend,  who  can  come  forward  in  fupport  of  an  eftablifhment 
denounced  by  him,  as  fubverfive  of  the  happinefs  and  freedom  of 
his  country  ? 

Illuftrious  fhade  !  may  thy  warning  voice  be  heard  from  thy 
grave,  and  may  the  fatal  tendency  of  mercenary  military  eftablifh- 
ments be  as  deeply  impreffed  on  our  minds,  as  thy  innumerable 
virtues  are  on  the  tablet  of  our  hearts.  And  as  thou  obtainedft 
thy  glorious  and  honorable  reputation  in  defence  of  a  republican  fyjlem 
of  government,  in  oppofition  to  a  monarchical,  may  the  citizens  of 
America  ever  exprefs  their  confidence  in  thy  fnendfhip,  and  their 
gratitude  for  thy  inflexibility,  by  deprecating  eftablifhments  which 
you  have  exprefsly  declared  are  "  inaufpicious  to  liberty." 

The  dreaded  confequences  of  Standing  Armies  are  too  deeply 
impreffed  on  the  minds  of  our  fellow  citizens,  to  require  the  la- 
bours of  declamation  to  enforce  an  abhorrence  to  their  introduc- 
tion. The  wounds  are  fcarcely  clofed  which  were  inflicled  by  the 
foldiery  of  Britain,  and  the  fighs  of  the  widow,  and  the  tears 
of  the  fatherlefs  are  ftill  expreffive  of  their  baneful  tendency  during 
their  refidence  in  America,     Hancock,  Warren,  Thacher,  &c.  m 


No.  VI.  On   Washington's  Legaey.  29 

their  orations  on  the  fifth  of  March,  have  dcpiclured  the  conflagra- 
tions, mafTacres,  depredations,  and  violence  committed  in  all  ages 
by  a  mercenary  military  force,  and  have  defcribed  it  as  a  fare  prc- 
curfor  to  the  extermination  of  every  veftige  which  adorns  and  dig- 
nifies human  nature  in  a  ftate  of  fociety. — They  declared  "  that 
it  was  the  moft  fuccefsful  engine  ever  wielded  by  tyrants,  and  that 
it  was  impoflible  the  kings  of  England  fhould  acquire  fuch  exorbi- 
tant power,  had  they  not  a  ftanding  army  to  enforce  their  com- 
mands— and  that,  with  the  officers  of  this  army,  they  had  bribed 
men  to  facriticc  the  rights  of  their  country." — Such  are  the  opin- 
ions of  the  patriots  of  our  country  ;  and  yet  we  daily  fee  in  our 
public  papers  advocates  for  meafures  which  tend  to  the  introduc- 
tion of  this  monster,  "  whofe  fupport  is  plunder,  whofe  nutriment 
is  carnage,  and  whofe* paftime  is  to  inflict  human  wretchednefs." 
I  afk  you,  my  fellow-citizens,  whofe  habitations  have  been  con- 
fumed  by  the  ftanding  armies  of  George  the  3d,  and  whofe  lives 
have  been  jeopardied  by  the  mandates  of  an  intuiting  leader  of  a 
ftill  more  infuriated  band  of  foldiery,  whether  you  can  now  view 
a  military  eftablifhment  with  cordial  complacency  ?  I  appeal  to 
you,  who  have  experienced  "  Britifh  generofity  in  nakednefs  and 
hunger,"  their  freedom  in  guard-fhips,  "  and  their  tendernefs  in 
ftripes,  and  at  the  end  of  their  fabres."  Speak,  fellow-citizens, 
fuch  of  you  as  felt  the  vengeance  of  this  fyflem  of  terror,  and  were 
anxioufly  folicitous  for  the  event,  while  fome  rn'ifcreant  refugees  were 
even  hardening  the  heart  of  the  Britifh  Pharoah,  and  urging  him 
during  our  revolutionary  warfare,  "  to  make  peace  with  Amer- 
icans only  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet."  If  there  are  any  who 
favour  the  doctrine  of  ftanding  armies,  I  will  reply  to  them,  not 
only  in  the  words  of  Washington,  "  that  they  are  inaufpicious  to 
liberty,"  but  enforce  even  this  cautionary  fentiment  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  immortal  Warren,  "  Our  fathers  look  from  their 
celeftial  feats  with  fmiling  approbation  on  their  fons,  who  boldly 
ftand  forth  in  the  caufe  of  freedom — but  fternly  frown  upon  thj 
inhuman  mifcrcant,  who,  to  fecure  the  loaves  and  jifl:cs  to  himfelf, 
would  breed  a  ferpent  to  deftroy  his  children."  Principles  are 
peimanent,  time  cannot  make  that  wrong  which  was  originally 
right,  and  however  an  Eflex  faclion,  a  felf-created  junto  (falfely 
ftyling  themfclves  federal),  a  Peter  Porcupine,  a  group  of  mercenary 
editors,  apoftate  whigs,  and  a  remnant  of  old  and  young  tories 


H  Gn   Washington's  Legacy.  No.  VI. 

may  wifh  for  the  eitablifhment  of  a  ftanding  army,  yet  we  truft, 
that  the  patriotifm  of  the  Legislative  and  Executive  authorities  of 
the  United  States  will  annihilate  in  embryo,  every  eftablifhment 
which  "  is  hoftile  to  republican  liberty."  As  friends  to  the  belov- 
ed Washington,  they  will  never  render  permanent  thofe  inftitu- 
tions,  which,  "  under  any  form  of  government"  he  declares  to  be 
"  inaufpicious  to  the  rights  of  the  citizens."  While  we  read  "  his. 
Legacy"  thus  denouncing  military  eftablifhments,  every  drum  we 
hear  beat,  and  every  cannon  we  hear  fired  from  a  mercenary 
corps,  we  muft  confider  as  his  voice  fpeaking  from  his  tomb,  to 
check  the  evil  from  increafing.  In  addition  to  his  authortiy,  we 
can  alfo  quote  the  Prefident  of  the  United  States,  who  in  the  rap- 
turous (train  of  ejaculation,  "  thanked  heaven  that  in  America 
there  was  no  standing   army." 

"  What  our  enemies  fo  ardently  wifh,  muft  be  our  bane  :  what 
they  dread  mull  be  its  antidote." — Our  enemies  are  defirous  for 
a  permanent  military  eftabliihment,  but  Wafhington  fays  nay,  as  it 
it  deftructive  to  Republican  Liberty.  Hancock,  Warren,  and 
Thacher  entered  their  folemn  proteft  againfl  the  meafure  ;  "  from 
fmall  beginnings  (fays  the  latter)  and  under fpecious  pretences,  princes 
will  raife  a  ftanding  military  force,  the  moil;  fuccefsfut  engine  ever 
yet  wielded  by  the  hand  of  lawlefs  domination."  From  fuch  au- 
thorities, compofed  of  worthies  both  in  Church  and  State,  we  have 
reafon  to  dread  the  monster  as  "  concealing  a  dagger,"  under 
whatever  form  he  prefents  himfelf.  Let  us  ever  be  aware,  "  that 
the  tiger  crouches  before  he  leaps."  Military  eftabliihmcnts  are 
too  terrific  to  raife  their  broad  creft  on  their  firft  introduction,  but 
they  imperceptibly  inftil  their  poifon,  till  at  length  they  bring  on 
the  political  ruin  of  mankind,  as  univerfal  as  the  moral  depravity 
by  Satan  in  the  garden  of  Eden.  The  advocates  of  the  meafure 
foothe  us  by  faying,  "  we  lhall  not  furely  die  :"  but  depend  upon 
it,  if  we  partake  of  its  pernicious  fruit,  we  involve  ourfelves  and 
pofterity  inremedilefs  ruin. 


. 


l4o.  VII.  On   Washington**  Legacy. 


No.  VII. 
on  Washington's  legacy. 

XLCONOMY  in  public  Expenditures,  is  another  fhoflg  trait  in  the 
advifory  addrefs  of  the  departed  Waflrington — "  not  throwing 
Upon  poflerity  the  burthen  which  we  ourfelves  ought  to  bear." 

It  has  often  been  urged  by  the  friends  of  monarchy,  that  a 
public  debt  is  a  public  bleffing.  Upon  this  principle  it  has  al- 
ways been  an  object  in  this  form  of  government,  to  encreafe  the 
patronage  of  the  Executive,  by  creating  an  artificial  fpecies  of 
property,  and  thereby  eftablifhing  in  the  hands  of  a  few,  a  flrong 
monied  interefl  in  the  community,  which  on  all  occafions  (land 
ready  to  fupport  every  miniflerial  meafure,  however  injurious  t» 
the  general  happinefs  of  the  people.  This  policy  has  been  affidu- 
oufly  purfued  by  the  Britifli  nation,  and  from  the  multiplicity  of 
defcriptive  evidences  of  public  debt,  it  has  become  a  fcience  fo 
intricate  in  its  various  labyrinths,  that  a  man  in  England  is  oblig- 
ed to  have  rccourfe  to  a  flock-jobbing  negociator,  to  know  the 
value  of  the  refpective  denomination  of  funds.  By  this  infamous 
practice,  the  value  of  property  is  as  intricate,  to  be  accurately  as- 
certained, as  a  queflion  in  law,  and  a  few  fharpers  within  the  flock 
exchange,  (after  practifing  a  few  legerdemain  tricks  under  the  ap- 
pellation of  bulls  and  bears,)  fettle  the  value  of  every  fpecies  of 
paper  currency  throughout  the  kingdom.  Neither  is  there  any 
appeal  from  their  decifion  ;  as  a  leading  flockbroker  is  as  peremp- 
tory in  fixing  the  public  eftimation  of  3  per  cent.  6  per  cent, 
confols,  &c.  as  the  Chief  Judge  of  the  Court  of  King's  Bench  in  de- 
termining a  judicial  controverfy.  Every  man  in  the  kingdom,  who 
holds  any  paper  evidences  of  public  debt,  mufl  fubmit  to  the  arbi- 
trary verdict  of  a  licenfed  body  of  fharpers,  who  regularly  affem- 
ble  between  the  hours  of  one  and  three,  to  fix  the  value  of  hun- 
dreds of  millions  of  property,  difperfed  over  the  whole  nation  in 
the  pofTeffion  of  individuals.  The  fyftem  of  finance  has  become 
fo  fublimated  in  England,  that  it  is  principally  conducted  under 
the  control  of  the  miniflry.  Stocks  rife  and  fall  as  directed  from 
the  office  of  the  Premier — when  they  are  low,  the  miniflry  buy  in, 
and  when  tfiey  are  high,  the  miniflry  fell  out.    Confequently  o» 


■%-i  On   Washington's  LfgJCJ.  No;  Vlll 

the  report  of  bad  new=,  the  government  take  the  advantage  of  the 
public  diftruft,  and  enable  their  purebafers  to  lay  in  a  confiderable 
flock,  in  order  to  furniih  thcmfelves  with  the  means  to  profecutc 
tneafures  to  cany  on  their  farther  projects.  In  fhort,  the  funds 
of  England  are  nothing  but  a  pantomimic  exhibition — it  is  a  kind 
of  magic,  which  th<ic  behind  the  curtain  arc  playing  upon  the 
credulity  and  fears  of  the  people  ;  the  propria  pcrfona  are  a  ban<4 
of  chofen  Israelites,  the  real  descendants  from  the  money-changers 
in  Jerulalem,  who  of  old  were  driven  out  of  the  .Temple  ;  the 
Britifh  minifter  is  the  manager,  and  the  whole  fcenery  is  under  his 
direction  ;  the  audience  are  a  group  of  dupes,  who  view  with 
amazement  the  dexterous  workings  of  the  machinery,  and  laugh 
and  flare  at  the  raree-fhows  which  arife  amidft  the  gambols  of 
Harlequin,  in  the  character  of  bank  directors.  Thus  will  they 
continue  to  amufe  the  public,  till  the  drama  clofes,  the  curtain 
drops,  and  the  whole  farce  concludes  with  exeunt  cir.nes  ;  the  play 
will  be  hi/Ted,  and  the  actors  driven  from  the  flage. 

Notwithstanding  this  immenfe  bubble  originates  from  an  imag- 
inary property,  created  from  a  paper  fyftem  (the principal  of  which 
is  never  contemplated  to  be  paid),  yet  the  taxes  for  the  difcharge 
of  the  intercft  are  ponderous  grievances,  which  fall  annually  with 
an  increafmg  preflure  upon  the  moft.  induflrious  part  of  the  peo- 
ple. The  farmer,  merchant,  tradefman,  manufacturer,  and  la- 
bourer are  all  fubject  to  the  heavieft  impofitions  to  maintain  in 
idlenefs  a  fqt  of  Hock  jobbers,  who  (in  league  with  the  miniflry) 
are  contriving  to  increafe  the  public  debt  by  a  fham  appearance  of 
voluntary  loans.  The  pretended  national  refources  in  reality  are 
nothing  more  than  a  body  of  ufurious  Jews  and  fwindling  Mock- 
jobbers  depofiting  in  the  treafury  their  old  notes,  and  taking  a  new 
cmifllon,  with  additional  douceurs,  in  consideration  for  their  di/inter- 
ejled  patriotifm.  The  riches  of  the  Britiih  nation  are  entirely  ideal, 
and  the  whole  art  of  public  credit  confifts  in  the  ingenuity  of  the 
juggle  in  fluffing  the  denomination  of  paper.  The  tricks  on 
Tower-Hill,  and  thofe  at  the  office  of  the  exchequer,  are  nearly 
parallel  ;  as  the  man  who  fwallows  pins,  ribbons,  and  fire-brands, 
to  amufe  the  rabble  and  pick  their  pockets,  accomplices  his  won- 
derful projects  equally  as  fatisfadtory  to  the  gaping  croud,  as  the. 
Premier  in  creating  new  debts  to  pay  old  ones,  or  raying  the  na- 
tional credit  by  the  finking  fund. 


No.  VII.  On  Washington's  Legaey.  33 

Aware  of  this  deftruclive  and  deceptive  fyftem,  which  involves 
a  community  in  general  diftrefs,  our  deceafed  Washington  im- 
prcfles  on  the  public  mind  the  neceffity  of  economy,  "  not  throwing 
on  pofterity  a  burthen  which  we  ourfelves  ought  to  bear."  The 
debt  of  the  United  States,  during  our  revolutionary  war,  unavoid- 
ably threw  upon  us  a  weight  which  requires  a  large  proportion  of 
our  refources  honorably  to  difchavge.  Even  this  burthen  ought  to 
be  fo  far  leffened,  as  not  to  bear  too  hard  upon  pofterity.  But  the 
immenfe  debts  fnice  contracted  have  become  a  ponderous  load, 
which  may  hereafter  involve  future  generations  in  perplexity  and 
trouble.  The  fyftem,  adopted  by  the  United  States,  has  intro- 
duced a  kind  of  financering  policy  in  a  great  degree  fimilar  to  that 
practifed  in  England.  It  was  fo  managed,  that  the  moft  undeferv- 
ing  citizens  acquired  the  principal  part  of  the  property  which 
originally  belonged  to  the  American  veteran  army.  The  intri- 
cacy of  the  fyftem  gave  the  whole  advantage  to  a  combined  clan 
of  harpies,  and  while  the  decrepid  foldier  was  feebly  halting  from 
door  to  door,  and  exchanging  his  hard-earned  notes  for  the  crumbs 
which  fell  from  the  rich  man's  table,  a  fet  of  (harpers  fprang  into 
exiftence,  and  by  ftratagem  and  deception  at  length  rcfufcitated 
the  expiring  property  from  2/6  to  20/!  Though  at  the  prefent 
period  it  may  be  proper  to  throw  a  veil  over  this  part  of  our  con- 
duel,  yet  the  immenfe  debt  fince  contracted,  and  the  exceffive  ex- 
penfes  and  official  commiffions  attached  to  particular  departments, 
come  within  the  advice  recommended  by  General  Wafhington, 
"  not  to  throw  a  burthen  en  pofterity." 

The  amount  of  debt  now  exifting,  and  for  which  funds  muft  be 
eftablifhed  to  difcharge  the  intereft,  ought  to  be  accurately  laid 
before  the  public,  in  order  that  every  citizen  may  know  the  real 
ftatc  of  expenditures,  and  the  refources  from  whence  they  are  to 
be  cancelled.  This  is  an  important  fubjeft  for  confideration.  By 
this  ftatement,  we  can  judge  of  our  ability  to  fupport  a  navy,  and 
army.  It  may  be  flattering  to  our  pride  to  talk  of  twenty  or  thir- 
ty fhips  of  the  line,  and  to  contemplate  a  ftanding  army  ;  but,  we 
fhould  firft  fit  down  and  count  the  cost,  before  we  profecute 
the  meafure.  It  may  be  pleafing  to  a  number  of  families  to  have 
their  children  provided  for  in  the  army  and  navy.  It  may  gratify 
the  vanity  of  thofe,  who,  from  indolence,  are  unwilling  to  labour  in 
their  occupation,    to  be  clothed  and  fed  by  the  public  bounty- 


3+  On   Washington' 's  Lega  No.  VII. 

Such  perfons  may  feci  elated,  when  enjoying  the  luxuries  of  life  at 
the  expenfe  of  the  community  ;  but  the  queflion  naturally  returns, 
■Are  we  not,  by  profecuting  this  fyftem,  counteracting  the  advice 
of  Wafhington,  "  by  throwing  upon  pofterity  the  burthen  which 
we  ourfelves  ought  to  bear"  ?  Would  it  be  fatisfactory  to  pofterity, 
when  they  find  the  weight  of  taxes  increafing,  to  be  told  that  we 
had  raifed,  during  a  time  of  peace  and  when  the  militia  were  in 
the  moll  refpectable  fituation,  a  Handing  body  of  troops  ?  Or 
would  it  be  any  apology  if  we  iliould  relate  to  them  how  many 
individuals,  who  had  become  deftitute  of  other  means  of  fupport, 
were  clothed  in  fine  linen  and  fared  fumptuoufly  every  day  ? 
Thefe  narrations  may  noiv  be  agreeable  and  plcafant  to  thofe  who 
enjoy  the  blefllngs  of  fuch  eftablifhments  ;  but  a  heavy  tax-bill, 
to  pay  the  reckoning,  would  be  viewed  wich  an  ill  grace,  and 
probably  lead  pofterity  to  cenfure  rather  than  applaud  their  piede- 
ceflbrs.  Pofterity  will  be  able  to  judge  of  men  and  meafures 
through  an  accurate  medium.  Characters  will  be  dignified,  not 
with  the  falfe  glofs  of  flattery,  but  upon  the  fubftantial  ground  of 
merit.  How  far  the  actions  of  men  have  been  meritorious  will  at 
thofe  periods  fully  appear,  and  the  voice  of  fycophancy  and  venal 
adoration  will  be  filenced  by  deliberate  reflection  and  mature  rea- 
fon.  Time  is  the  ordeal  through  which  all  characters  pafs  : 
though  flow  it  is  fure  ;  and  the  man,  who  places  his  fame  within 
the  page  of  hiftory,  muft  ftand  only  as  a  candidate,  till  every  part 
of  his  conduct  has  revolved  round  its  axis. 

The  fublime  fentiments  of  Wafhington,  in  his  farewel  addrefs, 
by  recommending  "  union"  and  "  economy"  and  reprobating 
"military  ejlablijhments"  are  evidences  of  paternal  affection, 
which  highly  recommend  him  to  the  love  and  veneration  of  his 
fellow-citizens.  His  Legacy,  under  thefe  refpective  heads,  con- 
tains fuch  an  ample  field  for  the  exercifc  of  every  patriotic  virtue, 
that,  while  we  reverence  hit  character,  we  cannot  but  anathematize 
a  faction  who  are  endeavouring  to  difunite  the  States — are  in  favour 
of  a  standing  army — and,  by  their  extravagance  in  all  public 
expenditures,  arc  defirous  "  to  throw  a  burthen  on  'pojlerity^  fimi- 
lar  to  the  deftrudtive  fyftem  of  taxation  which  hangs  like  a  mill- 
ftone  round  the  necks  of  the  unhappy  Irifh,  and  the  induftrious 
part  of  the  Britifh  nation.  May  God  Almighty  imprefs  on  the 
minds  of  "  the  people"  thefe  important  truths  ! 


• 

No.  VIII.  On  Mr.  Ames's  Oration.  35 


No  VIII. 

ON     MR.  AMES'S    ORATION. 


A: 


.S  Washington  is  now  configned  to  the  folemn  manfions  cf  the 
dead,  with  all  thofe  honours  which  his  pre-eminent  virtues  de- 
manded, and  the  public  mind  is  reftored  to  its  primitive  calmnefs 
and  compofure  ;  even  under  this  heavy  difpenfation  of  Providence, 
a  few  reflections  on  the  Eulogies  which  have  been  pronounced  on 
his  character,  it  is  prefumed,  will  not  be  confidered  as  unworthy 
notice. 

The  Aril  which  claims  our  attention  is  delivered  by  Mr.  Ames. 
This  gentleman  was  appointed  by  the  Legiflature  of  Maffachuftts, 
"  to  commemorate  the  fublime  virtues  of  that  eminent  defender, 
guardian,  and  father  of  his  country,  that  benefactor  of  mankind, 
General  George  Waihington."  Before  fo  refpeclable  an  audi- 
ence, on  fo  fublime  and  cxtevfive  a  Subject,  and  before  a  govern- 
ment which  had  fofenfibly  felt  (during  our  revolutionary  war)  the 
falutary  influence  of  his  military  prowefs,  we  could  not  have  expect- 
ed that  the  Orator  would  have  attempted  to  weaken  the  reputation 
of  the  Hero  of  Mount  Vernon  in  the  character  of  a  foldier,  by 
faying,  that  "  great  Generals  have  arifen  in  all  ages  of  the  world, 
and  perhaps  mojl  in  thofe  of  defpotifm  and  darhiefs — In  times  of 
'violence  and  convulfwn,  they  rife,  by  the  force  of  the  whirlwind,  high 
enough  to  ride  in  it,  and  direct  die  ftorm — Like  meteors,  they 
glare  in  the  black  clouds  with  fplendor,  that,  while  it  dazzles  and 
terrifies,  makes  nothing  vifible,-but  the  darknefs."  How  far  the 
Orator  means  to  apply  thefe  fentiments  to  General  Wafhington, 
when  at  the  head  of  the  American  army,  he  has  not  chofen  par- 
ticularly to  mention. 

The  following  quotations,  however,  will  (hew  how  far  Mr. 
Ames  meant  to  eulogize  the  character  of  Waihington,  as  com- 
mander in  chief  of  the  American  army.  After  fpeaking  of  the 
French  revolution,  he  fays,  "  But  it  is  only  the  influence  of  that  event 
on  America,  and  on  the  meafures  of  the  Prefident,  that  belongs  to  my 
fubject" — and  while  he  fpeaks  with  the  utmoft  indifference  on  the 
character  of  a  "great  General,"  he  immediately  extols  him  "  as  a 
Chief  Magiflrate>  who  appears  like  the  pole  ftar  in  a  clear  fky,  to 


$6  On  Mr.  Ames's  Oration.  No.  VIII. 

direct  the  fkilful  flateTman — His  Presidency  will  form  an  epoch,  and 
be  diflinguifhed  as  the  Age  of  Wafhington."  Mr.  Ames  from  thcfe 
obfervations,  endeavours  to  lower  the  military  character  of  Waih- 
ington,  and  attempts  to  exhibit  the  brilliancy  of  his  reputation  in 
his  civil  capacity .  But  where  is  the  American,  who  has  the  feelings 
of  '75,  that  would  wifh  to  eclipfe  his  glory  and  honour,  during 
the  trying  period  of  our  revolution  ? 

If  this  was  not  his  intention,  why  does  he  introduce  the  dif- 
gufting  idea,  that,  "  in  times  of  violent  convulfwns,  and  in  ages 
of  defpolifm  and  darinefs,  great  Generals  rife  by  the  force  of  the 
whirlwind,  high  enough  to  ride  in  it,  and  direct,  the  ftorm"  ?  Is 
this  obfervation  any  way  analogous  to  Wafhington  ?  Was  it  an 
age  of  "  defpotifm  and  darinefs,"  when  the  Americans  were  con- 
tending againft  Great-Britain  for  their  rights  and  liberties  ?  Did 
Wafhington  ride  in  the  florin  of  "  violence  and  convulfion" ;  or  like  a 
"  meteor  glare  on  the  black  clouds  with  a  fplendour,  that  while 
he  dazzled  and  terrified,  made  nothing  vifible  but  darinefs  ?  If  he 
did  not,  why  does  Mr.  Ames,  in  an  Eulogy  commemorating  his 
fublime  virtues  as  a  "  General,"  throw  this  dark  picture  into  view, 
and  exclaim  with  a  peculiar  rhapfody,  "  that  however  the  military 
fame  of  Wafhington  may  excite  the  wonder  of  mankind,  it  is  chiefly 
by  his  civil  magiflracy  that  his  example  will  inflrutl  them  ?"  Are  then 
the  fublime  virtues  of  Wafhington,  as  difplayed  during  the  diftrefT- 
ing  periods  of  our  revolution,  to  be  fo  far  undervalued,  as  only 
to  excite  the  "  wonder  of  mankind  ;"  while  his  civil  magiflracy  "  is 
held  up  as  the  only  example  to  inflrutl  them  P"  In  his  military  char- 
acter, was  he  only  to  be  "  viewed  as  a  dazzling,  terrifying  meter 
or  ;"  while  his  civil  condutl  was  the  medium  through  which  "  his 
example  was  to  inflrutl  them  ?"  Was  not  his  "  example  inftructing," 
when  he  led  the  American  army  through  the  various  difficulties 
and  perplexities  with  which  they  were  furrounded  ?  Were  not 
his  firmnefs,  intrepidity  and  patriotifm  worthy  of  imitation,  while 
contending  for  the  liberties  of  his  fellow-citizens  ?  and  was  not  his 
perfeverancc,  amid  the  innumerable  diftrefTes  he  had  to  encounter, 
an  example  to  inflrutl  us,  againfl  the  wiles  and  ftratagems  of  Britain  ? 
In  this  exalted  ftation  as  Commander  in  chief  of  the  American  army,  in 
oppofition  to  Britain,  the  illuflrious  Wafhington  appears  pre-eminent 
— while  under  the  direction  of  a  patriotic  band  of  worthies,  afTem- 
b.led  in  Congtrfs,  (when  an  Hancock  prefided,  and  a  Samuel  Adams 


No.  VIII.  On  Mr.  Ames's  Oration.  37 

was  a  member)  he  fhone  confpicuous  as  the  "  defender  of  his 
country."  In  this  character,  Washington  will  ever  receive  the 
applaufe  of  the  virtuous  citizens,  and  they  will  reverence  his  name 
while  the  horrors  of  Briti/h  tyranny  are  imprefTed  on  the  minds  of 
Americans.  The  tear  of  moft  grateful  affection  will  be  fried  on 
the  remembrance  of  his  virtues  at  the  times  "  which  tried  men's 
fouls."  The  republican  Americans  recollect  him  in  the  field  of  bat- 
tle, furrounded  with  the  myrmidons  of  Britain.  They  view  him, 
with  his  heroic  (though  injured)  army,  befet  on  all  fides  with  Brit- 
ons, Hejfians,  and  Tories.  They  now  recount  his  deeds  of  valour, 
and  inftruct  their  liftening  children  in  thofe  "  examples"  which  he 
fet  them  to  oppofe  the  defpotifm  and  artful  defigns  of  their  former 
foes.  Thefe  are  the  flrong  traits  which  they  will  ever  confider 
within  their  plan  to  dilate  on  his  character. 

Though  it  may  be  for  the  intereft  of  feme,  to  obliterate  from 
the  American  page  the  military  fame  of  Wafhington,  yet  every  true 
American  will  conlider  him  during  our  revolution,  "  like  the  pole 
flar  in  the  clear  fky  to  direct  the  fkilful  ftatefman"  :  Like  a  fun 
that  difpclled  the  black  clouds  of  Britifh  Tyranny,  and  with  its 
luftre  terrified  every  lurking  knave,  who  was  planning  in  dark-, 
nefs  to  deftroy  his  country. 

As  a  proof  of  the  propriety  of  my  obfervations,  the  orator  even 
in  his  relation  of  the  American  war,  partes  over  it  with  this  flight 
i-emark  :- — That  "  neither  the  objeel,  or  limits  of  his  plan,  would 
permit  him  to  dilate  on  the  military  events  of  the  revolutionary 
war."  The  objeel  of  Mr.  Ames  was  not  (by  his  own  confelTion) 
to  diftinguiih  General  Wafhington  in  the  glorious  achievements  of 
our  revolution.  The  brilliancy  of  his  character,  in  this  fituation, 
was  not  within  the  "  plan"  of  his  eulogy.  The  fublime  virtues  of 
Wafhington,  which  rivet  him  in  the  hearts  of  his  fellow-citizens, 
during  our  contefl  with  Britain,  are  ft*  feebly  imprefTed  on  the 
mind  of  Mr.  Ames,  that  he  feems  to  apologize  for  mentioning  them, 
as  being  detached  from  the  great  "  object"  he  had  in  commcrcu 
orating  his  reputation.  Is  it  poffible,  that  fuch  a  pointed  far- 
cafm  could  be  delivered  before  the  legiflature  of  Maffachufetts  ? 
The  patriots,  who,  at  thofe  times,  were  in  our  State  legiflature,  know 
too  well  the  diflreffed  ftate  of  our  country.  They  remember  with 
bleeding  hearts,  when  they  and  Wafhington  were  mutually  engaged 
in  the  violent  conflict:  for  America  and  liberty  !    could  it  then  be 


) 


38  On  Mr.  Jmes's  Oration.  No.  VIII. 


fuppofed,  that  within  fo  few  years,  the  virtues  of  this  great  General 
in  his  moft  diftrcfTed  fituation,  would  not  be  "  within  the  cbjefi  of 
a  plan"  contemplated  by  an  orator  chofen  to  eulogize  his  diftin- 
guifhed  talents  ? 

s  the  political  character  of  Mr.  Ames  during  our 
revolution,  is  not  now  a  fubject  of  inveftigation  ;  but  this  is  cer- 
tain, that  every  friend  to  England,  would  not  confider  it  "  an 
ohjetl  within  their  plan"  to  exhibit  the  full  luftre  of  Wafhington 
while  at  war  with  Britain.  They  would  tread  lightly  over  this 
ground,  and  though  common  modefty  might  lead  them  to  fpeak 
of  the  revolution,  yet  they  would  traverfe  the  path  with  as  much 
velocity,  as  the  duke  of  York  while  retrograding  from  his  purfuers. 
Thefe  obfervations  are  not  intended  to  be  uncandidly  fevere  ; 
but  the  defign  of  this  eulogy  is  too  ftrongly  marked  not  to  excite 
a  jealoufy,  that  the  character  of  Wafhington,  in  his  revolutionary 
capacity,  was  but  a  fecondary  "  object"  with  the  orator.  Inftead 
of  dilating  on  this  fubjeft,  he  turns  his  oration  into  a  philippic 
againll  the  French  revolution,  and  almoft  lofes  the  hero  of  his 
panegyric,  in  his  anethemas  agaiilft  that  nation.  A  ftranger 
would  fuppofe,  that  he  was  appointed  to  calumniate  the  French, 
inftead  of  eulogizing  Wafhington  ;  for  he  declares,  "  his  thoughts 
teem  with  a  deep  abhorrence  of  that  revolution."  What  connec- 
tion had  this  fubject  with  the  character  of  Wafhington  ?  Or  rather, 
how  could  a  man  prefume  to  celebrate  the  virtues  of  Wafhington, 
who  approved,  by  his  letters  to  that  government,  of  the  "  rife  and 
progrefs"  of  their  revolution — who  ftilcd  them  "  a  wonderful  people" 
"  a  magnanimous  nation"  ;  while  he  himfelf  openly  profefTes  the 
utmoft  abhorrence  of  their  whole  conduct  ?  If  General  Wafhing- 
ton was  right,  Mr.  Ames  is  wrong  :  for  the  former  declared,  in 
the  moft  folemn  manner,  his  approbation  of  the  revolution,  and 
rcquefted  to  draw  defer  the  bands  of  friendfhip  ;  while  the  latter, 
abhors  with  the  utmoft  deteftation  every  principle  of  it,  and  fur- 
ther fays,  that  "  it  washoflile  to  all  peace,  or  order  in  fociety." 

This  however  is  a  fact,  that  general  Wafhington,  in  his  letter 
to  that  government  by  Mr.  Monroe,  has  eulogized  the  French 
revolution  in  its  rife  and  progrefs,  beyond  any  man  that  ever 
wrote  or  fpoke  on  the  fubject.  Judge  then,  fellow-citizens,  be- 
tween the  opinion  of  General  GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  late 
Prefident  of  the  United  States  (the  fplcndour  of  whofe  name  en- 


No.  IX.  On  Mr.  Ames's  Oration.  39 

lightens  the  world)- — and,  Fiflier  Ames,  Efq.  a  praftitioner  of 
lav.'. 

The  foregoing  remarks  are  only  as  they  refpe<5t  principle,  but 
the  following  quotation  is  a  fpccimcn  of  his  compofiti  >n  : — 

"  /  do  not  know  that  /  ought,  but  /  am  iure,  that  /  do,  pre- 
fer thofe  republics  to  the  dozing  flavery  of  the  modern  Greece,"  Sec. 
Here  is  a  difplay  of  egotifm,  which  a  modeft  author  ought  to  blufh 
at.  But  an  impropriety  of  compofition  is  more  excufeable  than 
an  impropriety  of  principle  ;  it  is  not,  therefore,  of  any  import- 
ance to  try  him  in  the  crucible  of  criticifm. 


No.  IX. 

ON    MR.    AMES'S    ORATION. 

W  ASHINGTON  !  thou  illuftrious  (hade  !  pardon  the  attempt 
to  arreft  thy  "  military  fame"  from  the  afperfions  of  thofe,  who  pre- 
fumptuoufly  rank  themfelves  among  thy  exclufive  friends.  The 
republican  citizens  retrace,  with  enthufiaftic  afFe&ion,  thofe  periods 
when  thou  and  thy  patriotic  companions  were  encountering  the 
hoftile  inroads  of  a  hoft  of  Britons,  and  their  fanguinary  coadju- 
tors— when  every  man's  face  turned  pale,  and  every  man's  hand 
was  on  his  thigh — when  the  flames  of  our  conflagrated  cities  were 
afcending  to  Heaven,  and  "  garments  roll'd  in  blood"  were  dif- 
played  as  the  trophies  of  a  defolating  foldiery — when  frantic 
mothers  were  bewailing  the  maflacre  of  their  children,  and  weep- 
ing daughters  were  alfembled  to  mourn  over  the  mangled  corfes 
of  their  expiring  parents — when  the  citizens  of  Bofton,.  Charlef- 
town,  Sec.  were  drove  from  their  habitations,  and  fought  refuge 
from  the  pcrfecution  of  a  mercenary  banditti — when  the  inhab- 
itants of  America  were  fuffering  under  the  fevere  tortures  of  Brit- 
i/Jj  inhumanity,  and  their  guard-fliips  were  appropriated  as  the 
flaughter-houfe  from  whofe  "  bouine  no  prifoner  returned."  At 
this  important  crifis,  how  did  we  hail  you  as  the  "  defender  of  our 
country"  !  At  thy  name  every  heart  leaped  for  joy,  amid  the 
moft  trying  fcenes  of  our  revolution.  With  the  higheft  tranfport, 
the  real  fons  of  America  nozu  enumerate  the  fublime  virtues  which 
accomplifhed  the  arduous  work  of  American  independence. 


/ 


4c  On  Mr.  Amn't  Cratior.  No.  IX. 

But,  illuftrious  (hade  !  how  would  you  have  flood  appalled,  if, 
in  thole  interefting  periods,  fomc  prophetic  voice  had  arretted  you 
in  the  following  accents  : — Waihington  !  thy  "  military  fume  hay 
excite  the  vender  of  mankind.,  hut  it  is  chiefly  by  thy  civil  magijlracy 
that  thine  example  will  inftrucl  them" — "  Great  generals  have 
arifen  in  all  ages  of  the  world,  and  perhaps  mojl  in  thofc  of  defpoiifm 
and  darkticft" — "  In  times  of  convulfion  and  violence  they  rile,  by  the 
force  of  the  whirlwind,  high  enough  to  ride  in  it,  and  direct  the  ftorm 
— Like  meteors,  they  glare  on  the  black  clouds  with  fplendour, 
that,  while  it  dazzles  and  terrifies,  makes  nothing  vilible  but  darl- 
nefs — The  fame  of  heroes  is  indeed  growing  vulgar  :  they  mul- 
t;ply  in  every  large  war  :  they  ftand  in  hiftory,  and  thicken  in 
their  ranks,  almoft  as  undijlinguijhed  as  their  own  ibldiers." 

On  hearing  fuch  language,  even  if  it  had  been  fpoken  by  the 
Guardian  Angel  of  America,  would  you  not  have  exclaimed  : — 
Gracious  God  !  is  it  poffible  that  my  "  military  fame"  mould  be 
thus  degraded  ?  After  all  the  toils,  dangers,  and  hardihips  which 
I  have  encountered,  to  eftablifh  the  peace,  liberty,  and  indepen- 
dence of  my  country — after  quitting  my  happy  domeftic  retreat  on 
the  fummit  of  Mount  Vernon — after  all  the  wearifome  night3 
which  I  experienced,  during  the  long  revolutionary  conflict, — are 
all  thefe  facrifices  to  be  eftimated  at  fo  low  a  rate  as  only  to  "  ex- 
cite the  wonder  of  mankind  i"  Are  the  American  army,  and  the 
hoft  of  "great  Generals"  now  contending  with  me  in  the  caufe  of 
their  country,  to  be  confidered  "  like  meteors,  which  glare  on  the 
black  clouds  with  fplendour,  and  make  nothing  viable  but  dark- 
nefs  ?"  Can  it  be  pojfiblc  that  the  "  fame  of  thefe  heroes  will  grow 
vulgar"  ;  or  "  ftand  in  hiftory  almoft  as  undiflinguijhcd  as  their  fol- 
diers  ?" — This  would  have  been  the  foliloquy  of  Wafhington,  had 
he  been  called  to  contemplate  afubject  in  which  he  and  his  army 
had  been  thus  implicated. 

It  is  probable,  that  Mr.  Ames  may  think  that  this  is  too  high- 
wrought  a  defcription  of  his  oration.  But,  in  confidering  this  fub- 
jedc,  I  do  not  mean  to  take  a  latitude  beyond  what  a  fair  conftruc- 
tion  of  "  his  plan  and  dejign"  will  admit.  I  do  not  however,  in 
thefe  obfervations,  mean  to  draw  "  a  picture,  flat  as  the  canvas"  j 
or  erect  "  a  ftatue,  cold  as  the  marble  on  which  it  is  reprefented"  ; 
neither  "  cold,  alas,"  as  his  eulogy  is  expreflive  of  the  magnanimity 
and  virtues  of  Waihington.     But  as  Mr.  Ames's  oration  is  extol- 


No.  IX.  On  Mr.  Ames's  Oration.  41 

led  by  fome,  who  <w(rc  inimical  to  our  revolution,  as  the  moft  exalted 
panegyric  that  has  been  delivered  on  the  hero  of  Mount  Vernon, 
it  is  proper  to  try  the  performance  by  that  touchftone  which  affec- 
ted the  minds  of  the  American  citizens,  "  at  the  times  which  tried 
men's  fouls." 

It  mufl  be  acknowledged  as  a  conceded  principle,  that  when  a 
man  is  eulogizing  a  hero,  without  fignaiizing  one  fingle  achieve- 
ment performed  by  him,  but  on  the  contrary  brings  into  view 
fuch  reflections  as  derogate  from  the  moft  prominent  Ration  which 
the  perfon  fuftained,  inftead  of  exalting,  he  lowers  the  reputation 
he  pretends  to  commemorate.  The  character  of  Walhington 
as  a  General,  muft  be  allowed  to  ftand  pre-eminently  confpicuous  ; 
it  therefore  muft  be  the  higheft  abfurdity  in  Mr.  Ames,  as  an  eulo- 
gift,  to  throw  a  veil  over  this  part  of  his  conduct,  by  comparing 
"  great  generals  to  a  meteor,"  or  that  they  make  "  nothing  vifible 
but  the  darknefs."  But  the  abfurdity  is  ten-fold  increafed  when  he 
declares,  that  fuch  "  perhaps  have  arifen  mojl  in  times  of  de/poti/m."" 
It  behoves  him  then  to  point  out  a.  greater  general  than  Wafhington. 
If  he  does  not,  we  muft  conclude,  that  he  means  to  infinuate  that 
the  American  revolution  was  an  age  of  defpotifm,  and  that  the 
great  generals  engaged  in  it  made  nothing  villble  but  their 
darknefs. 

However,  not  to  dwell  longer  on  this  part  of  his  oration,  we 
will  examine  how  far  his  eulogy  goes  towards  exalting  die  char- 
after  of  Wafhington,  on  that  point  in  which  he  is  explicit.  Mr. 
Ames  recommends  chiefly  his  civil  magijlracy,  and  particularly  re- 
fers to  the  French  revolution.  It  may  be  thought  a  redundancy,  to 
mention  again  this  part  of  his  oration,  but  it  is  fo  material  to  fhew 
the  impropriety  of  his  pretended  eulogy,  that  I  cannot  but  contraft 
a  little  further  his  fentiments  on  the  French  republic,  with  thofe  of 
Walhington — more  efpecially  as  he  recommends  his  example  on 
that  event,  as  worthy  of  imitation.  The  following  fublime  fenti- 
ments were  penned  by  Wafhington,  and  under  his  own  fignature 
were  fent  to  the  National  Convention,  in  the  year  1 796.  So  recent 
a  difplay  of  fraternity  muft  confound  Mr.  Ames,  if  he  means  to 
hold  to  his  prefent  declaration,  "  that  the  French  revolution  has 
been,  from  thejirjl,  hoftile  to  all  right  and  juftice,  to  all  peace  and 
order  in  fociety,  and  that  its  very  exigence  has  been  a  flate  of  war- 
F 


42  On  Mr.  Ames's  Oration;  No.  IX.- 

fare  againft:  the  civilized  world,  and  mod  of  all  againft  free  and 
orderly  republic:.'"  This  is  the  modefl  opinion  of  Mr.  Ames  on  the 
French  revolution.  Let  us  now  fee  what  were  the  fentiments  of 
Walhington  on  this  nation  thus  reprobated  by  our  orator.  His 
letter  to  the  prcfident  of  the  National  Convention  is  fraught  with 
the  following  affectionate  declarations  : — 

"  Born,  fir,  in  a  land  of  liberty  ;  having  early  learned  its  value  ; 
having  engaged  in  a  perilous  conflict  to  defend  it  ;  having,  in  a 
word,  devoted  the  bed  years  of  my  life  to  fecurc  it  a  ptrmanent 
eflablijhment  in  my  own  country  :  my  anxious  recolle&ions,  myfym- 
pathetic  filings,  and  my  beji  <wifbest  are  rrre.iJHbly  eseited,  whenso- 
ever, in  any  country,  I  fee  an  opprejftd  nation  unfurl  the  banners  of 
freedom.  But  above  ally  the  events  of  the  French  revolution  have- 
produced  the  deeped  folicitude,  as  well  as  the  highjl  admiration. 
To  call  your  nation  brave,  were  to  pronounce  but  common 
praife — Wonderful  People  !  ages  to  come  will  read  with  allon- 
ifhment  the  hiftory  of  your  brilliant  exploits. 

"  In  delivering  to  you  thefc  fentiments,  I  exprefs  not  only  my 
own  feelings,  but  those  of  my  fellow-citizens,  in  relation  to 
the  commencement,  the  progrefs,  and  the  ijfue  of  die  French  revolution. 
And  they  will  cordially  join  with  me  in  pureft.  wifhes  to  the  Su- 
preme Being,  that  the  citizens  of  our  sister  republic,  our 
magnanimous  allies,  may  foon  enjoy,  in  peace,  that  Liberty 
which  they  have  purchafed  at  fo  great  a  price,  and  all  the  happi- 
nefs  which  liberty  can  bellow. 

"  I  receive,  fir,  with  lively  fenfibility  the  fymbol  of  the  triumphs 
and  of  the  enfranchifement  of  your  nation,  the  colours  of 
France,  which  you  have  now  prefented  to  the  United  States, 
The  tranfaction  will  be  announced  to  Congrefs  ;  and  the  colours 
will  be  depofited  with  thofe  archives  of  the  United  States,  which 
are  at  once  the  evidences,  and  the  memorial  of  their  freedom  and 
independence — may  they  be  perpetual !  and  may  the  friendfhip  of 
the  two  Republics  be  commenfurate  with  their  exijlcnce  /" 

Such  are  the  drains  in  which  Walhington  addrefles  the  French 
Convention.  Here,  then,  the  contrail  is  linking  :  the  mind  of 
Mr.  Ames  teems  with  abhorrence,  the  foul  of  Walhington  expands 
with  cordiality.  "  Horror  gathers  like  a  froft"  round  the  heart 
of  the  former,  whilfl  friendlhip  drops  like  dew  from  the  lips  of  the 
alter.    Mr.  Ames  fpurns  them  from  his  embraces  as  a  crocodile* 


No.  X.  On  Mr.  Ames's  Oration.  43 

but  Wafhington  enfolds  them  in  his  arms  as  afjler  republic.  One 
would  tear  afunder  the  flag  of  the  Republic,  while  the  other  care- 
full)''  depoiks  it  within  our  choiceit  archives.  Judge  then,  fellow- 
citizens,  whether  Mr.  Ames  is  not  an  apoftate  from  the  man  he 
means  to  eulogize. 

A  continuance  of  observations,  on  Mr.  Ames's  oration,  may 
become  tedious  to  my  fellow-citizens  ;  bat  as  he  has,  by  fome 
ftrange  fatality,  become  the  champion  of  what  are  falfely  called 
federal  mcafurcs,  the  importance  annexed  to  his  fentiments  are  no 
otherwife  worthy  attention  than  to  flrip  from  him  a  mafk  under 
which  many  have  deceived  the  public.  His  oration  might  furniih 
materials  for  a  volume,  rather  than  a  newfpaper  4  but,  in  my  next, 
I  fhall  confine  myfelf  to  that  apparent  dilaffeclion,  which  he  fhews 
towards  the  conducl  of  Prelidcnt  Adams,  in  his  late  midion  to  France. 

The  many  tropes,  and  figures,  of  "  light-houfes,"  "  meteors," 
"  ftars,"  "  black  clouds,"  "  giants,"  "  whales,"  "  caverns,"  "  fcor.- 
pions,"  "  fire,"  "  froft,"  u  volcanoes,"  "  whirlwinds,"  "  pole  ftars," 
"  milky  way,"  &c.  &c.  are  highly  expreffive  of  the  immenfity  of 
his  "  teeming  mind."  He  hatches  metaphors  like  young  chick- 
ens, and  interfperfes  them  into  his  performance  with  as  much  fa- 
cility as  a  hen  gathereth  her  brood  under  her  wings. 


No.  X. 

ON    MR.    AMES'S  ORATION. 


JLVXR.  Ames  in  his  anfwer  to  the  Legiflature  candidly  confefles, 
"  in  fubmitting  his  performance  to  publication,  he  expofes  its 
iniperfetlions."  If  he  was  thus  confeious  to  himfelf,  that  his  oration 
would  not  bear  the  eye  of  criticifm,  it  is  remarkable  that  his  diffi- 
dence had  not  excited  a  little  more  modefty,  and  dictated  a  lan- 
guage more  congenial  to  the  humiliation  of  his  own  feelings. 

When  an  orator  acknowledges  "  his  extreme  want  of  leifurc, 
during  the  preparation"  of  his  performance,  it  is  reafonable  to 
expecl:  that  a  ftrain  of  caution  and  moderation  would  prevail  in 
every  paragraph  ;  more  efpecially,  when  fpeaking  before  a  delib- 
erative body,  confiding  of  -the  Executive  and  Legiflative  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  MaflachufeKs.     In  the  prefence  of  fo  auguft  an 


44 


On  Mr.  Ames's  Oration.  No.  X, 


aSTembly,  fentiments,  and  even  words  fhould  be  weighed  with  the 
niceft  accuracy,  and  particularly  on  a  fubject  in  which  the  Sublime 
virtues  of  a  Washington  are  the  fubjects  for  contemplation.  It  is 
but  a  poor  excufe  for  a  man  to  plead  the  "  want  of  leifure,"  when 
he  is  honoured  by  the  Lcgiflature  of  a  government  to  eulogize  a 
character,  "  which  is  hung  up  in  hiftory  as  confpicuoufly  as  if  it 
fparkled  in  one  of  the  conftellations  of  the  Sky." 

However,  not  to  prefs  Mr.  Ames  too  clofe  on  his  apology,  it 
feems  that  he  did  not  feel  quite  fo  diffident  as  his  anfwer  to  the 
Legiflature  implies.  If  he  was  apprchcnfive  of  "  its  imperfections  J' 
why  did  he  wifli,  "  not  to  be  confidered  merely  in  the  midft  of  the 
citizens  of  this  town,  or  even  of  the  ftate"  ?  "  In  idea,  he  gath- 
ered round  him  the  nations."  "  In  the  vaft  and  venerable  con- 
gregation of  the  patriots  of  all  countries,  and  of  all  enlightened 
men."  He  further  fays  :  "  I  would,  if  1  could,  raife  my  voice, 
and  fpeak  to  mankind  in  a  ftrain  worthy  of  my  audience,  and  ele- 
vated as  my  fubjecT:."  If  Mr.  Ames  was  confcious  of  u  the  im- 
perfections" of  his  oration,  why  was  he  deftrous  to  gather  round 
him  fuch  an  immenfe  concourfe  ?  It  is  rather  fingular,  that  he 
fhould  wifh  to  expofe  his  **  imperfeclior^"  to  all  the  world  ;  to 
the  whole  congregation  of  patriots  of  all  nations,  and  to  all  man- 
kind :  and  this  he  was  willing  to  do,  "in  a  ftrain  worthy  of  his 
audience,  and  elevated  as  his  fubject."  As  a  friend  to  Mr.  Ames, 
I  cannot  think  he  would  be  defirous  to  proclaim  his  "  imperfeclions" 
fo  univerfally ;  but  would  rather  fuppofe,  that  his  apology  to  the 
Legislature  arofe  from  a  conviction  of  the  indecency  of  his  re- 
marks after  the  delivery,  than  from  any  previous  reflections.  It  is 
probable,  that  fome  hint  had  been  given  him,  as  to  the  deficiency, 
both  in  the  compofttion  and  fentiment  ;  and  his  own  ingenuity  had 
fuggefted  a  palliative,  in  the  hacknied  apology  of  "  want  of 
leifure." 

I  fhould  not  be  fo  particular  in  obferving  fuch  minute  parts  of 
this  oration,  if  the  reputation  of  Mr.  Ames  had  not  have  been  hold 
up  by  fome  as  the  Demoflhenes  of  America.  I  believe  the  Grecian 
orator  never  prefumed  to  addrefs  his  fellow-citizens  on  the  moil 
fublime  fubjects,  and  then  attempt  to  fcreen  his  defects  by  declar- 
ing his  "want  of  leifure."  Such  kind  of  Subterfuge  might  anfwer 
in  common  cafes,  and  among  idle  fchool  boys  ;  but  if  the  Atheni- 
an orator  had  been  chofen  by  the  Areopagus,  to  pronounce  an  eu- 


ftp.  X.  On  Air.  A.nes's  Qra  45 

logy  on  die  mod  celebrated  character  of  that  age,  he  would  not 
have  fullered  his  literary  fame  to  be  tarniflied,  by  admitting  an 
"  imperfection"  on  fo  important  a  fubjeft  ;  neither  would  he  have 
fuggefled  an  idea,  that  "  want  of  leifure"  fhould  be  confidered  as 
an  excufe  for  the  numerous  defects  in  his  performance.  Demofl- 
henes  would  not  have  (lumbered  over  the  tomb  of  Wafhington. 
His  mind  would  have  been  fo  deeply  impreffed  with  the  fublimity 
of  the  fubjecl,  that  even  during  his  controverfy  with  Efchines,  he 
would  have  found  leifure  to  commemorate  the  magnanimity  of  a 
hero  like  diatof  Mount  Vernon. 

But,  if  Mr.  Ames  had  not  h'.fure  to  celebrate  the  virtues  of 
Wafhington,  it  appears  he  had  full  time  to  reprobate  the  French 
revolution  : — "  His  mind  teemed  with  a  deep  abhorrence  of  it." 
Initead  of  contemplating,  in  its  utmoft  magnitude,  the  hero  of  his 
eulogy,  his  mind  was  abforbed  in  deteftation  of  France.  It  is  a 
pity  he  had  not  informed  the  Legillature  of  the  ftate  cf  his  mind  ; 
and  declined  an  acceptance  of  fo  important  a  duty.  This  would 
have  been  much  more  refpeclful  than  to  apologize  for  the  "  impcr- 
feBiofu"  of  his  oration,  or  to  crave  an  indulgence  from  die  want  of 
leifure. 

I  (hall  now,  as  was  propofed  in  my  lafl:,  endeavour  to  fhew  the 
apparent  difaifedtion  Mr.  Ames  expreffes  towards  the  late  appoint- 
ment of  C&mmiaioners  to  France.  His  violent  paroxifms  againil 
the  French  revolution,  and  againil  the  government  of  that  coun- 
try, are  ftrong  marks  of  an  indecent  cenfure  on  the  Prefident  of 
die  United  States.  To  fay  the  lead,  it  was  an  indecent  reflection 
on  his  attempt  to  reftore  harmony  between  the  two  Republics. 
The  deluge  of  abufe  heaped  upon  them,  rauft  have  a  tendency  to 
widen  the  breach  between  France  and  America,  more  efpecially 
as  this  oration  is  publifhed  under  the  fanction  of  the  Legillature  of> 
MafTachufetts.  What  mud  be  the  opinion  of  die  French  govern, 
ment  of  our  fincerity,  when  diey  find  fuch  a  toirent  of  calumny 
thrown  upon  them,  even  at  the  time  we  are  making  overtures  for 
accommodation  ?  How  can  Mr.  Ames  juftify  his  conduct,  in 
thus  itigmatizing  with  every  epithet  of  odium,  a  nation  widi  whom 
die  Prefident  is  in  ferious  negociation  ?  While  the  Prefident  has 
declared  that  he  had  received  die  moflr  fatisfactory  afiurances  of 
the  difpofition  of  die  French  government  to  receive  our  commif- 
fioners,  is  it  not  the  higheft  arrogance  in  Mr.  Ames,  to  reprobate 


46  On  Mr.  Ames's  Oration.  No.  X. 

(in  a  hafly  performance)  the  revolution,  "  as  hoftile  to  all  right  and 
juftice,  to  all  peace  and  order,"  and  that  "  its  very  cx'tflcnce  has 
been  a  flate  of  warfare  againft  the  civilized  world"  ?  Does  he 
mean  to  infinuate,  that  the  Prefident  is  defirous  to  renew  a  connec- 
tion with  a  people  thus  deftitute  of  every  amiable  qualification, 
and  that  he  is  only  fporting  with  our  future  welfare  in  attempting 
a  reconciliation  ?  Such  kind  of  language  befpeaks  a  difrefpefl  to 
the  meafures  of  the  Prefident,  which  is  not  becoming  a  man  who, 
by  fpecial  appointment,  was  pledging  the  fentiments  of  the  Exec- 
utive and  Legiflative  of  one  of  the  largeft  Mates  in  the  Union. 
By  what  authority  did  he  prefume  to  bring  into  view  the  nation 
of  France,  when  the  vote  of  the  Senate  and  Houfe  of  Reprefent- 
atives  never  contemplated  fuch  a  fubjeft  ?  It  was  the  moft  unpar- 
alleled effrontery  in  him,  to  take  this  opportunity  to  vent  his  in- 
veftives  ;  and,  under  pretence  of  commemorating  the  virtues  of 
Wafhington,  to  afperfe  a  nation,  within  whofe  territory  the  Prefi- 
dent had  juft  fent  his  commiffioners.  Mull:  not  this  oration  be 
considered  as  an  infidious  counterpart  to  the  pacific  fyftem  adopt- 
ed by  the  Prefident,  and,  in  fome  degree,  intended  to  defeat  the 
purpofes  for  which  it  originated  ?  I  would  not  be  unchar- 
charitable  towards  Mr.  Ames,  but  it  is  a  faft,  that  the  Prefident 
has  met  with  obftacles  in  the  bufinefs  of  negociation.  A  junto 
are  oppofed  to  him  for  this  part  of  his  condutf  ;  and  every  bafe 
means  is  taken  to  thwart,  and  defeat  an  amicable  termination  of 
this  embaiiy.  A  war  faction  are  bufy  to  increafe  the  diiTenfions  ; 
to  prevent  a  renewal  of  friendfhip  and  intercourfe  ;  to  force  the 
two  Republics  to  open  hoftilicies  ;  to  create  a  war  with  France,  and 
to  form  an  alliance  with  Britain.  All  the  tools  of  this  fa&ion 
are  induftrious  in  their  various  departments  to  accomplifh  thefe 
purpofes,  and  while  fome  are  employed  to  calumniate  that  nation 
by  their  writings,  others  are  as  equally  induftrious  to  difaffefc  the 
public  mind  by  detraction  and  falfehoods.  A  war  junto  are  now 
doubly  aclivc  iince  the  profpedi  brightens  for  amity  and  good  fel- 
lowship between  France  and  the  United  States.  They  are  afraid 
that  their  fchemes  for  a  Handing  army,  and  other  deteftable  plans 
which  they  had  anticipated,  will  be  fruftrated  ;  and,  as  fuch  prof- 
pefts  decreafe,  they  become  more  vigilant  to  effect  their  projects 
by  fraud  and  ftratagem.  Such  perfons  are  totally  inattentive  to 
the  intereft  of  the  merchant,  farmer,  or  tradefman.     They  do  not 


No.  Xv  On  Mr,  Ames's  Oration*  47 

confider  the  embarraffed  ftatc  of  our  commerce,  and  the  immenfe 
injury  to  our  trade,  by  the  prefent  ftoppage  of  intercourfe  with 
France  :  fuch  commercial  confiderations  do  not  attract  their  no- 
tice. The  great  object  with  them  is  to  obtain  a  war  eftablifh- 
ment — and,  under  this  patronage,  to  riot  in  luxury  amid  the  gen- 
eral diftrefs,  and  impoverishment  of  the  country  ;  to  live  on  the 
toils  and  fatigues  of  the  induftrious  ;  to  incrcafe  the  public  bur- 
thens ;  augment  LAND-TAXES  ;  and,  after  throwing  the  com- 
munity into  convulfions,  to  employ  a  STANDING  ARMY  to 
force  the  people  into  a  compliance  with  their  arbitrary  mandates. 
Such,  for  the  moft  part,  are  the  men  oppofed  to  Mr.  Gerry,  as 
governour  of  this  Commonwealth  ; — he  is  for  Peace.,  but  they  are 
for  War. 

Such  reflections  are  not  imaginary,  they  appear  too  ferious  to 
be  doubted.  If  this  was  not  the  cafe,  why  do  we  find  particular 
perfons  fo  anxioufly  defirous  to  prevent  an  amicable  negociation 
with  France  ?  Why  do  we  find  them  ufmg  the  mod  irritating 
and  abufive  language  towards  them  at  this  important  juncture  ? 
If  thefe  perfons  were  difpofed  for  peace,  is  it  probable  they  would 
ftudy  fuch  numberlefs  epithets  to  provoke  the  refentment  and  ex- 
cite the  jealoufy  of  the  French  government  ?  Or  would  they  em- 
brace every  opportunity  to  vent  their  malice  and  chagrin*  at  the 
conduct  of  the  Prefident,  for  commencing  the  prefent  negociation  ? 
Impoflible,  that  men  who  were  ferioufly  in  favour  of  peace,  fhould 
in  all  their  actions  and  conduct  exprefs  fo  contrary  a  difpofition. 

The  Britifh  faction  are  now  reduced  to  their  ne  plus  ultra.  They 
know  that  the  bufinefs  between  the  two  Republics  is  in  a  train  for 
an  amicable  fettlement.  They  are  convinced  if  this  fhould  take 
place,  that  a  Britifh  influence  would  be  weakened  in  this  country. 
The  Old  Tories,  and  men  of  monarchical  principles,  are  pleafed 
while  the  controverfy  fubfifts  between  France  and  the  United 
States,  and  they  exultingly  anticipate  the  period  when  the  fwords 
of  the  Americans  will  be  drawn  againfl  France,  and  their  arms 
extended  to  embrace  Britain. 

Gracious  heaven  !  can  there  be  men  who  call  themfelves  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States,  (till  attached  to  a  connexion  with  Britain, 
and  defirous  of  a  war  with  France  ?  Let  fuch  perfons  read  the 
cruelties  of  the  Britifh  during  our  revolution — let  them  read  the 
feorrid  maflacres  of  their  fellow  citizens— let  them  revert  to  thofe 


4«  On  Mr.  Anus's  Oram:.  No.  XI. 

periods  when  Britons  and  Heflians  were  prowling  through  our 
defencelefs  towns,  and  marking  their  footfteps  with  the  blood  of 
the  innocent  inhabitants  ;  let  them  afk  themfelves  this  ferious 
queftion,  whether  they  can  place  any  confidence  in  the  friendfhip 
of  a  nation,  which  has  purfued  every  fyftem  of  terror  to  accom- 
plifh  their  purpofes  ?  Ye  advocates  for  England,  talk  no  more 
about  Religion — were  not  the  facred  temples  of  the  Almighty, 
appropriated  by  them  to  the  vileft  purpofes  ?  Even  the  venerable 
fanctuary,  where  the  pious  Prince  and  Sewall  wept  over  their  au- 
dience, was  converted  to  an  equeftrian  theatre — where  the  faints 
affembled,  there  the  unhallowed  footfleps  of  a  blafphemous  banditti 
marked  their  outrageous  depreciations. 

Thefe  remarks  may  appear  foreign  to  Obfervations  on  Mr.  Ames's 
Oration — but,  when  we  obferve  a  difpofition  in  any  man  to  coun- 
teract, by  indecent  reflections  on  the  French  nation,  the  amicable  nego- 
ciation  now  pending,  it  naturally  excites  fentiments  of  the  fore- 
going nature.  If  Mr.  Ames  was  a  friend  to  peace,  would  it  not 
have  been  prudent  to  fupprefs  the  indignation  of  his  mind  with 
refpeft  to  France  ?  Why  mould  he  vent  his  calumny  at  this  crifis, 
when  every  effort  is  making  to  clofe  the  breach  which  has  unfor- 
tunately taken  place  ?  If  the  Prefident  is  willing  to  heal  the 
wound,«why  mould  he  apply  any  corrofive  to  irritate  and  inflame 
it  ?  Would  a  friend  to  the  Prefident  attempt  to  open  new  wounds, 
when  he  is  ufmg  meafures  to  clofe  the  old  ?  Could  we  expect  this 
from  Mr.  Ames,  whofe  pathetic  fpeech  in  Congrefs  again/l  a  war 
with  Britain,  contrafted  Indians,  tomahawks,  and  fcalping-knives> 
with  peace,  liberty,  and  fafety  ? 

The  obfervations  made  by  a  writer  with  the  fignature  of 
«  NEW  SOUTH,"  I  mall  confider  at  "my  leifure."  They  ap- 
pear too  trifling  to  draw  me  afide  from  a  few  more  obfervations  on 
Mr.  Ames's  oration  ;  after  I  have  gone  through,  I  fhall  clip  the 
wings  of  this  new  fledged  rara  avis. 


No.  XL 

ON    MR.    AMES'S    ORATION. 

jOL  Propriety  of  language,  and  a  dignity  of  deportment,  are  two  ef- 
fential  qualities  of  an  orator.    It  is  derogatory  to  a  public  fpeaker  to 


ISlo.  XI.  On  Mr.  Ames's  Oration. 


4f 


ufe  opprobrious  epithets,  or  to  take  an  advantage,  from  the  exclufive 
privilege  of  his  fituation,  to  abufe  nations  or  even  individuals.  It 
difcovers  a  fordid  difpofition  to  improve  an  opportunity  (when 
interruption  would  be  deemed  an  indecency)  to  calumniate  thofe, 
who  cannot  anfwer  for  themfelves  ;  and  when  a  man  arrogantly 
affumcs  this  mode  to  vent  his  inveftives,  it  difplays  a  ftrong  mark 
of  the  malignancy  of  his  heart. 

Mr.  Ames,  when  placed  within  the  fantlum <  fantlorum  of  the  Old 
South,  arrayed  in  his  fable  habiliments,  felt  that  kind  of  fecurity, 
which  has  too  often  been  improved  within  the  facred  defk,  to  ad- 
vance principles,  and  enforce  dogmas  analogous  to  the  feelings 
and  pcrfonal  refcntmcnt  of  the  fpeaker.  Thus  elated,  he  knew 
that  whatever  he  might  fay,  would  not  expofe  him  to  an  immediate 
explanation  ;  and,  under  this  impreflion,  he  felt  a  confidence  in 
wilhing  to  "  gather  round  him  the  nations"  ;  and  with  a  fupercili- 
ous  aflurance,  was  anxious  to  "  raife  his  voice  to  a  ftrain  which 
could  be  heard  by  all  mankind." 

But  to  check  the  flight  of  this  enraptured  enthufiaft,  let  us  fup- 
pofe  him  placed  within  the  hearing  of  the  army  of  France  ;  would  he 
dared  to  have  vociferated  "  that  the  French  revolution  has  been, 
from  thefrjl,  hoftile  to  all  right  and  juflice,  to  all  peace  and  order 
in  fociety,  and  that  its  very  exigence  has  been  a  ftate  of  warfare 
againll  the  civilized  world"  ?  It  is  a  difgf  ace  for  a  perfon  to  fay 
that  behind  a  man's  backy  that  he  is  afraid  to  fay  to  his  face.  Mr. 
Ames,  though  vaunting  in  a  pulpit  that  he  wifhcd  to  be  "  heard 
by  all  mankind,"  would  have  exhibited  a  ftrong  defcription  of  the 
tremor  of  Belfhazzar,  if  Bonaparte  had  at  that  moment  been  an- 
nounced, as  one  of  his  audience.  On  fuch  an  event,  he  would 
have  been  a  curious  phenomenon  in  the  hiftory  of  Quixotifm,  to 
obferve  the  change  between  the  bombaftic  fulminations  of  an  ora- 
tor, when  he  confidered  his  antagonift  at  three  thoufand  miles  dif-« 
tance,  and  the  placid  ftrains  of  complacency  when  he  expe&ed  to 
confront  him  on  his  defcent  from  the  roftrum. 

Mr.  Ames,  in  his  reply  to  the  Legiflature,  acknowledges  his 
oration  to  be  a  hafly  performance^  and  that  he  had  not  leifure  to 
confider  the  fubjeft  ;  from  thence  we  are  to  conclude,  that  hs 
thought  but  little  about  what  he  toot  faying)  or  ivho  be  was  ahijing. 
His  oration  was  a  kind  of  medical  regimen,  which  ferved  to  cvap- 
G 


5 .3  On  Mr.  Amti's  Oration.  No.  XL 

orate  the  effufions  of  his  "  teeming  mind"  ;  and  his  epithets, 
tropes  and  figures,  like  mercurial  pills,  ferved  the  valuable  purpofe 
of  difcharging  the  fpleen  and  chagrin  which  for  a  long  time  had 
laid  indigefted  within  him.  As  thofe  humours  are  now  worked 
off,  we  hope  he  feels  more  compofed  and  tranquil. 

The  French  revolution  is  a  fubjeft  worthy  the  contemplation 
of  a  philofopher.  It  is  an  epoch,  which  no  hiftory  can  parallel, 
and  when  a  political  character  prefumes  to  fpealc  upon  it,  he  un- 
dervalues his  reputation  by  bringing  into  view  the  '  mufly  docu- 
ments' of  hiilorical  tradition.  Where  is  the  hiftory  that  keeps 
pace  in  analogy  with  its  rapid  progrefs  ?  It  outftrips  every  flow, 
tedious  procefs  of  former  examples,  and  (lands  pre-eminent  among 
thofe  wonders  which  at  once  confound  and  aftonifh  mankind. 
Bonaparte,  in  companion  with  Casfar,  Alexander,  and  the  long  lift 
of  military  characters  which  fwell  the  page  of  hiftory,  is  like  the  fun 
in  its  meridian  fplendour  diffufmg  its  rays  among  the  inferior  planets 
of  the  natural  fyftem.  Such  men  are  only  viewed  at  a  diftance,  like 
the  Georg'mm  Sidtts,  through  a  telefcope  ;  but  Bonaparte  is  a  lumi- 
nary which  difplays  its  radiance  not  only  within  its  own  orbit,  but 
illumines  the  extenfive  hemifpheres  of  Europe,  Afia,  and  America. 
He  (lands  a  monument  of  the  particular  attention  of  heaven  ;  for, 
amidft  the  immenfity  of  dangers  by  which  he  has  been  furrounded, 
he  has  never  received  a  wound  to  flop  for  a  moment  the  career  of 
his  glory.  He  has  fuffered  innumerable  deaths  by  his  enemies, 
but  he  has  rifen  from  the  grave  with  a  tenfold  increafe  of  military 
fame,  If  the  crocodiles  have  fwallowed  him,  they  have  been  obli- 
ged to  difgorge  their  luxurious  repa,ft  with  an  additional  retinue  to 
proclaim'  his  re-entrance  into  life,  and  with  frefli  laurels  to  adorn 
the  brow  of  their  engulphed  hero. — The  combined  powers  of  Eu- 
rope have  alternately  been  obliged  to  fubmit  to  the  invincibility  of 
this  "  wonderful  people"  ;.  and  we  may  daily  expedl  to  hear  that 
the  Emperor,  with  his  prowling  bead  of  prey,  Suwarrow,  are  fup- 
pliants  for  their  mercy.  Britain  may  pofllbly  have  the  honour  of 
being  the  laft  to  acknowledge  their  fovereignty  ;  but  the  energy  of 
the  prefent  government  will  probably  force  her  to  a  compliance,  in 
order  to  prevent  the  inroads  of  a  "  confervative  power"  (directed  by 
Bonaparte)  to  check  the  lawlefs  domination  of  this  tyrannical  na- 
tion. The  letter  of  Conful  Bonaparte  to  the  King  may  be  the  pre* 
curfor  of  fuch  an  event. 


No.  XI.  On  Mr.  dmcs* s  Oration.  p 

The  French  revolution  thus  foars  beyond  the  idle  tittle-tattle  of 
a  few  fuperficial,  local  politicians  in  this  country.  The  fhottr 
lighted  policy  of  a  funding  fyftem- — the  menial  fycophancy  of  a 
Britifh  alliance — the  trifling  considerations  of  pecuniary  appoint- 
ments, the  paltry  efforts  of  a  fclf-created  ariflocracy  in  America, 
are  all  loft  in  the  great  plan  of  the  French  revolution.  The  ex- 
peufive  monarchical,  ariftocratical,  and  prieftly  modes  of  their  for- 
mer government  are  completely  annihilated,  or  at  leaft  are  placed 
in  that  direction  as  mull  eventually  deftroy  the  pernicious  princi- 
ciples  which  for  centuries  have  been  the  fcourge  of  that  nation. 
The  government  is  now  free  from  the  voracious  demands  of 
bankrupts  ;  who,  in  fome  republics,  are  confidered  as  national  pau- 
pers, to  be  provided  for  by  commiffions  in  the  army  and  navy. 
The  levee  of  a  Queen  was  a  greater  burden  to  the  people  of  France 
than  the  whole  expenditure  of  their  prefent  civil  eftabliihment. 

To  judge  of  the  French  revolution,  we  muft  recur  to  their  for- 
mer fituation  under  the  monarchy  :  and  when  Mr.  Ames  talks 
about  French  jacobinifm,  "  as  inspiring  a  fanaticifm  that  was  intol- 
erant and  contagious,"  he  ought  to  have  brought  into  view  the 
gloomy  receffes  of  the  Bastile  !  the  defpotifm  and  extravagance 
of  the  monarchy,  and  the  the  horrid  impofitions  of  the  Popifh  hi- 
erarchy. This  fpirit  of  jacobinifm,  which  he  reprobates,  was  necef- 
fary  to  counteract  the  immenfe  preiTure  upon  the  liberties  and  pro- 
perty of  the  citizens,  and  became  the  only  efficacious  medium  to 
oppofe  the  tyrannical  meafures  of  their  former  government. 

This  jacobinifm  was  fimilar  to  the  fpirit  which  animated  Wafn- 
ington,  Hancock,  Adams,  and  the  hoft  of  patriots  during  the 
American  revolution  ;  and  had  Great-Britain  accomplifhed  her 
wicked  purpofes,  thefe  heroes  would  have  been  ftigmatized  as  jaco- 
bins and  fuffcrcd  the  penalty  of  rebels.  The  term  jacobin  is  of  mod- 
ern coinage,  but  its  real  signification  (as  applied  by  thofe  falfely  ftyl- 
ed  federalifts)  is  comprized  in  the  old-fajlnoned  word,  Rebel.  The 
tories  would  have  been  equally  as  induftrious,  during  our  revolution, 
to  ftamp  the  epithet  jacobin  upon  Congrefs,  the  American  army,  with 
the  arch-jacobin  Wafhington  at  their  head,  as  they  now  are  to  give 
this  appellation  to  the  leading  characters  in  the  French  nation. 
The  traitor  Hutchinfon,  if  the  term  jacobin  had  been  then  in 
vogue  would  have  been  conftantly  dinging  in  the  ear  of  his  Majefty, 
that "  jacobinifm  had  become  ia  America  rather  a  fe#,  than  a 


I 


52  On  Mr.  Ames's  Oration.  No.  XI. 

party"  ;  "  infpiring  a  fanaticifm  that  was  equally  intolerant  and 
contagious."  The  Englifh  papers  would  have  been  conftantly 
teeming  with  this  opprobrious  epithet.  Lord  Nordi  would  have 
re-echoed  in  the  BritiSh  Parliament,  "  the  contagion  of  the  jacobin 
faction,"  and  every  confpicuous  character  in  the  United  States 
would  have  been  reprobated  as  the  fomenter  of  inSurrection,  and 
promulgator  of  diforganizing  principles. 

Every  attempt  to  reftore  the  liberties  of  mankind,  or  to  check 
the  progrefs  of  arbitrary  power,  is  now  ftyled  jacobinifm.  If  the 
people  of  Ireland  make  any  exertions  to  maintain  their  rights,  or 
oppofe  the  cruelties  of  a  mercenary  foldiery,  they  are  marked  out 
as  the  objects  of  ministerial  vengeance  under  this  designation.  If 
the  French  people  efpoufe  their  liberties,  againft  the  outrages  of  a 
monarchy,  nobility,  and  priefthood,  the  weapons  wielded  in  oppo- 
fition  to  them  are  the  proflituted  epithets  of  diforganizers,  anarch- 
ills,  and  jacobins. 

If  Mr.  Ames  means  to  be  confidered  as  the  defender  of  the 
old  fyjlem  of  France,  under  which  the  tortures  of  the  Baftile  were 
exercifed — the  extravagant  expenditures  of  the  crown — the  vaf- 
falage  of  the  citizens,  under  the  impofitions  of  a  numerous  body 
of  nobility — and  their  ignorance  arifing  from  the  absurdities  intro- 
duced by  a  phalanx  of  voracious  priefls  :  If  he  is  the  advocate  for 
thefe  eftablifhments,  let  him  ftep  forward  in  a  manly  avowal  of  his 
principles,  rather  than  by  an  infidious  reflection  on  thofe  patriotic 
efforts  which  have  been  made  to  reftore  the  equal  rights  of  the 
citizens. 

Mr.  Ames,  while  reprobating  France  as  purfuing  a  Jacobinical 
fyftem,  lias  the  audacity  to  affert,  that  the  fame  deftructive  Senti- 
ments are  prevailing  in  this  country.  An  oppnfttion  to  the  Federal 
Conjlitution  is  generally  defined  to  conftitute  the  character  of  a 
jacobin.  Upon  this  ground,  I  am  willing  to  meet  Mr.  Ames  ; 
and  am  ready  to  place  the  ftigma  upon  that  body  of  men,  among 
whom  the  grcateil  attempts  have  been  made  to  deftroy  thofe  repub- 
lican principles,  on  which  this  Constitution  is  founded. 

From  what  quarter  has  -xjlandrng  army  been  advocated  ?  From 
whence  is  it,  that  the  economical  fyftem  has  been  fo  far  Supersed- 
ed, that  the  impoft  and  exciSe  have  not  been  equal  to  the  exigences 
of  our  government  ?  From  whence  have  land  taxes  arifen — - 
Stamp  duties-— bank  eftablifhments-— with  a  numerous  train  of  er- 


No.  XI.  On  Mr.  Ames's  Oration.  53 

penfive  official  appointments,  which  have  encieafed  the  national 
debt  to  its  prefent  magnitude  ?  Who  were  the  men  in  favour  of 
a  treaty,  which  will  probably  deceive  the  merchant,  and  expofe 
the  farmer  to  a  demand  of  Several  millions  ?  Who  are  now  defir- 
ous  to  collateral  the  amicable  negotiation  now  pending  in  France  ? 
Are  thofe  the  men  whom  Mr.  Ames  would  defignate  as  the  friends 
to  our  Republican  Cqnflitutton  I  or  would  he  rcprcfent  their  oppofers 
as  a  jacobin  faftion  ?  Have  not  this  latter  clafs  of  citizens  been  con- 
stantly urging  economical  meafimrs  ;  and  in  all  their  proceedings, 
both  in  and  out  of  Congrefs,  have  they  not  been  afliduous  to  pre- 
vent the  pernicious  tendency  of  extravagant  expenfes  ?  The  de- 
bates in  Congrefs  are  evidences  of  tbeir  exertions  to  maintain  the 
purity  of  the  Republican  fyftem,  to  reftore  the  friendfhip  of  France, 
and  a  defire  to  retrench  the  expenditures  of  the  government  within 
the  real  abilities  of  the  people  to  difcharge  them.  I  may  venture 
to  fay,  if  thefe  traits  conftitute  a  Jacobin,  that  a  large  proportion 
of  the  real  citizens  are  of  this  defcription. 

But,  to  come  clofer  towards  Mr.  Ames,  as  it  relates  to  the 
Conjli/u/ion,  and  the  difpofition  of  certain  individuals  to  alter  its 
republican  properties,  I  would  afk  him  (and  he  is  rcqurjlid  to  anfwer) 
whether  he  is  not  the  author  of  the  following  remarks  in  Mifs 
Hannah  Adams's  hiftory  of  New-England  ?  If  he  is,  let  the  citr 
jzens  judge  who  are  the  men,  that  are  defirous  to  change  the  clfen- 
tial  principles  of  the  Federal  ConUituticn. — Who  are  the  men, 
that  are  anxious  to  fubvert  the  flate  fovereignties,  and  to  etlablifh 
a  complete  confolidation — and  provided  jacobinifm  is  defined  to 
be,  an  attempt  to  change  our  prefent  Conjlituticn,  the  queftion  is,  whe- 
ther men  of  this  Stamp  are  not  deferving  the  obnoxious  epithet. 

The  remarks,  referred  to,  Stand  thus  in  page  496  of  the  above- 
mentioned  hiftory  :- — 

"  The  withholding  of  a  complete  negative  from  the  Prefident,  the 
interference  of  the  Senate  in  appointments  to  office,  the  mode  of  their 
election  by  the  refpeefhe  Jlates,  the  want  of  permanency  in  that  body, 
Sufficient  for  their  flf-prefrvation  againfl  die  paroxifm  of  fudden 
democratic  intemperance  which  have  generally  denied  to  republics 
the  enjoyment  of  both  tranquillity  and  longevity,  and  above  all, 
the  difcordant  and  feemingly  anarchical  conflict  of  national  and 
flate  fovereignties ',  the  impcrium  in  imperio,  are  yetconfideied  by  many 
as  deviations  from  a  corrcd  political  theory," 


54  On  Mr.  Ames's  Orallon.  No.  XI. 

In  this  proportion,  an  "  unchecked,  unbalanced"  Prcfidcnt, 
and  an  hereditary  Senate,  are  contemplated- — an  uncontroled  ap» 
pointment  of  offices  by  the  Executive,  and  an  annihilation  of  the 
ftate  governments,  are  all  confidcied  as  eifential  to  form  a  "  cor- 
rect political  theory."— -Can  any  man  who  advocates  fuch  a  plan 
be  ftylcd  a  Federalift  ?  Can  he  be  called  a  friend  to  the  exifting 
Conftitution  ?  Are  not  all  the  Republican  and  Federal  traits  of  our 
government  exploded,  mould  fuch  amendments  be  introduced  ? 
Could  a  mode  ft  man  prefume  to  reprobate  others  for  attempting 
to  fubvert  the  Conftitution,  if  he  himfelf  propofed  a  change  which 
ftruck  fo  radically  at  its  vital  principles  ?  N 

It  has  ever  been  the  policy  of  monarchifts  and  ariflocrats  to 
effect  their  purpofes  by  certain  cant  terms,  which  they  circulate 
with  peculiar  facility,  as  defcriptive  of  their  own  fentiments  and 
thofe  of  their  opponents — Federal  and  Anti-Federal  Lave  been  ufed 
by  them  with  remarkable  fuccefs  to  favour  their  deflgns.  While 
fuch  perfons  ftyle  themfelves  Federalifls,  they  have  in  mod  inftances 
been  endeavouring  to  confolidate,  not  only  the  Federal  government 
in  the  hands  of  the  Executive,  but  have  been  equally  anxious  to 
annihilate  the  fovereignty  of  the  refpective  States.  ,  Inftead  of 
calling  themfelves  Federalifls,  they  are  more  properly  ftyled  Con- 
Jolidation'ifts.  The  Anti-Federalifts  (fo  called)  are  in  fa<!t  the  Real 
Federalifls,  as  they  have  on  all  occafions  endeavoured  to  keep  the 
'powers  of  the  Executive,  Legiflative,  and  Judicial,  as  feparate  as 
they  are  contemplated  in  the  letter  and  fpirit  of  the  Conftitution. 
Under  the  term  Federalifm,  many  projects  have  been  accomplished, 
and  armed  with  this  deceptive  appellation,  thefe  real  Anti-Federal 
ijls  have  alTumed  the  exclufive  title  of  fupporters  of  the  Federal  Con- 
Jlitution.  They  have  fo  artfully  played  their  tricks,  that,  like  jug- 
glers, they  have  thrown  a  mift  over  the  public  mind,  folely  calcu- 
lated to  miflead  every  man  who  is  not  aware  of  the  deception. 

But,  fellow-citizens,  the  paifage  quoted  from  Mifs  Adams's  hif. 
tory,  came  from  a  man  who  was  "  high  in  office,"  and  calls  him- 
felf a  Federalifl.  How  far  it  is  confonant  with  thofe  Republican 
principles  maintained  in  our  ftate  Conventions,  is  left  to  the  candid 
confideration  of  every  impartial  citizen.  If  fuch  a  fyftem  fhould 
be  adopted,  what  features  of  the  prefent  Conftitution  would  be 
preferved  ?  It  would  be  fo  radical  a  change,  that  fcarce  one 
veftigs  would  remain  of  its  prefent  theory  j    and  yet  thofe  very 


No.  XII  <  Remarks  on  New-South.  $<T 

perfons  who  are  trying  to  bring  the  Federal  Conflitution  into  this 
diftorted  form,  have  the  effrontery  to  ftigmatize  their  antagonifts 
as  Jacobins,  and  fubverters  of  the  exifting  government. 

Upon  the  whole,  while  reviewing  Mr.  Ames's  oration,  it  ap- 
pears intended  rather  as  a  philippic  on  political  characters  both  in 
France  and  America,  than  an  Eulogy  on  General  Wafhington.  It 
carries  an  infidious  reflection  on  the  late  conduct  of  the  Pr'efident 
- — it  is  bombaftic  in  di<5Hon,  but  "  flat  as  the  canvas"  in  fenti- 
ment — it  is  crouded  with  fiction,  tropes,  and  figures,  which  are 
abfurd  in  their  application-— it  is  fcurrilous  and  abufive,  and  des- 
titute of  thofe  eflential  qualities  which  constitute  the  fcholar,  or 
defignatc  the  politician. 


No.  XII. 

A    FEW    CANDID    REMARKS    ON    "  NEW-SOUTH." 

A  HE  principal  objecl:  contemplated  in  the  obfervations  on  Mr. 
Ames's  oration  was,  that  it  had  more  the  appearance  of  a  philippic 
again/}  France,  than  an  Eulogy  on  Wajhinglon.  A  writer  who  ftyles 
himfelf  "  Ne<w-South,"  has  denied  the  pofition,  and  attempts  to 
prove,  by  inferting  a  paragraph  of  about  twenty  lines,  (from  an 
oration  of  31  pages,)  that  Mr.  Ames  had  done  full  juftice  to  the 
"  military  character"  of  Wafhington. 

This  author,  however,  has  placed  the  controverfy  in  fo  perplex- 
ed a  point  of  view,  before  the  public,  that  we  are  at  a  lofs  to  know 
who  or  what  he  means  to  vindicate.  He  fets  out  in  a  violent  paf- 
fion  to  reprobate  the  idea,  that  Mr.  Ames  is  deficient  in  refpedr  to 
the  Hero  of  Mount  Vernon  ;  but,  like  all  other  over-heated  en- 
thufiafts,  he  foon  forgets  his  fubjeft.  He  begins  with  General 
Washington,  and  ends  with  Lawyer  Ames. ...he  ftyles  his  oration 
as  the  "  greateft  effort  of  genius  and  talent"  ;  and  that  even  the 
"  honied  eloquence  of  a  Kirkland"  is  not  to  be  compared  with  it. 
"  The  liquid  periods  of  the  counfellor,"  he  fays,  "  cannot  fail  of  re- 
ceiving the  homage  of  tajle."  In  the  midft  of  his  rhapfody,  he 
leaves  Wafhington  "  in  the  cold  ground,"  and  thus  proceeds  to 
eulogize  the  feraphic  Ames  :  "  His  eloquence  will  form  an  epoch 
in  our  country,  and  be  diftinguitfied  as  the  agb  of  Amjss  :    Al- 


$C  Remarks  en  New-South.  No.  Xit. 

ready  it  a/Tames  its  high  place  in  the  regions  of  oratory  ;  like  the 
mllhy  "May,  it  whitens  along  its  allotcd  portion  of  the  hemifphere  ; 
our  future  rhetoricians  will  furvey,  through  the  tekfeope  of  biography, 
the  fpace  where  fo  many  beauties  blend  their  rays,  and  delight  to 
feparate  them  into  groups  and  diltinrt  figures.  The  flrft  of  fpeak- 
ers  may  fafeTy  confign  his  fame  to  this  monument  of  his  powers,  fof 
it  will  live  among  the  remoteft  days  of  Columbian  liberty  and 
happinefs,  and  mingle  its  author's  mild  glory  with  Washington's." 
The  above  is  a  fpecimen  of  the  fublimc,  which  would  add  laurels 
to  the  brow  of  a  Sheridan. 

It  is  a  pity  that  New-South  had  not  confulted  with  Mr.  Ames, 
previous  to  his  publication,  in  order  that  they  might  have  agreed 
between  themielvcs  as  to  the  fubjecl  of  eulogy — for,  as  it  now 
ftands,  they  are  fo  at  variance  that  it  is  difficult  to  reconcile  them. 
One  fays,  that  it  is  the  "  age  of  Wafliington"  ;  and  the  other,  that 
it  is  the  "  age  of  Ames."  One  declares,  that  "  two  Wafliingtons 
cannot  come  in  one  age"  ;  and  the  other  fays,  equally  as  peremp- 
torily, that  two  cxift  at  one  period.  New-South  has  taken  the  cli- 
max of  Wafliington's  character,  and  applied  it  to  Mr.  Ames.  In- 
ftead  of  contemplating  Wafliington,  in  the  fublime  regions  of  blifs 
and  glory,  we  are  led  through  the  "  milly  way"  to  explore  the  af- 
cent  of  Mr.  Ames,  "  in  his  alloted  portion  of  the  hemifphere." 
We  arc  called  on  to  furvey,  through  the  telefcope  of  biography,  in 
the  regions  of  orator}',  a  variety  of  beauties,  rays,  groups,  and 
figures,  while  "  the  firft  of  fpeakers  configns  his  fame  to  the  monu- 
ment of  his  powers,  and  mingles  his  mild  glory  with  Wafhing- 
ton's." I  muft  plainly  confefs,  that  tnis  fublime  pathos  foars  vaft- 
3y  beyond  my  comprehenfion  ;  but  fuppofe  it  is  meant  to  convey 
an  idea,  that  the  fplendour  of  Mr.  Ames  (after  pairing  through 
the  regions  of  the  milky  way)  will  fo  mingle  itfelf  with  the  glory  of 
Wafliington  that  it  will  be  difficult  to  diftinguifh  them. 

If  this  is  the  real  meaning,  New-South  has  in  every  particular 
taken  all  the  exclusive  honour  conferred  on  Wafliington,  and  plac- 
ed it  on  Mr.  Ames.  If  he  thus  mingles  his  glory  with  Wafliington, 
his  name  muft  be  equally  "  hung  up  inhiftory  as  confpicuoufly  as  if 
it  fparkled  in  one  of  the  conflellations  of  the  iky."  When  Mr.  Ames 
pays  the  debt  of  nature,  fome  orator  "  muft  pronounce  for  pofterity, 
now  dumb,  that  eulogium,  which  shey  will  delight  to  echo  ten  ages 
h<?nce,  when  we  are  dumb."     He  alfo  is  feen  "  like  a  ftar  to  cheer, 


No.  XII.  Remarks  on  New-South.  tf 

to  guide,  and  to  fave"  ;  he  alfo  appears  "  like  a  light-houfe,  that 
gleams  upon  the  furrounding  darknefs  with  inextinguiihable 
fplendour." 

In  fhort,  New-South  has  eulogized  Mr.  Ames,  far  beyond  what 
this  orator  has  expreffed  towards  General  Wafliington.  Every 
trait  of  his  chara&er  is  depictured  in  the  mod  pleafmg  colours,  and 
difplayed  in  the  moft  melting  drains.  He  does  not  bring  into 
view,  as  analogous  to  any  office  he  fuftaincd,  "  volcanoes,"  "black 
clouds,"  "  whirlwinds,"  Sec.  ;  but  the  fofteft  language  is  intro- 
duced," fu'ch  as  "  honied  eloquence,"  "  liquid  periods,"  and  "  mil- 
ky way."  While  "  great  Generals,  like  meteors,  dazzle  and  terri- 
fy," Mr.  Ames  fhines  with  luftre  irt  "  the  regions  of  oratory,  and 
whitens  along  his  alloted  portion  of  the  hemifphere."  New-South 
exhibits  the  portrait  of  Wafliington  "  as  flat  as  the  canvas  ;"  while 
he  foars  among  the  ftars  with  a  "  biographical  telefcope"  in  one 
hand,  and  the  trumpet  of  fame  in  the  other,  defcrying  the  rapid 
progrefs  of  Mr.  Ames,  and  proclaiming  his  approach  at  "  the 

MONUMENT    OF     HIS     POWERS." 

"  The  monument  of  his  powers"  !  This  Hiuft  be  acknowledged 
as  the  utmoft  ex-tent  of  human  invention.  To  arrive  at  the  fpot 
where  this  monument  is  to  be  erefted,  he  wafts  Mr.  Ames  "  through 
the  regions  of  oratory"  ;  through  "  the  milky  way"  ;  through 
hemifpheres  unknown ;  and,  after  hurrying  him  through  fuch  a 
variety  of  climates,  and  exalting  him  to  fuch  a  point  of  elevation, 
he  at  length  places  him  in  that  fpace  of  exiftence  "where  beauties 
blend  their  rays,  and  delight  to  feparate  in  groups  and  figures"  ! 
Thefe  are  rhapfodies  which  befpeak  the  great  mind,  and  a  moft 
luxuriant  fancy  ;  and  we  cannot  but  follow  in  idea,  the  biograph- 
er, with  his  telefcope,  prowling  through  "  the  milky  way,"  "  whi- 
tening in  his  progrefs  their  alloted  portions  of  the  hemifphere." 
This   is  bathos  !  ! 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  treat  this  fubjeel  too  ludicroufly,  but 
as  New-South  has  come  forward  in  vindication  of  Mr.  Ames,  if 
he  will  accurately  determine,  whether  it  is  the  "  age  of  Wafhing- 
ton,"  or  the  age  of  Ames,  I  fliall  then  be  able  to  reply  to  his  in- 
genious performance.  But  while  the  epoch  hangs  thus  doubtful, 
it  is  needlefs  to  enter  into  the  controversy  ;  and  if  he  and  Mr. 
Ames  will  fettle  this  point  between  thcmfslves,  I  (hall  readily  pur- 
H 


5 5  On  Laco  and  his  Safeties.  No.  XIII. 

fue  an  investigation  of  the  fubject.  It  is  peculiarly  unfortunate  for 
New-South  to  Humble  at  die  threshold  ;  for  the  fact  is,  he  is  more 
at  variance  with  Mr.  Ames,  than  he  is  with  me  ;  and  the  difpute 
really  lays  between  themfelves.  If  Mr.  Ames  is  right,  in  faying 
that  "  this  is  the  age  of  Wafhington,"  certainly  New-South  is 
wrong,  in  faying  that  "  it  is  the  age  of  Ames" — and  fo  vice  verfa. 
As  this  is  a  very  important  point,  in  which  I  do  not  choofe  to 
meddle,  I  (hall  wait  with  the  utmoft  patience,  till  I  am  informed 

how  they  have  determined  the  queftion. Till  then,  adieu. 

»■  ■  -  . 

No.  XIII. 

ON    LACO    AND  HIS    SATELLITES. 
To  the  Author  of  "  The  Jefferfotuad"  In  the  Ccntinel. 

A  HE  mode  in  which  I  have  handled  this  fubject,  may  appear  a 
little  Angular  to  you  and  your  party  ;  but,  before  I  clofe,  I  believe 
you  will  find,  that  the  controverfy  is  well  undcrftood,  and  a  pro- 
per application  will  be  made  as  to  your  charges  againfl  Mr.  Jefferfon. 
— As  you  are  confidered  as  a  branch  from  this  deteilable  junto,  I 
fhall  in  fome  future  numbers  treat  you  with  that  familiarity  which 
your  officioufnefs  deferves.  The  EiTex  junto  have  had  fuch  an  ex- 
orbitant influence  within  the  government  of  the  United  States  for 
many  years  paft,  that  it  is  necelTary  to  appropriate  a  few  publica- 
tions to  cxpofe  the  fecret  defigns  and  infidious  views  of  this  fra- 
ternity. In  the  firfl;  place,  I  believe  it  can  be  clearly  proved  that 
every  embarraiTment,  under  which  the  country  labours,  arifes  from 
them- — that  all  the  virulence  of  parties  originated  through  this  peftif- 
erous  medium — that  all  the  deception  which  has  been  practifed,  in- 
cluding tub  plots,  Ocean  majfacres,  Illuminati,  &c.  originated  from 
this  artful,  felf-aggrandizing  faction.  This  junto  have,  from  the 
firft  eflablifhment  of  the  Conflitution,  been  active  to  effect  their 
plans,  and  for  this  purpofe  have  inlifted  into  their  fervice  a  few 
timc-ferving  clergymen,  aided  by  a  phalanx  of  fycophants,  office  feek- 
ers,  and  war  contractors,  and  thus  embodied  have  watched  every 
favourable  opportunity  to  forward  their  deftrudive  projects. 

The  upjlart  hirelings  of  this  junto  have  often  been  challenged  to 
appear  before  the  public  with  their  real  names  ;  but  like  aiTalTins 
they  have  attempted  to  abufe  the  character  of  Mr.  Jefferfon  in  pri- 


No.  XIII.  On  Laco  and  his  Satellites.  $f 

vate  caucuses,  and  under  the  (hade  of  evening  have  fculked  within 
the  walls  of  Vila's  hall  to  vent  their  bafe  infinuations  againft  the 
man,  whofe  pen  difplayed  not  only  the  Jpirit  of  America,  but 
ftamped  a  literary  fame  on  her  character.  When  fuch  pufillan- 
imous  beings  aiTume  a  licence,  under  the  darknefs  of  night,  to  vil- 
lify  the  luminary  or  American  Independence,  they  (hrink  into 
the  fame  contempt,  as  if  a  glow  worm  fhould  exhibit  his  taudry 
wings  to  eclipfe  the  radiency  of  the  fun  in  his  meridian  fplendor. 

Another  infect,  of  the  fame  defcription,  has  had  the  effrontery 
to  talk  about  "  making  peace  with  France  at  the  point  of  the  bay- 
onet." Such  infignificant  chatterers  may  be  indulged  with  fuch 
hyperbole  ;  for  mould  France  contend  with  this  country,  fuch  lil- 
liputians  would  efcape  their  notice,  as  it  would  be  degrading  for 
Bonaparte  to  exhibit  them  on  the  point  of  his  bayonet.  A  flea 
in  the  paw  of  a  lion  would  be  but  a  poor  compliment  to  the  hero- 
ifm  of  the  fovereign  of  the  forefl:  ;  an  infect  of  this  fize  would 
not  arreft  the  notice  of  a  man,  who  has  contended  ever  the  Alps 
with  die  veterans  of  Auftria. 

During  our  controverfy  with  France,  we  have  had  the  bombaf- 
tic  cffufions  of  warfare  from  thofe  who  would  fly  (fhould  the  con- 
teft  become  ferious)  to  the  utmofl  boundaries  of  creation,  rather 
than  confront  the  enemy  in  the  field  of  battle  ;  or  if  they  fhould 
be  met  with,  by  accident,  the  magnanimity  of  the  French  foldiery 
would  pafs  them  in  purfuit  of  an  enemy  worthy  of  their  conqueft. 

To  revert  more  particularly  to  the  apparent  caufe  of  our  diffi- 
culties with  France,  it  is  proper  to  obferve,  that  the  Britijh  treaty  is 
the  oflenfible  object  of  controverfy.  This  inftrument  was  in  the 
firfl  inftance  unanimously  reprobated,  and  though  Laco  was  at  the 
firft  town-meeting  in  Bolton,  furrounded  with  his  fatellites,  yet  not 
a  word  efcaped  him  or  them  in  favour  of  its  ratification.  It  was 
unanimoujly  reprobated  by  the  citizens,  as  injurious  and  ruinous  to 
the  commercial  intereft  of  the  United  States.  Their  filence  can 
eafily  be  accounted  for,  as  the  plan  for  adopting  this  Britifh  fyftem 
had  not,  at  that  time,  be  matured  by  the  Jirjl  conful  of  this  junto  ; 
his  fatellites  were  then  waiting  orders,  and  after  they  had  received 
their  peremptory  mandates,  inilead  of  acting  an  honourable  part 
to  counteract  the  proceedings  of  the  town,  they  held  zfecret  meeting, 
and  iiTued  a  clandejline  fubfeription-paper  among  the  unwary  citizens, 
to  requeft  the  necefTary  appropriations.     Every  infignificant  tool 


•O  On  Laco  and  bis  Satellites.  No.  XIII. 

of  the  junto  was  fet  in  motion,  and  the  ftreets  of  Bofton  were  befet 
in  every  corner  by  a  fub-committce  to  intimidate  the  unfufpetfing 
tradefman  to  give  his  fignature  in  favour  of  a  treaty  which  he  had 
previously  condemned  in  town-meeting,  and  which  it  is  faid  throws 
a  debt  or  demand  of  twenty-one  millions  of  dollars  upon  the  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States.  An  inftrument,  which  may  be  con- 
fidered  as  the  fource  of  all  our  difficulties  between  England  and 
France,  as  it  furniffies  the  former  with  a  plea  to  take  our  veflels, 
and  the  latter  a  plaufible  pretence  to  treat  us  with  indignity. — 
During  this  tranfaction,  many  had  the  effrontery  to  threaten  the 
induftrious  tradefman  with  the  lofs  of  bufmefs,  in  cafe  he  refufecj 
figning  ;  fome  of  them  however  might  at  that  time  have  confiderr 
ed  party  zeal  as  profitable,  while  the  arrogance  of  others  admits  of  no 
apology.  Mr.  Hamilton,  it  is  faid,  was  the  firft  man  who  had  the 
boldnefs  publicly  to  advocate  the  adoption  of  die  treaty,  and  when 
his  partizans  found  he  was  fuccefsful  in  New-York,  they  aflumed 
their  wonted  courage  in  other  parts  of  the  United  States,  and  at 
length  by  threats  and  deception  gained  over  a  large  proportion  of 
the  citizens. 

I  am  willing  to  allow,  that  many  who  were  active  on  this  occa- 
fion,  are  not,  ftiictly  fpeaking,  of  the  EfTcx  junto.  But  the  bold- 
nefs and  audacity  of  thefc  pcrfons  have  deceived  many  honeft, 
well-difpofed  individuals.  The  infolence,  however,  of  thofe  who 
threatened  the  tradefmen  with  lofs  of  work,  ought  never  to  be  for- 
given, as  it  mews  the  depravity  of  their  mind,  and  the  bafenefs  of 
their  conduct — a  purfe-proud  wretch,  who  by  accident  has  rifen 
vaftly  beyond  his  expectations,  when  he  attempts  to  deprive  a 
tradefman  of  his  liberty,  fliould  be  ever  viewed  with  that  indigna- 
tion which  his  impudence  and  ignorance  merit.  Should  the  body 
of  tradefmen  be  controled  by  fuch  upflart  (ordlings,  they  are  un- 
worthy the  name  of  freemen. 

The  Britifh  treaty  was  confidered  by  the  junto  as  the  ne  phis 
ultra  ;  without  this  could  be  ratified,  they  knew  that  the  contro- 
verfy  between  France  and  America  would  be  cafily  fettled.  Their 
plans  were  fo  deep,  they  found  it  nccefTary  that  an  inftrument  of 
this  baneful  nature  was  eflential  to  their  purpofes.  They  knew  if 
they  could  entrap  us  with  Britain,  within  the  chains  of  a  treaty, 
that  it  would  give  them  an  afcendancy  in  cafe  any  overtures 
ihould  hereafter  be  made  with  France  to  fettle  exifting  difficulties. 


No.  XIII-  On  Laco  and  his  Satellites.  61 

They  were  well  aware,  that  the  articles  of  this  compact,  involved 
many  important  points,  and  Should  we  attempt  to  make  a  treaty 
with  France,  that  our  previous  contrails  with  Britain  would  embar- 
rafs  us.  All  thefe  particulars  were  understood  by  the  junto,  and 
therefore,  after  the  ratification,  every  effort  was  made  to  irritate 
and  calumniate  the  French.  The  EngliSh  were  held  up  as  our 
only  friends,  and  the  French  as  the  only  nation  againft  whom  our 
rcfentment  mould  be  directed.  Cockades  were  difplayed  as  the 
counterfign  of  French  extermination-  A  well  known  blufterer  in 
Bofton,  under  the  patronage  of  this  popular  phrenzy,  was  inflated 
with  a  temporary  courage  to  pull  from  the  hat  of  an  invalid  Frenchman 
tke  tri-coloured  cockade  : — this  hero  felt  an  affurance,  under  the 
mania  of  the  moment,  to  difgrace  the  town  of  Bofton  in  Suffering 
his  infolence  to  go  unpunifhed.  Every  indecency  was  offered  to  a 
citizen  who  had  fpirit  and  refolution  to  withftand  the  general 
outrage  on  private  judgment.  During  the  paroxyfm  of  the  public 
mind,  the  junto  took  courage  to  denounce  individuals.  Many 
public  papers  were  devoted  to  their  fervice.  They  even  had  the 
impudence  to  mention  who  fhould  be  difplaced  from  office  ;  and 
previous  to  the  removal  of  Meffrs.  Gardner  and  Whipple  of  Portf- 
mouth,  the  fuggeftion  appeared  in  one  of  thofe  papers. — During 
this  public  infatuation,  and  under  the  influence  of  the  junto,  hovr 
many  refpectable  men  were  removed  from  office  ?  In  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  army,  carried  on  by  the  ESTex  junto,  how  many  vete- 
rans have  been  neglected  ?  and  how  many  have  been  commissioned 
whofe  fervices  are  not  known  in  the  hiftory  of  thofe  times  which 
"  tried  men's  fouls"  ?  In  fhort,  under  the  guidance  of  a  junto,  it  is 
fufpected  the  American  government  has  been  thrown  into  the  moft 
diftorted  pofition.  The  enemies  of  our  revolution  have  in  many 
inftances  riSen  to  the  higheft  degree  of  eminence,  while*  the  old 
foldier  has  been  left  to  confolc  himfelf  with  the  profpect  of  better 
times.  How  many  red  plumes  have  been  difplayed  in  the  hats  of 
thofe  who  have  no  claim  on  our  affection  or  gratitude  • 

This  junto,  we  hope,  has  progreffed  to  its  utmoft  latitude.  The 
PreSident  has  at  length  found  out  their  nefarious  deSigns.  He  be- 
gins to  difcountenance  their  plans,  and  we  truft  is  defirous  to 
begin  a  Syftcm  upon  thofe  principles  which  immortalized  the 
"  profcribed  patriots,  Adams  and  Hancock.'*  We  truft  in  God, 
the  deSigns  of  the  ESfex  junto  are  too  well  known  for  them  ever 


it  Whig  and  Tory.  No.  XIV. 

again  to  renew  their  iniquitous  meafures,  and  while  we  commif- 
erate  the  man  who  has  been  deceived  by  their  mifchievous  defigns, 
we  caunot  but  revere  the  political  character  of  Mr.  Jefferfon,  who 
was  never  duped  by  them.  He  always  was  aware  0/  their  inten- 
tions, and  has  uniformly  been  oppofed  to  their  meafures.  He  rofe 
fuperior  to  their  plans,  and  has  not  now  the  mortification  to  ac- 
knowledge that  he  was  in  any  inflance  influenced  by  them. — Hap- 
py would  it  have  been  for  this  country,  if  every  man  had  been  as 
difcerning  to  avoid  the  machinations  of  a  junto,  who  have  brought 
this  country  to  the  brink  of  ruin.  He  who  forefees  evil,  is  worthy 
the  confidence  of  an  enlightened  people. 


No.  XIV. 

WHIG    AND    TORY. 
To  the  Author  of  "  The  Jejerfomad,"  in  the  Cent'mel 

x\s  you  are  but  a  "  twig  of  the  branch,"  fproutlng  from  the 
root  of  the  Essex  Junto,  and  trying  to  recommend  yourfelf  to 
the  notice  of  this  deteftable  fraternity  by  abufe  and  fcurrility,  it  is 
proper  to  give  you  a  trait  of  thofe  characters  which  are  defignated 
under  this  appellation.  Your  folly  and  ignorance  are  exhibited  in 
fuch  glowing  colours,  that  it  appears  cruel  to  add  to  the  deformity 
of  your  portrait,  by  difplaying  to  the  public  the  real  characters  of 
thofe,  under  whofe  patronage  you  are  calumniating  the  patriotic 
Jefferfon.  A  virtuous  deift  is  preferable  to  a  man  who  profejfes 
Chrtftianity  and  violates  its  principles.  Mr.  Jefferfon  has  endeav- 
oured to  emancipate  the  citizens  of  Virginia  from  the  thraldom  of 
a  religious  tell: ;  to  give  to  Baptifts,  Quakers,  and  every  other  feci, 
the  freedom  of  confeience  ; — -and,  whilft  they  act  conformable  to 
the  Conititution  and  the  laws,  their  tenets,  he  candidly  fuppofes, 
will  not  "  pick  our  pockets,  nor  break  our  legs."  This  doctrine 
is  agreeable  to  the  principles  of  the  Federal  Conftitution,  and  to 
thofe  of  a  large  majority  of  the  States. 

At  this  enlightened  period,  when  the  dogmas  of  illiberal  zealots 
are  fo  univerfally  reprobated,  it  is  difgraceful  for  the  people  of  the 
United  States  to  cenfure  the  catholic  fentiments  of  Mr.  Jefferfon  ; 


No.  XIV.  Whig  and  Tory.  *$ 

or  to  hold  him  up  as  an  object  of  reproach,  for  endeavouring  to 
check  the  violence  of  religious  perfecution.  As  it  relates  to  the  op- 
preffive  laws  of  Virginia,  at  the  time  he  wrote  his  obfervations,  Mr. 
JefFerfon  (lands  in  the  fame  point  of  view  as  Luther  in  oppofition  to 
the  tyranny  of  the  Church  of  Rome — as  Barclay,  in  vindication  of 
the  Quakers — as  Mayhew  and  Chauncy,  in  vindicating  the  Diflen- 
ters — as  Backus,  Stillman,  Baldwin,  &c.  in  fupport  of  the  privi- 
leges of  the  Baptifts.  In  fhort,  he  is  the  vindicator  of  the  rights  of 
confcience,  in  oppofition  to  all  thofe  baneful  Tefts  which  have  been 
impofed  on  mankind.  Inftead  of  being  ftigmatized  with  the  epi- 
thets of  Atheift,  and  Deift,  he  is  entitled  to  the  refpecT:  of  every 
citizen,  let  his  religious  opinions  be  what  they  may^;  and  he  has,  as 
fully,  and  faithfully  declared  the  rights  of  confcience,  as  he  has  the 
juftnefs  of  American  independence.  He  ever  ought  to  be 
equally  revered,  by  all  religious  feftaries,  for  his  catholicifm,  as  he 
is  by  the  friends  of  the  American  revolution  for  his  republi- 
canism. The  bafenefs  of  a  junto,  in  abufing  this  man,  is  the 
ftrongeft  evidence  of  their  villany. 

I  mail  now  proceed  by  obferving,  that  the  Effex  Junto  always 
had  a  peculiar  faculty  in  connecting  names  with  things.  During 
the  witchcraft  influence,  every  perfon  fele&ed  for  public  vengeance 
by  the  junto,  was  hunted  down  under  the  appellation  of  witch. 
The  wizards  of  that  day  were  as  afliduous  to  raife  a  popular 
clamour  againft  an  innocent  old  woman,  as  they  now  are  to  excite 
an  indignation  againft  all  thofe  who  are  oppofed  to  their  political 
confpiracies.  The  term  jacobin,  they  foolifhly  think,  is  as  favoura- 
ble to  their  political  projects,  as  that  of  witch  was  to  their  religious 
fanaticifm.  The  bafenefs  of  their  defigns  never  could  depend  on 
art  inveftigation.of  principles  ;  but  they  always  took  fancluary  un- 
der certain  words,  which  operated  like  magic  to  effed:  their  diaboli- 
cal purpofes.  If  Laco  had  been  on  the  ftage,  in  the  time  of 
witchcraft,  his  demure  deportment,  and  monkifh  aufterity  would 
have  qualified  him  for  the  grand  Sanhedrim  of  judicial  inqui- 
fition  ;  and  if  a  faultering  old  woman  had  been  affrighted  in  his 
prefence,  or  thrown  into  hyfterics  by  his  difgufting  countenance, 
he  would  have  thought  it  the  higheft  difplay  of  his  official  integ- 
rity to  condemn  her  ta  the  ftake,  or  tha  gallows,  for  her  con- 
vulfions. 


*4  W*fc  and  Tory.  N«.  XlV. 

Your  frequently  uflng  the  word  jacobin,  in  your  publications,  is 
a  clear  evidence  that  you  belong  to  that  ignominious  party,  em- 
phatically ftyled  the  Effex  Junto,  or  more  properly  an  American 
Briii/h  fatlion — For  this  fraternity  docs  not  folely  refide  in  EfTex, 
but  it  is  a  poifonous  weed  which  has  propagated  itfelf  throughout 
the  United  States.  The  root  is  planted  in  New- York,  and  the 
branches  overfpread  America,  and  contaminate  by  their  peftiferous 
exhalations  a  few  individuals  in  every  city  and  town  throughout 
the  Union. 

What  a  glorious  harvefl !  America  in  controverfy  with  France  ! 
In  controverfy  with  a  nation,  who  aflifted  us  when  oppreffed  by 
Britain  ;  who  lent  us  money,  when  our  troops  were  naked  and 
famifhed  for  want  of  this  neceflary  aid  ;  who  fent  her  fleet,  and 
reinforced  our  army  with  her  veterans  ;  who  are  now  acting 
over  the  fame  tragedy  in  recovering  their  liberties,  as  was  dif- 
played  on  the  heights  of  Bunker. 

What  a  glorious  harveft  !  In  controverfy  with  France,  while 
Britain  is  ftill  purfuing  a  fyftem  of  depredation  on  our  commerce  ; 
when  their  iflands  are  thronged  with  American  prizes  ;  when  the 
Thames  is  crowded  with  Britifh  captures  ;  when  their  judges  are 
condemning  the  hard-earned  property  of  American  citizens  ;  when 
our  feamen  are  impreffed  on  board  their  navy.  During  this  vio- 
lation of  our  neutral  rights,  how  furprifing  is  it  that  we  have  a 
junto  who  are  advocating  Britifh  lenity  !  apologizing  for  their 
enormities,  and  oppofed  to  a  reconciliation  with  France. 

Yes,  fellow-citizens,  we  have  fuch  a  faction  in  the  bofom  of 
our  country  :  Men  who  are  the  fupporters  of  Britain  during  their 
violation  of  our  rights,  and  the  plunder  of  our  property.  Their  in- 
fidious  meafures  have  entrapped  us  into  the  wily  machinations  of 
our  implacable  foes.  An  enemy  hath  done  this,  and  this  enemy 
is  no  other  than  a  Faction,  "  crouching  like  tygers  before  they 
leap." 

In  order,  therefore,  to  defignate  the  party,  let  us  henceforth 
ufe  the  old  appropriate  terms,  Whig  and  Tory. — The  Whigs 
are  thofe  who  have  long  feen,  and  deprecated  the  influence  obtain- 
ed in  this  country,  through  the  operation  of  certain  leading  char- 
acters. They  have  been  ftyled  jacobins,  but  they  are  the  real  fup- 
porters of  the  Federal  Conftitution,  upon  its  jujl  principles.  They 
are  aware  of  the  artful  defigns  of  Britain,  and  have  always  been 


No.  XV.  Rights  of  Conscience.  4$ 

jealous  of  thefe  tories,  who  have  favoured  their  meafures.  Th* 
Whigs  (falfely  ftyled  jacobins)  are  defirous  to  eftablifh  a  govern- 
ment upon  the  equal  rights  of  the  citizens — economy  in  public 
expenditures — taxes  within  the  ability,  and  agreeable  to  the  cir- 
cumftances  of  the  people-— a  militia  inftead  of  a  (landing  army — - 
a  peace  with  France-— and  a  national  character  as  it  rcfpecls  all 
the  powers  of  Europe. 

The  Tories  are  oppofed  to  thefe  meafures  ;  but  are  anxious 
to  bring  us  into  a  controverfy  with  France,  and  alliance  with  Eng- 
land. They  are  panting  for  a  standing  army — an  increase  of 
TAXES — a  multiplicity  of  officers  i — In  Ihort,  to  bring  us 
within  the  vortex  of  the  Britifh  government,  (which  has  been  de- 
clared as  the  "  mod  ftupendous  effort  of  human  wifdom,")  and  to 
copy  all  the  expenfive  fyftems  which  have  nearly  bankrupted  that 
nation.     Such  are  the  men  who  oppofe  Mr.  Jefferfon. 

Thefe,  fir,  are  my  fentiments  of  a  Junto,  who  are  now,  thank 
God,  brought  before  the  tribunal  of  the  public  ;  and  may  the  vin- 
dictive refentment  of  an  injured  people  never  be  fatiated  till  they 
arc  placed  in  that  humble  Jlationy  in  which  they  have  attempted  t» 
debafe  this  country. 


No.  XV. 

RIGHTS    OF    CONSCIENCE, 
To  the  Author  of  "  The  Jefferfoniad,"  in  the  Centincl 


Y< 


OUR  principal  charge  againfl  Mr.  Jefferfon  is,  that  he  is  op- 
pofed to  the  Chriftian  religion.  But  fo  far  from  proving  this,  you 
have  not  produced  one  evidence  to  fupport  your  allegation.  On 
the  contrary,  if  we  are  to  judge  from  his  writings,  he  is  the  advo- 
cate of  that  religion  by  which  Chrift  has  made  us  free.  He  has 
brought  the  whole  fyflem  to  that  point,  through  which  consciencs. 
is  to  direel  us  in  the  great  bufinefs  of  Salvation,  in  oppofition  to 
impofed  articles  of  faith.  He  has  vindicated  this  primary  princi- 
ple, in  contradiction  to  thofe  who  placed  themfelves  in  the  chair  of 
infallibility  j  in  fome  manner,  as  our  Saviour  did,  in  condemning 
I 


6S  Rights  of  Conscience.  No.  XV. 

the  fcribcs  and  pharifces  during  his  pilgrimage  on  earth.  The 
Jewifh  fanhedrim  fet  themfelves  as  the  test  of  religious  ortho- 
doxy ;  and  every  act,  which  our  Saviour  did,  was  oppofed  by 
them,  as  fubverting  the  eftablifhed  fyftcm  of  Jewifh  religion.  The 
Church  of  England,  in  their  religious  creed,  Was  as  juftly  obnox- 
ious to  Mr.  Jefferfon,  and  every  catholic  citizen,  as  the  Jewifh  hi- 
erarchy was  to  our  Saviour.  This  hypocritical  junto  were  ftigma- 
tizing  the  Author  of  our  Religion  in  the  fame  opprobrious 
manner  as  the  EfTex  junto  now  do  Mr.  JefFcifon.  His  difciples 
were  ftyled  men,  "  who  were  turning  the  world  upfide  down." 
The  Chief  PrieJIs,  Scribes,  ancf  Pharifees,  were  his  moft  inveterate 
enemies.  They  would  have  crucified  him  much  earlier  than  they 
did,  "  but  for  fear  of  the  people."  The  People  received  him  glad- 
ly, but  the  Chief  Pr'ujls  were  always  inflaming  the  minds  of  the 
Inultitude,  and  were  the  moft  defperate  foes  he  had  to  encounter. 
The  fadl  is,  the  whole  hiftory  of  our  Saviour  fhows,  the  hypocrify  of 
pr'trfls  and  their  minions.  They  early  combined  againft  him,  and  by 
their  infidious  machinations  drove  Pontius  Pilate  to  condemn  him. 

The  hiftory  of  our  Saviour  fhows  the  dangerous  tendency  of 
Priejicraft.  When  a  country  is  once  brought  under  their  influ- 
ence by  eftablifhed  Tefts,  the  moft  virtuous  part  of  the  community 
fall  a  facrifice  to  their  fanaticilm.  Let  any  man  read  over  the 
New  Teftament,  and  note  down  the  frequent  clamours  of  the 
Chief  PrieJIs  and  Rulers  againft  our  Saviour,  and  they  will  find, 
that  the  whole  oppofition  to  his  miniftry  was  through  this  me- 
dium, and  their  apprehenfions  of  the  downfall  of  Diana  of  Ephc- 
fus.  Judas  received  his  thirty  pieces  of  filver  from  them  ;  and 
every  defperate  meafure  to  enfnare  and  betray  him  was  by  the  fe- 
cret  plottings  of  a  junto,  influenced  by  the  immediate  agency  of 
piicfts  and  their  fanguinary  myrmidons.  Even  after  he  was  cruci- 
fied, "  the  Chief  Priefts  gave  large  money  to  the  foldiers,"  to  fab- 
ricate a  falfehood  on  his  refurrecrion. 

This  has  been  the  cafe  in  all  countries  where  religion  is  eftab- 
lifhed by  government.  The  Church  of  Rome  has  thus  been  able 
to  rife  to  its  pre-eminence.  The  Church  of  England,  &c.  have 
been  founded  on  the  bafis  of  an  extenfive  hierarchy.  Our  fathers 
fled  from  ecclefiaftical  tyranny  and  their  fons  will  never  fubmit  to 
fuch  degrading  fervitude.  In  Virginia,  before  Mr.  Jefferfon 
illumined  the  mind  by  his  writings,  a  difbelief  iu  St-  AthauaiiuV 


No.  XV.  Rights  of  Conscience.  6y 

creed  was  a  crime,  which  nothing  but  the  flames  of  thg  flake  could 
cancel.  Confifcations,  imprisonments,  whippings,  and  fcourges, 
were  the  more  lenient  meafurcs  to  profelyte  men  to  the  abfurd 
doctrines  of  the  Ellablifhed  Syflem.  The  mind  of  the  people  was 
enflaved  by  pricfts,  and  the  dogmas  of  the  gown  and  furplice 
were  to  be  equally  obeyed  with  the  oracles  of  the  Supreme  Being. 

In  this  ftate  of  things,  who  will  not  revere  the  magnanimity 
and  catholicifm  of  Mr.  Jefferfon  ?  Who  will  not  efleem  him  for 
enlarging  the  human  mind  to  contemplate  the  great  fubjedl  of  re- 
ligion ?  What  American  would  wifh  to  be  enflaved  in  his  con- 
fcience,  and  bound  by  halters  and  gibbets  to  rdopt  the  tenets  of  a 
proud  pried,  who  received  an  annual  falary  for  lording  it  over 
Chrifl's  heritage  ?  Such  abfurdities  might  anfwer  in  the  dark 
ages  when  mankind  were  fo  ignorant,  that  a  black  coat,  or  lawn 
flccves,  were  as  terrific,  as  the  thunder  and  lightning  from  Mount 
Sinai.  But,  thank  heaven,  the  world  is  too  enlightened  to  be 
duped  by  prieils  ;  and  the  people  can  read,  and  determine  on 
facred  things  with  that  liberality  and  correctnefs  which  fpurn  at 
the  leading  firings  of  interefled  bigots.  The  days  of  martyrdom 
have  long  flnce  parted  away,  and  the  torch  of  Smithfield  has, 
thank  God,  been  extinguished. 

Not  but  that  the  Clergy  ought  to  be  refpected  in  their  profef- 
fion  ;  but  to  fuppofe  that  they  are  to  dictate  tenets,  or  that  any 
feci  is  to  afTume  a  right  to  control  others,  Is  an  idea  too  deroga- 
tory to  be  admitted  at  the  clofe  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Such 
prepoflerous  abfurdities  had  their  effect  three  centuries  ago,  but 
we  hope  the  prefent  generation  will  give  an  evidence,  that  they 
have  grown  wifer  than  to  fubferibe  to  fuch  ignominious  articles  of 
faith.  To  the  honour  of  America,  though  of  late  a  few  clerical 
characters  have  difgraced  their  profeflion,  and  defiled  their  gar- 
ments, yet  the  liberality  of  the  Clergy  in  general  cannot  but  excite 
our  veneration.  A  Prince,  Sewall,  Mather,  Colman,  Chauncy, 
Mayhew,  Cooper,  and  a  Clarke,  with  others  now  on  the  flage,  fland 
teftimonials  of  their  patriotifm.  Thefe  great  and  good  men  were 
really  champions  in  the  caufe  of  Religious  Freedom,  and  flood 
forth  in  oppofition  to  every  arbitrary  fyftem  to  enflave  or  control 
the  rights  of  confeience.  Thefe  arc  men  who  would  embrace  Mr, 
Jefferfon  with  the  utmofl  cordiality. 


•  8  Rights  of  Conscience.  No.  XV. 

The  abufivc  treatment  given  to  Mr.  Jefferfon  by  yon,  Docius, 
and  others,  is  a  proof  of  the  bafenefs  of  your  caufe,  and  the  folly  of 
your  conduct.  I  would  afk,  whether  you  fuppofe  that  the  people 
of  the  United  States  will  ever  fubferibe  to  a  Religious  Teft  ?  Do 
you  expe-ft  that  the  Quakers,  Baptifts,  Congregationalifts,  Univer- 
falifts,  Unitarians,  &c.  will  admit  the  infallibility  of  any  particular 
Church  ?  Do  you  expect  that  they  will  join  St.  Athanafius  in  his 
anatfiemas  ? — You  may  pretend  to  talk  about  Mr.  Jefferfbn's  infi. 
delity,  but  your  whole  charge  againft  him  amounts  to  this,  that  he 
reprobates  in  his  writings,  the  impofmons  on  the  various  profeflions 
which  differ  from  the  Englifh  hierarchy  and  fupremacy.  Do  you 
mean  to  contraft  Mr.  Jefferfon  with  Mr.  Adams  ?  Do  you  wifli 
to  infinuate,  that  Mr.  Adams  is  in  favour  of  a  Religious  Teft,  as 
a  national  eftablifhment  ?  While  you  condemn  Mr.  Jefferfon  for 
his  catholicifm,  are  you  defirous  to  reprefent  Mr.  Adams  as  the 
advocate  of  an  arbitrary  church  difcipline  ?  In  plain  words,  are  you 
for  an  Inquifition  ?  Let  us,  Decius,  underftand  the  object  you 
are  aiming  to  accomplifh.  Are  you  daring  enough  to  fay,  that 
Mr.  Jefferfon  is  unfit  for  PreCdent,  becaufe  he  is  a  friend  to  the  rights 
of  conscience,  and  that  Mr.  Adams  ought  to  be  chofen,  becaufe 
he  is  determined,  during  his  adminiftration,  to  adopt  a  national 
religious  platform  ?  Are  you  arrogant  enough  to  affert  this  ?-~ 
But  whether  you  do,  or  not,  the  application  of  your  arguments 
amounts  to  it.  You  fay,  that  Mr.  Jefferfon  is  oppofed  to  a  Rer 
ligious  Teft,  and,  being  fo,  is  not  worthy  the  Chair  of  Prefident. 
Does  it  not  then  follow,  by  a  parity  of  reafoning,  that  Mr.  Adams 
is  in  favour  of  a  Religious  Teft,  and  therefore  is  worthy  of  it  ? 

Your  arguments,  Decius,  prove  fo  much  againft  yourfelf,  that 
it  is  needlefs  to  cxpofc  them.  You  attempt  to  calumniate  Mr. 
JefFcrfon,  but  what  you  fay  in  oppofition  to  him,  if  intended  to 
apply  in  vindication  of  Mr.  Adams,  is  greatly  unfavourable  to 
him.  For  his  honour  and  reputation,  I  hope  fuch  an  application 
will  not  be  made.  Would  a  Quaker,  Baptift,  Congregationalift, 
Univerfalift,  Unitarian,  vote  for  Mr.  Adams,  if  they  fuppofed  that 
what  you  alleged  againft  Mr.  Jefferfon  was  approved  by  him  ? 
Are  you  fo  ignorant  as  to  think,  while  yQU  are  condemning  Mr. 
Jefferfon  for  giving  every  feet  the  freedom  of  confeience,  that  you 
are  helping  Mr.  Adams  by  fuggefting  that  he  is  oppofed  to  this 
privilege  i       However  you  may  cloak  your  defigns,  yet,  upon 


No.  XVI.  Phts,  Plots,  Plots.  6f 

fairground,  drawn  from  your  own  premifes,  the  conclufion  is,  that 
you  are  in  favour  of  Mr.  Adams  in  expectation  of  fuch  an  event. 

As  a  friend,  Decius,  I  would  advife  you  to  defift  from  profecut- 
ing  your  publications  ;  for  depend  on  it,  your  arguments  are  injur- 
ing, rather  than  favouring  Mr.  Adams.  You  will  foon  raife  an 
oppofition  from  a  quarter  you  little  fufpect,  and  their  clamours 
will  arife  from  thofe  documents  which  yourfelf  have  furnifhed. 

An  injudicious  friend,  is  the  worfl;  enemy  ; — and  you  may  reft 
aflured,  Decius,  that  your  publications  will  go  farther  towards  the 
election  of  Mr.  JefFerfon,  than  any  hitherto  exhibited  to  the  public. 
You  have  fo  unfkilfully  wielded  your  weapon,  that  it  will  finally 
recoil  upon  yourfelf.  Mr.  Adams's  friends  will  curfe  you,  and  Mr. 
Jeffcrfon's  friends  will  laugh  at  you.  You  will  become  the  fport, 
not  of  a  /mall,  but  of  a  large  party,  "  at  a  future  day."  You  will 
find,  in  the  courfe  of  a  few  numbers,  that  you  have  furnifhed  me 
with  weapons  to  lay  you,  and  your  deteftable  junto,  proftrate. 


No.  XVI. 

PLOTS  !     PLOTS  !     PLOTS  ! 
fo  the  Author  of  *«  The  Jefftrfonladf  in  the  Centinel, 

JL  OUR  luoubrations  have  become  fo  deficient,  both  in  argument 
and  decency,  that  even  to  notice  them  requires  an  apology  to  the 
public.  Tour  obfervations  are  unworthy  a  ferious  refutation  ;  but 
at  prefent  I  fhall  make  ufe  of  you,  as  a  common  fewer,  to  carry  off 
the  filth,  which  has  been  collecting  under  the  aufpices  of  a  defpe- 
rate  tory  junto.  They  have  become,  in  a  political  fenfe,  as  deC» 
tractive  as  the  yellow  fever,  and  require  a  national  "  board  of  health** 
to  purge  the  country  of  their  peftiferous  infection. 

Though  my  numbers  are  addrefled  to  you,  yet  I  would  not 
flatter  you  fo  far,  as  to  lead  you  to  fufpect  that  I  confidered  your 
remarks  on  Mr.  JefFerfon  as  having  a  tendency  to  leflen  his  char* 
after — They  favour  too  much  of  the  efTence  of  Billingfgatc  to  ex^ 
cite  the  attention  of  the  candid  ;  and  are  too  deficient  in  argu* 
rnent  to  profelyte  any  man  who  values  his  literary  reputation. 


7*  Pkth  Plots,  Plots.  No.  XVI. 

Leaving  you,  Decius,  out  of  the  queftion,  I  fhall  go  on  to  ob- 
ferve,  that  the  variety  of  meafures  adopted  by  the  lory  junta  in 
this  country,  for  the  four  years  pafl,  are  worthy  the  particular 
confideration  of  the  Whigs,  at  the  prefent  crifis.  Every  contri- 
vance which  ftratagem  could  devife,  or  intrigue  fabricate,  has  been 
fraudulently  praftifed  on  the  unfufplcious  citizens,  to  effect  their 
bafe  purpofes  ;  a  deep-laid  fyflem  of  deception  has  been  purfued, 
and  the  moll  low  tricks  ufed,  to  intimidate  the  cautious,  and  terri- 
fy the  ignorant.  Every  little  dirty  manoeuvre  has  been  fo  artfully 
managed,  that  the  paltry  efforts  of  a  faction  have  fucceeded  to  ac- 
complifh  a  temporary  advantage.  At  one  time,  a  Tub-Plot  was 
founded  as  the  tocfin  throughout  the  United  States.  The  terror 
was  fo  univerfal,  that  every  old  woman  expected  to  find  treafon 
and  rebellion  wrapped  up  in  a  bundle  of  linen  ;  and  the  contents 
of  a  wetjhing-tub  were  infpected  with  as  much  accuracy*  as  the 
entrails  of  birds  and  beafts  in  the  days  of  augury. 

This  tub  mania  operated  with  wonderful  fuccefs,  till  at  length 
it  gave  way  to  a  more  myfterious  Tailor-Plot.  To  ufe  a  vul- 
gar expreflion,  "  the  devil  was  to  pay  among  the  tailors."  All 
the  crofs-kgg'd  fraternity  (as  if  touched  with  the  wand  of  Har. 
lequin)  were  cried  down,  as  being  employed  to  make  uniforms  for 
an  army  of  jacobins,  who  were  (it  was  faid)  to  join  the  French 
on  their  landing  in  America.  This  induftrious  thread-and-needle 
brotherhood  were  generally  fufpe&ed  to  be  in  league  with  France, 
to  aid  Bonaparte  in  his  defcent  on  the  United  States.  Every  tai- 
lor's fhop  in  Philadelphia  was  confidered  as  "  pregnant  with 
evils"  as  the  belly  of  the  Trojan  horfe  ;  and  was  viewed  as  the 
rendezvous  of  a  banditti  of  "  wild  Irj/hmen,"  who  had  enlifted  in 
the  fervice  of  the  French  Directory.  The  tailor-plot  was  fo  terrific, 
that,  inftead  of  beholding  homjl  Buclram,  nine  degrees  below  par,  he 
was  magnified  to  a  political  Falftaff ;  his  needle  an  Herculean 
wand  ;  and  his  (hears  a  guillotine,  befmeared  with  the  blood  of 
martyr'd  federalifts.  Little  David,  with  his  fling  and  ftone,  was 
not  fo  formidable  to  Goliah,  as  the  tailors  in  Philadelphia,  with 
their  goofe  and  bodkin,  to  the  government  of  the  United  States. 
— Thus  were  thofe  honeft,  induftrious  citizens  ftigmatized  by  a 
junto,  as  the  enemies  of  their  country. 

The  tailor-plot,  however,  pafled  over  as  harmlefs  as  the  morn? 
ing  dew*  and  the  next  fcene  prefented  was  a  Lady-Plot.     In  this 


N'o.  XVL  Pidfs,  Plots,  Pkti.  72 

part  of  the  tory  drama,  every  danger  was  apprehended.  A 
woman  !  a  woman  !  was  all  the  cry.  A  French  man  and  a 
French  'woman,  tub-plots,  and  tailors,  were  reprefented  as  forming 
an  alliance  of  the  moft  formidable  nature  ;  a  woman  was  to  fet 
fire  to  the  magazine,  and  the  Prefident,  Senate,  and  Houfe  of  Re- 
presentatives, with  the  Hon.  Theodore  Sedgwick  at  their  head, 
were  to  fhare  the  fate  of  King,  Lords  and  Commons,  under  the 
fatal  explofion  of  Guy  Faux,  with  his  dark  lanthorn.  The  whole 
government  of  the  United  States  was  to  afcend  towards  Heaven 
in  columns  of  fmoke,  and  the  Confcituted  Authorities  were  to  rife 
to  the  fame  elevation  in  chariots  of  fire. 

Thefe  fever al  Flots,  however,  did  not  fucceed  fo  fully,  as  to  an- 
fwer  the  purpofes  of  the  tory  faction.  At  length,  Mr.  Harper 
contrived  to  tie  a  Bundle  of  plots  together,  which  he  emphatically 
chritlened  "  Clues  to  Conspiracies."  He  exhibited  them  to 
Congrefs,  in  as  much  order  as  a  Connecticut  trader  would  a  bunch 
of  onions.  As  occafions  offered,  he  could  wind  off  a  fkein  of 
"  Clues,"  with  as  much  facility  as  a  country  girl  would  a  fkein  of 
ftocking-yarn.  Thefe  "  Clues  to  Confpiracies"  were  advertifed  in 
Fermo's,  Porcupine's,  and  fome  modeft  papers  in  Bofton,  as  dif- 
coveries  which  would  inevitably  blow  up  the  jacobins.  The  tories 
were  on  tip-toe  to  fee  the  whole  club  in  the  air  ;  and  were  as  plea- 
fed  with  the  idea,  as  ever  the  Duke  of  York  was,  to  find  himfelf 
out  of  the  reach  of  the  French  army.  "  Harper's  Clues,"  how- 
ever, foon  became  like  the  bafelefs  fabric  of  a  virion,  and  he  and 
his  fupporters  funk  into  that  contempt,  which  their  folly  and  igno- 
rance merited. 

Plots  !  plots  !  at  length  loft  their  efficacy.  The  people  got 
wearied  out  with  fuch  nonfenfe  and  abfurdities  j  and  the  tory  jun- 
to, being  baffled  in  their  projects,  had  recourfe  at  laft  to  the  defpi- 
cable  infignia  of  a  Cockade.  In  this  part  of  the  farce,  they  ap- 
peared more  ridiculous  than  ever.  To  fee  a  group  of  old  men, 
fwaggering  through  the  ftreets,  en  militaire  ;  and  a  clufter  of  boys, 
Cnging  the  formidable  ditty  of 

"  When  I  wax  a  little  boy,  my  mother  kept  me  in, 
But  now  I  am  a  great  boy,  I'm  ft  to  ferve  the  king>" 

*aterfper£d  with  a  few  draggling  negroes ;  with  a  huge  throng  ( z* 


Jt  Plots,  Plots,  Plot  Si  tio.  XVL 

fill  up  the  chafm)  of  fycophants,  who  were  courting  public  favour, 
exhibited  a  fcene  which  naturally  excited  the  laughter  and  pity  of 
every  confederate  citizen.  This  cocKADE-influenza  was  rather 
harmlefs,  as  folly  was  the  only  confpicuous  trait  Which  marked  it» 
progrefs — Only  one  blot  remains  on  it*,  which  was,  the  cowardly 
action  of  tearing  a  iri-coloured  one  from  the  hat  of  an  invalid 
Frenchman  ;  but  as  we  know  the  man  and  his  co-adjutors,  who 
were  guilty  of  this  difgraceful  action,  it  is  an  apology  for  the  ftig- 
ma  attending  the  tranfa&ion. 

The  tory  junto,  in  this  ftage  o£  the  bufiflefs,  got  to  their  tu  plus 
ultra  i  ingenuity  was  exhaufted.  They  flood  at  bay  for  fome 
time,  till  they  hit  upon  an  expedient  to  roufe  their  drooping  fpir- 
its.  Reiigiom  !  Religion  !  Was  in  danger  ;-— an  Illuminati  was 
about  to  darken  the  Chriftian  world  ; — Deifm,  Atheifm,  and  every 
ether  evil  was  about  to  take  place  among  mankind.  Some  of  the 
reverend  Doctors  of  Divinity  were  on  fire  to  extirpate  the  perni- 
cious Society  ;  and  they  wrote  in  the  public  papers  fo  many  ab- 
surdities, that  all  their  rhapfodies  became  the  fubject  of  ridicule, 
and  themfelves  the  objects  of  derifion* 

Thus,  for  thefe  four  years  paft,  have  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  been  impofed  on  by  a  tory  faction.  Alarms,  terror,  threat* 
enings,  and  fraud,  have  been  the  weapons  by  which  they  have  a£- 
failed  the  good  fenfe  of  the  people.  Every  fpecies  of  impofition 
has  been  practifed  to  accomplifh  their  wicked  purpofes  :  thofe 
whom  they  could  not  coax  they  intimidated,  and  thofe  they  could 
not  intimidate  they  coaxed.  They  have  purfued  fo  deteflable  a  fyi- 
tem,  that  they  have  been  afraid  and  afhamed  to  encounter  thofe 
who  had  fpirit  and  refolution  to  challenge  them  to  an  explicit  con- 
teft.  They  have  acled  the  part  of  afTafTms  towards  their  oppo- 
nents, by  attempting,  in  an  infidious  manner,  to  injure  jthem  in 
their  bufmefs,  and  afpeife  their  characters.  No  meafure,  however 
bafe  and  infamous,  has  been  neglected  by  this  defperate  junto,  to 
raife  themfelves,  and  deprefs  others.  But,  thank  God,  they  are  fruf- 
trated  in  their  defigns  ;  and  we  truft  in  heaven,  that  the  time  will 
foon  arrive,  when  the  perfidy  of  fuch  adverfaries  will  be  as  con- 
fpicuous to  the  public  as  their  bafenefs  is  defpifed  by  their  op- 
ponents. 

Plots,  Illuminati,  Ocean  maflacres,  &c.  having  loft  their  effica- 
ty,  the  tory  faction  are  now  watching  the  motion  of  the  waters  in 


No.  XVI.  Flats,  Plots,  Plots:  73 

the  enfuirig  election  for  Prefident.  Their  lafl  refource  is,  to  ca- 
lumniate Mr.  Jefferfon  as  an  enemy  to  the  Chriftian  religion.  The 
fame  perions  who  have  hitherto  deceived  the  citizens  about  tub- 
plots — who  have  propagated  the  lie  of  the  Ocean  maffacre,  are 
now  bufy  in  fcandalizing  Mr.  Jefferfon.  They  have  worn  out  ev- 
ery other  falfehood,  and  are  now  reduced  to  the  miferable  fubter- 
fuge  of  calling  him  an  athcift.  The  fact  is,  Mr.  Jefferfon  in  his  wry- 
tings  vindicates  the  right  of  confeience  on  the  fubjed  of  religion,  while 
his  antagonifts  are  planning  in  conclave,  to  creel  a  national 
hierarchy,  to  control  and  tyrannize  over  every  other  religious  eita- 
blilhmcnt.  This  mull  be  the  cafe,  otherwife  it  is  impoflible  that 
fo  much  virulence  lhould  appear  againft  him,  for  attempting  to 
place  every  feet  on  an  equal  footing.  Judge  then,  fellow-citizens, 
between  Mr.  Jefferfon  and  his  opponents. 

The  deceptions  which  have  been  pra<ftifed  on  the  public,  and 
the  falfchoods  propagated  by  thofe  whofe  duty  it  is  to  ftudy  the 
truth,  have  had  a  great  tendency  to  deilroy  the  morals  of  the 
people,  and  to  render  them  inattentive  to  the  precepts  of  the  gof- 
pcl.  When  they  find  fo  many  of  the  Clergy  deceiving  them  with 
foolifli  political  tales,  the  people  begin  to  doubt  the  validity  of 
thofe  doctrines  which  they  preach  and  enjoin.  When  they  obferve 
more  zeal  to  propagate  political,  than  Evangelical  principles,  the 
people  fufpect,  that  the  apparent  fanctity  of  fuch  Clergymen  is 
more  a  cloak  of  hypocrify,  than  a  garb  of  piety  ;  more  especially 
when  they  find,  that  falfehoods  delivered  in  the  pulpit  are  not 
rectified  even  after  the  preacher  is  convinced  of  the  fallacy  of  his 
affertion.  Common  honefty  dictates  to  a  certain  Reverend  Doctor, 
that  he  ought  to  acknowledge  his  error  on  the  Ocean  maifacre.  It 
is  to  be  feared,  that  a  few  overheated  ecclefiaftic  partizans,  have 
done  more  injury  to  the  caufe  of  Religion,  than  all  the  deiftical  or 
a&eiftical  writers  either  in  France,  England, or  America.  A  few 
leading  Clergymen  have  fhown  fuch  an  intolerant  fpirit — have 
acted  and  preached  with  a  temper  fo  unbecoming  the  mild  catholic 
precepts  of  the  gofpel,  that  many  ferious  perfons  have  become  fo 
far  difaffected,  as  to  neglect  an  attendance  on  public  worlliip.  The 
pulpit  in  many  inftances  has  been  a  political  theatre,  and  days  fet 
apart  for  religious  worfhip,  have  been  converted  to  party  rant,  and 
defamation.  The  fociety  inftead  of  being  entertained  or  inftructed 
K 


-4  Thanksgiving  Sermoar*  No.  XVII. 

in  matters  of  religion,  have  been  enraged  againft  each  other  by 
the  inflammatory  dogmas  of  the  preacher. 

This  fubject  is  fo  copious,  I  fhall  appropriate  another  number 
for  a  moreferious  difcuffion. 


No.  XVII. 

DR.   MORSE    ON  THANKSGIVING    AND  FAST    SERMONS. 

W  HILE  confidering  the  "  decay  of  religion  and  morality"  fo 
generally  complained  of  among  the  enemies  to  Mr.  JefFerfon,  it  Is 
proper  to  infert  the  following  quotation  from  Dr.  Morfe's  Geogra- 
phy, which  may  lead  us  to  judge  of  one  caufe  of  their  decline — viz. 
"  There  is  one  diftinguifliing  charaderifl'ic  in  the  religious  char- 
acter of  the  people  of  New-England,  which  we  muft  not  omit  to 
mention,  and  that  is  the  cuitom  of  annually  celebrating  Fasts  and 
Thanksgiving-Days.  This  pious  cuftom  originated  with  our 
venerable  ancestors,  the  firil  fettlers  of  New-England,  and  has  been 
handed  down  as  facred  through  fuccefllve  generations  of  their  pof- 
terity.  A  cuflom  lb  rational,  and  fo  happily  calculated  to  chcrifh 
in  the  minds  of  the  people  a  Jenfe  of  their  dependance  on  the  great 
Benefactor  of  the  world,  for  all  his  bleffings,  it  is  hoped  will 
ever  be  facredly  prcferved." 

A  fentiment  of  this  kind,  coming  from  the  Doctor,  it  is  natural 
to  fuppofe  would  have  had  a  proper  effect  on  his  mind  on  thofe 
anniverfaries.  Inltead  of  leading  his  audience  to  fpeculative  points 
of  politics,  in  his  faft  and  thankfgiving  fermons,  we  might  expect 
that  his  difcourfes  would  have  a  tendency  "  to  cheri/h,  in  the  minds 
of  the  people,  a  fenfe  of  their  dependance  on  the  great  Benefactor 
of  the  'world,  for  all  his  LleJJlngsJ"  Inflead  of  becoming  a  fiery 
zealot  as  a  politician,  we  fhould  conjecture  he  would  have  been 
more  confpicuous  as  a  divine.  His  fermons,  on  thefe  occafions, 
have  been  more  calculated  to  light  up  the  torch  of  perfecution, 
than  to  inculcate  the  benevolent  principles  of  the  gofpel  ;  they 
have  been  more  congenial  with  the  anathemas  of  a  pope,  than  the 
mild  perfuafions  of  a  difciple  of  our  Saviour.  He  has  not  only 
wrote  fermons  to  preach,  but  has  increafed  them  to  an  enormous 
bulk,  for  publication.     His  appendix  has  fometimes  been  longer  than 


No.  XVII.  Thanhglvwg  Semens.  yj 

his  original  difcourfes  ;  and  the  advertifements,/or  the/ale  of  them t 
feemed  more  calculated  to  inflame  the  community,  and  to  fet 
neighbours  at  variance,  than  to  promote  that  peace  and  good  will 
which  are  inculcated  in  the  fcriptures.  His  pretended  lift  of  Illu- 
minati,  containing  a  number  of  outlandifh  names,  may  have  excit- 
ed the  curiofity  of  the  public,  fo  as  to  make  it  a  catch-penny  nvorht 
but  how  far  the  impofition  balanced  the  profit,  is  left  for  him  to 
determine.  An  intolerant  ecclcfiaftic,  is  of  all  characters  the  mod 
to  be  dreaded  ;  not  that  I  would  judge  too  illiberally  of  the  Doc- 
tor's intentions  ;  but  if  any  thing  has  been  publiflied  by  him,  as  a 
fact,  which  afterwards  turned  out  an  egregious  falfehooet,  he  is 
bound  in  duty  (as  an  honeft  man)  to  make  a  public  confeflion 
of  his  crime.  As  a  Chrtjlian  teacher  he  would  not  wifh  to  give  cir- 
culation to  fo  barbarous  a  ftory  as  the  Ocean  mafTacre,  under  all 
the  fanctity  of  a  pulpit  performance,  and  yet  be  backward  to  ac- 
knowledge the  falfity  of  the  narrative.  As  a  clergyman,  who  is  giv- 
ing, in  his  Geography,  a  "  diftinguifhing  characteriftic  of  the  peo- 
ple of  New-England,  in  their  obfervance  of  fafts  and  thankfgivings, 
which  (he  fays)  "  is  fo  happily  calculated  to  cherifh  a  fenfe  of  our 
dependance  on  the  Great  Benefactor  of  the  world,"  it  cannot 
be  fuppofed  that  he  would  be  defirous  to  blaft  fuch  an  inftitution, 
by  printing  a  fermon  on  this  occafion  containing  a  falfehood  of  the 
blacked  nature.  If  he  is  honeft  (as  no  doubt  he  is)  we  candidly 
hope  that  this  Reverend  Divine  will,  ere  long,  make  an  humble 
confeflion  of  his  fault,  and  publicly  retract  every  obfervation  which 
he  has  made  on  this  fabricated  ftory.  This  conduct  would  be  hon- 
ourable, and  I  cannot  but  pleafe  myfelf  that  he  will  foon  give  this 
fpecimen  of  his  integrity.  Many  of  his  friends  have  expected  to 
fee  it  in  print  before  this  time  ;  but  an  apology  has  been  given,  that 
his  various  other  cares,  in  collecting  materials  for  his  Geography, 
&c.  have  hitherto  prevented  its  appearance. 

Thefe  remarks  on  the  Reverend  Doctor  would  not  have  been  fo 
particular,  had  he  not  fignalized  himfelf  fo  often  in  political  con- 
troverfies,  and  publifhed  fo  many  hard  things  againft  others.  But, 
as  reafon  is  now  taking  place  of  declamation,  it  is  beft  to  bring  him 
to  that  point,  in  which  he  may  fhew  his  fmccrity  to  the  beft  advan- 
tage. The  times  require  an  explicit  conduct  ;  and,  in  order  to  try 
the  validity  of  profefllons,  an  appeal  fhould  be  made  to  the  con- 
fciences  of  thofe  who  profefs  to  take  "  Truth  for  their  guide,"  and 


76  Thanl s giving  Days*  No.  XVII. 

Religion  "  for  their  object."  The  touchftone  of  religion  is,  to  ac- 
knowledge a  fault  after  having  committed  it.  Charity  may  cover 
a  multitude  of  fins,  but  cannot  hide  the  deformity  of  wilfully  per- 
fifting  (n  error.  A  man  muft  cart:  out  the  beam  in  his  own  eye, 
before  he  attempts  to  pull  out  the  mote  which  is  in  his  brother's 
eye.  Unlefs  this  is  done,  it  will  not  do  to  talk  about  Illuminati, 
deifm,  atheifm,  or  the  decay  of  religion,  &c.  Firft  let  him  (hew  his 
own  veracity,  and  he  "will  then  feel  a  confidence  in  judging  on 
other  men's  faults.  If  fuch  an  error  had  been  committed  in  his 
Geography,  he  would  have  been  bound  in  duty  to  rectify 
the  miftake  ;  and,  in  candour  to  the  Doctor,  it  muft  be  acknowl- 
edged that  he  wifhes  to  ftand  with  equal  reputation  as  an  evangel- 
ical, «£3ras  a  geographical  author.  Will  calumniating  Mr.  Jeffer- 
fon,  as  an  infidel,  atone  for  the  impiety  of  affronting  die  Supreme 
Being,  by  returning  thanks,  "  that  though  we  have  loft  a  Waflnng- 
ton,  yet  we  ftill  have  an  Han.illon"  ?  Hypocrify  itfelf  muft  blulh 
at  fuch  duplicity. 

The  mode,  in  which  our  Faft  and  Thankfgiving  Days  has 
of  late  been  celebrated,  by  fome  of  the  Clergy,  has  had  a  tenden- 
cy to  deftroy  that  religious  character,  which  diftinguiftied  ou; 
venerable  anceftors.  Thofe  days  originated  from  that  pure  prin- 
ciple which  ought  ever  to  govern  a  people  profeflmg  godiinefs. 
They  were  fet  apart  for  the  exprefs  purpofe,  "  to  cherijh  in  the  minds 
of  the  people  a  fenfe  of  their  dependence  on  the  Supreme  Being."  But 
if  we  examiue  the  fermons,  preached  for  four  or  five  years  hack, 
how  greatly  deficient  are  they  on  this  point  ?  The  people  have-af- 
fembled  on  thofe  occafions,  but  how  fmall  a  part  of  the  fermons 
has  been  directed  to  this  purpofe  ?  Politics,  inftcad  of  religion, 
has  generally  been  the  theme  for  contemplation.  The  mind  pi 
the  audience,  inftead  of  being  folemnized  to  adore  the  Supreme 
Being  for  all  his  mercies,  has  been  convulfed  with  party  contro- 
verfies.  The  preacher,  in  many  inftances,  has  exhibited  more  the 
attitude  of  a  didator,  than  the  folemn  deportment  of  aChriftian  min- 
ifter.  The  congregation  has  been  greatly  difturbed  by  the  incon- 
fiderate  behaviour  of  the  prieft  j  and  the  focicty  have  fcparated 
with  as  much  perfonal  irritation,  as  if  they  had  been  attending  an 
electioneering  town-meeting.  Faft  and  Thankfgiving  Days  have 
been  converted  to  days  of  ftrife,  and  the  focial  circles  have  often 
b?e:i  rendered  difagreeable  by  the  difgufting  conduct  and  political, 


No.  XVII.  Thanhsgro'ir^  Daft.  77 

dogmas  of  a  vindictive  bigot.  The  Great  Benefactor  of 
the  World  has  been  bat  a  fecondary  object,  and  the  names  of 
men  have  been  oftener  mentioned  than  {he  name  of  God,  or  Jesus 
Christ.  The  fact  is,  fuch  an  outrageous  impulle  has  been  excit- 
ed, that  fome  perfons  could  fcarcely  walk  the  iireets  without  being 
iniulted.  Faft  and  thankfgiving  fermons  were  made  political  en- 
gines to  propagate  particular  fentiments.  They  became  a  mere 
traffic,  and  were  hawked  about  the  ftrcets  like  play-bills  or  quack- 
medicines.  The  papers  were  filled  with  adveriifcnients  of  faft 
and  thankfgiving  fermons  ;  the  clergy  feemed  embodied,  and  the 
prefs  groaned  with  new  editions  of  Morfe,  Ofgood,  and  B  wight", 
and  even  a  Gardner  vented  his  venomous  fpleen,  flirouded  within 
the  pale  of  the  fanctuary.  Faft  and  thankfgiving  days  were  days 
of  political  controverfy  ;  fome  of  the  clergy  took  the  field,  and 
their  pulpits  mounted  as  many  guns  as  a  firft  rate  man-of-war. 
The  pews  of  certain  individuals  were  fo  particularly  aimed  ap,  that 
the  perfons  were  almoft  obliged  to  railc  a  LrcaJI-wori,  to  fcrcen 
themfelves  from  their  clerical  affailants.  Faft  and  thankfgiving  days 
were,  in  a  great  meafure,  allumcd  as  the  privileged  periods,  when 
fiery  zealots  arraigned  their  congregations,  to  receive  a  fentence  of 
condemnation  for  the  deeds  done  as  citizens  and  freemen  ;  the  cul- 
prits were  fummoned,  and  the  reverend  judge  inflicted  his  punifli- 
ment,  under  all  the  terror  which  naturally  attaches  itfelf  to  a 
faccrdotal  anathema.  When  the  congregation  was  difmifted,  in- 
ftead  of  hearing  any  thing  which  related  to  the  buGnefs  of  the 
gofpel,  each  one  went  away  "  wagging  his  head"  and  infulting  his 
political  antagonift.  Amidft  this  torrent  of  political  phrenzy,  to 
the  honour  of  many  gentlemen  in  the  profeffion,  they  omitted  poli- 
tics, and  led  their  audience  to  adore  that  Being,  by  whom  all 
bleffings  come. 

I  would  not  be  thought  unreafonably  fevere  in  my  remarks,  but 
I  can  appeal  to  my  fellow-citizens  for  the  truth  of  them.  In  a 
cool  moment  it  is  heft  to  recapitulate  thefe  circumftances,  as  reflec- 
tions on  the  unwarrantable  behaviour  of  fome  Clergymen,  may  be 
of  fervice  to  them  in  their  future  conduft  ;  neither  do  I  wifti  to 
cenfure  them  too  rafhly,  but  when  they  have  been  guilty  of  fuch 
improprieties,  a  plain  ftarement  of  their  H  zeal  without  know- 
ledge," may  lead  them  to  a  reformation,  if  not  to  repentance.  If 
their  feelings  are  hurt  by  a  revifion  of  their  proceedings,  how  do 


7 8  Thanksgiving  Dayt.  No.  XVII. 

they  think  thofe  whom  they  have  cenfured  were  able  to  ftand  the 
ordeal  of  their  vindictive  decifions  ?  It  is  but  a  fair  retaliation, 
that  they  fhould  receive  a  few  of  thofe  lafhes  which  they  have  fo 
unmercifully  bellowed  on  others. 

The  proftitution  of  Fad  and  Thankfgiving  days,  from  thofe 
pure  principles  which  actuated  our  pious  forefathers,  has  been  a 
primary  caufe  of  the  decay  of  religion.  The  people  in  too  many 
inllances  have  found  them  ufed  by  the  clergy  to  improper  puipofcs. 
The  minds  of  the  aged  have  been  foured  and  imbittcred,  while  the 
young  have  been  led  to  contemplate  them  only  as  fet  apart  for  po- 
litical controvcrfy.  Inftead  of  piety  and  devotion,  politics  have 
been  confidered  as  the  fubjeel  to  arreft  the  public  attention,  which 
naturally  excited  an  indifference  and  inattention  to  every  religious 
confideration.  The  worihip  of  the  Supreme  Being,  has  fcarcely 
formed  a  trait  of  our  public  difcourfes  ;  inftead  of  adoring  him, we 
have  blafted  the  French  Directory — inftead  of  returning  him  thanks, 
we  have  abufed  each  other — inftead  of  praying  for  a  bleffing,  we 
have  curfed  thofe  who  differed  from  us.  Society  almoft  feemed 
rent  afunder  ;  contentions  and  bickerings,  inftead  of  love  and 
unity,  were  too  often  the  productions  of  thofe  folemn  ceremonies. 
Why  then  are  we  to  look  to  French  fhilofphy,  or  Mr.  Jefferfon's 
writings,  for  the  decay  of  religion  ?  Let  us  look  at  home,  and  in- 
quire whether  the  caufe  has  not  arifen  among  ourfclvesy  and  from  a 
fource,  from  which  we  had  a  right  to  expect  better  things.  Relig- 
ion is  conftructed  of  the  pureft  and  moft  refined  materials  ;  an  unfkil- 
ful  profeffor,  though  placed  in  a  confpicuous  ftation,  may  deftroy  its 
comelinefs  and  deform  its  features:  it  requires  the  moft  delicate  man- 
agement, otherwife  it  receives  more  incurable  wounds  from  its  advo- 
cates, than  from  its  moft  inveterate  enemies.  The  garb  of  religion  Is 
of.  the  moft  exquifite  texture,  and  it  may  eafily  be  torn  afunder  by 
thofe  who  attempt  to  wear  it.  A  fiery  zealot,  in  lighting  up  the 
torch  to  enforce  it,  endangers  the  fyftem  to  a  general  conflagra- 
tion. The  mild  precepts  of  our  Saviour  is  the  oil  which  burns  in 
the  lamp,  and  thofe  who  purfue  a  different  courfe  arc  the  "  foolifh 
virgins"  who  are  deftitute  of  this  vivifying  ingredient.  Though 
fuch  perfons  may  fay,  "  I  have  eaten  and  drank  in  thy  prefence," 
yet  the  denunciation,  "  depart  from  me,"  will  fall  on  thofe  who 
have  violated   their  facred   functions,   and  proftituted  them   to 


No.  XVIII.  Catholicism.  79 

worldly  purpofes.  Whilfl  the  benevolent  principles  which  arc  in- 
culcated by  Mr.  Jefferfon,  to  give  every  man  the  right  of  covfciencc, 
will  be  applauded,  the  fanatic  reviler,  who  is  willing  to  torture 
a  man  into  his  own  creed,  will  be  reprobated  as  an  impoftor,  and 
an  enemy  both  to  God  and  man.  May  the  religious  of  every  feci 
think  on  thefe  things. 


No.  XVI1L 

CATHOLICISM. 
To  the  Author  of  "  The  Jefferfoniad,"  in  the  Centinel. 

IF  our  newfpapers  were  confined  within  the  territory  of  the  United 
States,  there  would  be  no  occafion  to  anfwer  the  many  grofs  ob- 
furdities  which  appear  againft  Mr.  Jefferfon.  But  as  they  circu- 
late in  Europe,  fome  reply  is  neceffary  to  remove  the  fligma 
which  otherways  might  be  attached  to  them.  A  gentleman  who 
has  for  fo  many  years  received  the  honours  of  his  country,  and 
been  fo  highly  refpefted  by  his  fellow-citizens,  cannot  at  this  time 
require  the  affiflance  of  his  friends  to  vindicate  his  reputation.  At 
the  trying  period  of  our  revolution,  he  flood  confpicuous  both  as 
a  patriot  and  ftatefman.  Among  the  worthies  which  adorn  the 
pages  of  the  American  hiflory,  his  name  is  enrolled  with  diflin- 
guiflied  approbation  and  applaufe.  Ev.er  uniform  and  confident 
with  thofe  republican  principles  which  fuftained  America  during 
her  conflict  with  Britain,  he  has  now  brought  on  himfelf  the  curfes 
of  apostate  tvhigs,  and  the  anathemas  of  profefTed  tories.  Thefe 
men  ficken  at  his  virtues,  efpecially  thofe,  who  are  bafking  under 
the  funfhine  of  lucrative  offices,  and  are  flraring  a  large  proportion 
of  the  money  arifing  from  the  taxes  of  the  people.  The  degenerate 
fons  of  freedom,  are  appalled  at  his  magnanimity,  and  view  with  af- 
tonifhment,  that  he  has  not,  like  themfelves,  faciificed  his  political 
integrity,  to  his  perfonal  emolument.  A  Samuel  Adams,  and  a 
Thomas  Jefferfon  fland  on  that  eminence  of  political  rectitude, 
which  diflinguifhed  them  before  the  pecuniary  means  of  govern- 
ment had  a  charm  to  violate  their  former  profefiions.  They  Mill 
view  the  people  as  entitled  to  rights  of  which  no  conftituted  au- 


Catholicism.  No.  XVIlf. 

thority  can  diuirm  them,  and  they  feel  thofe  attachments  to  pre- 
fcrvc  the  liberty  of  the  citizens,  which  led  them  to  defend  it  againlt 
Britain,  and  her  tory  fr.clhtcs.  Honour,  and  diftinclioris  arc  no 
lures  with  them,  to  annul  thofe  blcffings  which  America  fo  dearly 
d,  neither  has  their  elevation  fo  far  raifed  them  above  their 
fellow-citizens,  as  to  diftinguifh  them  in  claffes  by  any  degrading 
appellation.  This  equality  of  rights,  both  as  it  refpccls  civil,  and  re- 
ligious liberty,  urged  Mr.  JefTerfon  to  vindicate  the  rights  of  con- 
science, and  to  difrobc  the  proud  hierarchy,  which  had  proftrated 
every  other  religious  denomination  to  the  lowed  ftage  of  vaftidage. 
Not  content  with  freeing  America  from  the  thraldrom  of  Britain, 
he  thought  the  work  but  half  accomplilhed  till  he  had  declared 

the   CONSCIENCES    OF    MEN     FREE,    SOVEREIGN,    AND    INDEPENDENT. 

For  this,  my  fellow-ckizens,  is  this  virtuous  character  abuled  j 
for  this  ;s  he  vilified  and  calumniated  ;  for  this  noble  diiplay  of 
catholieifm  he  is  called  an  enemy  to  his  country  ;  for  giving  every 
man  a  right  to  worfhip  God  agreeably  to  his  confeience,  he  is  called 
a  deift,  and  by  fome  is  abfurdly  denounced  an  atheift.  Becaufe  he 
has  attempted  to  adminifter  the  Conftitution  upon  the  principles  of 
economy  and  tcpublicai'.ifm,  he  is  charged  as  fubverting  its  principles  ; 
becaufe  he  is  defirous  to  prevent  burdenfome  taxes,  and  to  make 
the  government  fet  light  on  our  fhouldcrs,  he  13  defignated  as  a 
diforganizer  and  friend  to  anarchy. 

While  reading  the  torrent  of  fcurrility  and  billingfgate  againft 
him,  the  heart  of  every  real  American  mud  palpitate  with  refent- 
ment  ;  we  muft  turn  indignant  on  thofe  venal  columns,  which  are 
proftituted  to  defame  the  character  of  this  firft  of  patriots  ;  the' 
ghofts  of  Hancock  and  of  Warren,  with  the  hoft  of  heroes  who 
have  bled  in  defence  of  freedom,  muft  frown  with  vindictive  ire 
on  fuch  bafe  ingratitude,  and  even  Waihington  muft  view  with 
abhorrence,  the  bafe  treatment  of  the  man  whom  h  e  delighted  to  hon- 
our. The  hero  of  Mount  Vernon  knew  his  worth,  arid  confided  in 
his  virtues  ;  his  talents  were  equal  to  the  greateft  emergencies,  and 
his  honour  and  integrity  placed  him  above  the  groveling  bias  of 
executive  patronage. 

This  is  the  man,  fellow-citizens,  whom  the  tory-faBion  attempt 
to  depreciate,  to  render  fufpicious,  and  to  excite  our  deteftation. 
They  dread  his  virtues,  and  are  afraid,  left  in  the  execution  of  his 
•fficc,  he  fhould  make  manifeft  their  wicked  machinations,  to  dc- 


No.  XVIII.  Catholicifm.  %i 

prive  us  of  our  liberties.  An  holt  of  fuch  aflailants  are  now  active 
in  their  diabolical  fchemes,  and  have  fet  in  motion  every  deteftable 
tool,  and  "  bafe-born"  fycophant,  to  accomplifh  their  wicked  pur- 
pofes.  But  I  truft  in  heaven  they  will  be  defeated,  and  inftead  of  a 
Jefferfon  falling  a  prey  to  fuch  a  venomous  faction,  we  fondly  an- 
ticipate the  happy  profpect,  when  his  enemies  vjll  be  confounded 
by  die  approbating  voice  of  his  fellow-citizens. 

To  injure  the  reputation  of  Mr.  Jefferfon,  they  have  foolifhly 
charged  him  with  a  defign  to  exterminate  religion,  and  deftroy  the  moral 
virtues  of  the  people.  The  writings  and  conduct  of  this  gentleman 
are  fo  contrary  to  defigrrs  of  this  nature,  that  his  defamers  mult 
blufh  at  the  a/Tertion.  His  Notes  on  Virginia  aie  worthy  the  pe- 
rulal  of  the  chriftian  and  philofopher.  The  benevolence  of  his 
heart  is  worthy  the  imitation  of  the  raoft  devout  ;  and  the  accura- 
cy of  his  inveftigations  muft  enlighten  and  inform  the  moft  intel- 
ligent. As  an  author,  he  is  an  honour  to  his  country,  and  the  lit- 
erary reputation  of  America  is  eftablifhed  in  Europe,  through  the 
medium  of  his  publications. 

His  political  conduct  is  a  great  argument,  that  he  is  not  defi- 
rous  to  injure  either  the  religious  or  moral  character  of  the  people. 
His  oppofition  to  particular  meafures  is  a  ftrong  proof  that  he  is 
for^preferving  them  in  their  primitive  purity.  Mr.  JefFerfon  lias 
ever  been  oppofed  to  fyftems,  which  had  a  tendency  to  produce 
thofe  evils  with  which  his  enemies  charge  him.  If  he  had  a  feri- 
ous  defign  to  deftroy  all  religious  and  moral  principles,  he  would 
have  been  in  favour  of  thofe  meafures  which  would  have  led  to  this 
fatal  cataftrophe  ;  he  would  have  been  an  advocate  for  all  thofe 
plans  of  fpeculation,  which  ferve  to  diflipate  and  vitiate  the  mind, 
and  lead  the  community  to  prey  upon  each  other  ;  he  would  have 
fludied  a  deep  fyftem  of  finance,  whereby  a  ftock-jobber,  an  ufurer, 
and  a  fharpcr,  might  defraud  his  neighbour  ;  he  would  have 
planned  ways  and  means  to  throw  advantages  into  the  hands  of 
unprincipled  fpeculators,  and  by  a  dajh  of  the  pen,  to  rob  the  old 
foldier  of  his  hard-earned  property,  and  reduce  to  poverty  the 
widow  and  the  orphan  ;  he  would  have  matured  plans  to  enrich  a 
particular  clafs  of  men,  and  have  fe:  a  fnare  to  violate  every  tie 
which  cements  fociety  ;  he  would  have  made  xlfafbionabU  to  riot 
on  die  fpoils  of  the  unfortunate,  and  proftrate  the  virtuous  to  the 
L 


82  Catholicism.  No.  XVIII. 

lowed  ftage  of  wretchednefs.  Thefe  are  meafures  which  he  would 
have  adopted,  if  he  had  defigned  to  deftroy  every  fenfe  of  re- 
ligion and  morality,  but  unfortunately  for  his  enemies,  he  has  ever 
expreffed  his  abhorrence  to  fuch  horrid  fyftems,  as  lead  to  thefe 
demoralizing  purpofes.  As  a  philofophcr,  he  knew  the  human 
heart,  and  if  he  had  a  difpofition  to  introduce  irreligion  and  immo- 
rality, he  would  have  purfued  thofe  meafures,  which  had  fuch  a 
direct  tendency  to  accomplifh  his  wifhes.  More  particularly  would 
he  have  been  in  favour  of  a  standing  army,  that  bane  to  every 
principle  which  ennobles  the  human  mind.  This  would  have 
been  his  favourite  plan,  as  the  molt  potent  engine  by  which  his 
projects  could  be  effected.  A  rendezvous,  for  the  enliflment  of 
foldiers,  would  have  been  a  more  powerful  channel  to  communi- 
cate his  principles,  than  long  philofophical  diifertations.  At  fuch 
reforts,  the  drum  and  fife  are  more  forcible  arguments  than  fine- 
fpun  difquifitions — here  the  paflions  are  inflamed,  and  fcenes  pre- 
fented  which  flrike  the  fenfes  with  the  mod  lafling  impreflions. 
The  language  of  a  rendezvous,  together  with  all  the  arts  and 
tricks  to  entrap  an  inconfiderate  youth,  are  allurements  which  lead 
the  mind  to  the  utmoft.  ftretch  of  profligacy. 

The  fatal  effects  of  fuch  an  eftablifhment  have  been  too  often 
felt  in  Bofton,  and  with  pain  have  we  feen  a  long  train  of  young 
men,  following  a  flandard  in  that  ftate  of  intoxication,  which  fully 
proved  the  impropriety  of  the  means  by  which  they  were  induced 
to  an  enliflment.  Such  a  difplay  of  immorality,  and  irreligion 
mult  have  been  pleafmg  to  Mr.  Jefferfon,  if  he  was  defirous  to 
extend  fuch  fentiments  as  are  alleged  againfl  him,  and  he  mufl 
have  been  doubly  delighted,  to  find  the  /weeping  of  the  metropolis 
garrifoned  in  different  towns  among  the  honeft  and  induftrious 
yeomanry.  The  profanenefs,  and  indecent  conduct  which  are 
heard,  and  obferved  in  our  ftreets,  are  in  a  great  degree  owing  to 
this  fourcc  of  iniquity.  To  this  may  be  attributed  the  decay  of  re- 
ligion and  morality. 

If  then,  fellow-citizens,  Mr.  Jefferfon  is  the  character  he  is  rep- 
refented  to  be,  how  came  he  to  be  againft  a  standing  army  ?  Can 
it  be  fuppofed  that  he  was  ignorant  of  its  tendency  ?  No  ;  if  he 
wiflied  to  annihilate  every  trait  of  virtue  and  morality  he  would 
have  enforced  it  with  all  the  powers  of  rhetoric,  and  called  on  his 
fellow-citizens  to  aid  the  eftablifhment.       But,  on  the  contrary,  he 


No.  XIX.  Pulpit  Declamation.  83 

ftands  among  the  worthies  who  early  difcountenanced  fuch  a  de- 
finitive evil. 

Americans  ! 

AfTume  your  wonted  dignity revere  the  man  who  has  thus 

defcrved  well  of  his  country.  Let  not  die  enemies  of  our  inde- 
pendence blaft  the  man  who  penned  the  immortal  declaration, 
more  particularly,  when  he  is  calumniated  in  thofe  papers  which 
eulogize  a  Suwarrow. 


No.  XIX. 

PULPIT    DECLAMATION. 

xjlN  enemy  may  be  indulged  to  ufe  his  weapons,  however  weak 
and  contemptible  he  may  appear  in  the  controverfy.  Decius  has 
quitted  the  field  in  difgrace,  and  has  left  a  feeble  antagonist,  under 
the  Signature  of  Philanthropes,  to  cover  his  retreat.  The  purfuit  of 
fuch  an  adverfary,  though  it  cannot  add  laurels  to  the  aifailants, 
yet  it  is  fometimes  bed  to  filencc  the  croakings  of  fuch  infignificant 
infects. 

This  neto  cnmm'ijjioned  general  Philanthropes  (if  we  may  judge 
from  his  diction)  may  more  eafily  be  defignated  by  his  black  gown 
and  while  bands,  that  by  any  other  profefConal  diftinction.  He 
appears  anxioufly  concerned  for  the  reputation  of  the  clergy,  and 
exprefles  the  greateft  apprehenfions,  left  the  reverend  appellation 
fhould  be  brought  into  difrefpect.  In  the  height  of  his  zeal,  he 
has  charged  me  as  being  a  calumniator  of  this  venerable  fraternity 
— as  defirous  to  depreciate  their  reputation — in  fhort,  he  pronoun- 
ces me  an  injidel,  and  ufes  other  epithets  equally  as  obnoxious. 

This  is  a  fpecies  of  virulence  and  indecency  of  language  ever 
ufed  by  bigots.  Deftitute  of  argument,  they  always  have  recourfe 
to  hard  names  and  fcurrilous  reflections — they  never  reafon,  but 
entrench  themfelves  within  their  facerdotals,  and  abufe  their  oppo-. 
nents  with  eveiy  opprobrious  term  which  malignity  can  devife  or 
fanaticifm  fuggeft.  Deift,  atheift,  infidel,  defamer,  diforganizer, 
are  weapons  with  which  they  aflail  their  antagonifts  :  but  they 
are  fuch  daftards  in  fair  open  controverfy,  that  to  confound  them, 
it  is  only  necerTary  to  (ketch  their  portrait,  and  they  are  twrified 
at  the  deformity  of  their  own  features. 


84  Pulpit  Declamation.  No.  XIX. 

Philanthropes  po/Tefles  the  venom  of  a  fanatic  to  fuch  a  degree, 
that  he  disregards  both  truth  and  modefty.  He  has  wickedly 
miftated  my  arguments,  and  unjuftly  reprefented  me  as  an  oppofer 
of  the  chrijlian  religion.  •  So  far  from  depreciating  the  clergy  in  the 
character  they  ought  to  fuftain,  I  have  endeavoured  to  draw  the 
line  between  thofe,  -who  violate  their  ordination  engagements,  and  thofe 
who  act  agreeably  to  them.  A  gofpel  minifter  and  a  political  dem. 
agogue,  are  very  diftinct  characters,  and  though  both  may  wear  a 
clerical  badge,  yet  it  does  not  require  extraordinary  penetration  to 
difcorer  the  imnoftor. 

The  people,  when  they  fettle  a  minifter,  do  not  intend  to  erect  a 
clerical  inqu'ifition  within  the  pariih.  Politics  were  never  contem- 
plated in  the  articles  of  a  church  compact.  They  are  willing  to 
hear  gofpd  truths,  but  are  oppofed  to  political  creeds.  A  minifter  may 
imbibe  certain  doctrines  of  evangelical  faith  :  having  a  fj.  ecimen 
of  his  orthodoxy  previous  to  his  Settlement,  he  has  a  right  to  main- 
tain his  tenets  among  his  fociety,  and  endeavour  to  inftruct  them 

agreeably  to  the  plan  on  which  he  firft  engaged  in  their  fervice 

but  politics  is  a  diftinct  Subject  on  which  no  previous  opinion  had 
been  determined,  and  he  has  no  more  right  to  impofe  his  political 
creed  upon  the  people,  than  to  enforce  any  other  Speculative  queS- 
tion  whatever.  If  he  employs  his  time  in  preaching  on  political 
Subjects,  he  robs  the  parifh,  as  they  never  gave  him  a  Salary  to 
diScuSs  controverfies  of  this  nature.  Thofe  clergymen,  therefore, 
who  have  arrogated  Such  liberties,  either  on  the  Sabbath,  Fall  or 
ThankSgiving  Days,  are  not  within  the  pale  of  the  church,  but 
rnuft  be  confidered  as  heretics,  who  have  proftituted  their  Sacred 
profeflion,  and  demeaned  themSelves  to  become  the  tools  of  a 
wicked  and  degenerate  faction. 

To  evidence  which,  I  will  call  on  Philanthropos  to  anfwer, 
whether  it  is  not  highly  degrading  and  derogatory  to  a  chrijlian. 
preacha;  to  entertain  a  reSpectable  and  devout  audience,  with  a 
ftory,  which  had  no  reference  to  the  Solemnities  of  the  day,  and 
which  ferved  to  irritate  the  individuals  who  aflemble d  for  religious 
exerciSes  on  a  ftated  anniverfary  ?  and  further,  I  would  afk  him, 
whether  he  can  reconcile  an  ohfiinate  Jilence  in  any  man,  if  requefted 
in  ehrijliah  charity,  to  acknowledge  the  rafnnefs  and  precipitancy  of 
his  conduct  ?-  If  Such  a  man  is  often  charging  others  with  deceiv- 
ing the  public  ;    if  he  has  denounced  particular  characters,  as  in- 


No.  XIX.  Pulpit  Deciamction.  85 

fidels,  illuminati,  diforganizers,  &C  mull  he  not  be  confounded, 
while  he  (lands  a  felf-convicted  propagator  of  the  moft  infamous 
falfchood  ?  If  he  knows  that  his  affertions  in  the  pulpit  were 
erroneous,  and  yet  contemns  every  religious  and  moral  obligation 
to  rectify  the  miltake,  we  cannot  but  condemn  him  as  a  deceiver, 
even  though  be  fhould  pretend  to  advocate  the  truths  of  the  gof- 
pel,  or  fhould  be  anxious  to  obtain  miflionaries  to  propogate  the 
chriftian  religion. 

Suppofe  Mr.  Jcfferfon  had  thus  impofed  on  the  public  ?  what 
would  Philanthropos  have  faid  to  blaft  his  reputation  ?  How 
would  he  ring  peals  of  anathemas  againft  the  author,  and  fill  col- 
umns in  newfpapers  to  depreciate  his  character  I  And  yet,  flrange 
to  fay,  a  piotu  ecckfufiic,  of  this  defcription,  can  wipe  his  mouth 
with  a  hypocritical  fanclity,  and  has  the  audacity  to  condemn 
others,  while  he  flands  pre-eminently  cenfpicuous  for  calumny,  de- 
traction, and  defamation. 

As  Philanthropos  has  charged  me  with  a  defign  to  injure  the 
clergy,  I  am  bound  in  duty  to  declare,  in  my  own  vindication, 
that  fo  far  from  wifhing  to  traduce  their  character,  I  feel  the  ut- 
mofr  veneration  for  them.  For  this  purpofe,  I  have  placed  them 
on  that  ground  which  was  contemplated  by  our  Saviour.  I  have 
applied  his  doctrines  as  taught  in  fcripture,  and  mentioned  his  de- 
nunciation againft  fuch  only,  as  he  exprefsly  reprobates.  If  I  am 
wrong,  the  fcripture  is  the  rule  of  error,  as  my  quotations  are 
wholly  taken  from  this  fource.  Philanthropos  has  charged  me 
with  a  defign  to  injure  the  clergy,  becaufe  I  have  faid,  that  the 
hiilory  of  our  Saviour  was  a  proof  of  the  wicked  defigns  of  a  na- 
tional hierarchy.  To  judge  of  this  remark,  let  us  refer  to  the 
Bible  : — their  character  and  conduct  are  thus  given,  viz.  "  That 
when  the  chief  priejls  faw  the  wonderful  things  which  he  did,  they 
were  fore  difpleafed  ;"  he  reprobates  their  pride,  "  that  they  made 
broad  their  philattories,  and  enlarged  the  borders  of  their  gar^ 
ments  ;  that  they  loved  the  uppermoft  rooms  at  feafts,  and  the  chief 
feats  in  the  fynagogues,  and  greetings  in  the  market  places,  and  to  be 
called  of  men,  Rabbi,  Rabbi  ;"  "  that  the  chief pricfis  mocked  him, 
and  faid,  he  faved  others,  himfelf  he  cannot  fave  ;"  "  that  they 
came  unto  Pilate  after  his  crucifixion,  faying,  Sir,  we  remembez 
that  that  deceiver  faid,"  when  he  was  yet  alive,  after  three  days  I 
will  rife  again." 


86  p„lplt  Declamation.  No.  XIX. 

If  fuch  things  mould  now  be  faid  by  Him  of  the  chief  priefts, 
while  exercifing  their  hierarchical  functions,  Philanthropos  would 
cry  out  that  He  was  deceiving  the  people,  and  there  is  no  doubt 
he  would  contemn  our  Saviour  for  his  jealoufies  cf  the  clerical  eftab- 
lifhments.  But,  while  he  was  thus  condemning  the  hypocrites  of 
thofe  days,  we  do  not  find  that  his  difciples  were  difpleafed  with  his 
conduct,  or  cenmred  him  for  exposing  the  wickednefs  of  an  ecclefi- 
aftical  fraternity.  At  that  period,  the  long-robe  gentry  were  ful- 
minating the  curfes  of  the  altar  againft  him,  and  his  humble  follow- 
ers  ;  he  and  they  were  ftigmatized  as  men,  who  were  "  turning 
the  world  uplidc  down  ;"  the  hirelings  of  the  church  were  vocif- 
erous in  their  anathemas,  and  the  temple  of  Ephefus  was  proclaim- 
ed as  tottering  to  its  centre  ;  the  friends  to  our  Saviour  were  per-? 
fecirted,  and  the  apoftles  were  expofed  to  every  infult,  and  finally 
fell  martyrs  to  their  integrity.  Stephen,  when  ftoned,  was  oppos- 
ing the  hypocrify  of  prieftly  bigotry  ;  and  even  St.  Paul  declares 
that  "  he  received  his  authority  from  the  chief  priefls"  on  his  fan- 
guinary  errand  to  Damafcus.  Among  the  thoufands  converted 
by  Him,  and  his  apoftles,  there  does  not  appear  one  priejl  among 
the  number. 

To  fum  up  the  whole  evidence  of  the  Bible,  it  is  clear,  the  chief 
priejls  were  the  perfecutors  of  our  Saviour  during  his  refidence  on 
earth  ;  they  arraigned  him  at  the  tribunal  ;  bribed  Judas  Ifcariot 
to  betray  him,  and  afterwards  laughed  at  his  repentance  ;  they  in- 
fulted  him  at  the  crofs  ;  charged  him  with  being  a  deceiver  ;  per- 
fecuted  his  difciples,  apoftles,  and  followers,  and  at  length  com- 
miffioned  Paul  to  "  purfue  them  to  ftrange  cities." 

Thefe  particulars  I  mentioned  in  my  former  number,  and  for 
this  I  am  accufed  by  Philanthropos  as  a  defamer  of  the  whole 
order  'of  clergy.  My  authority  is  from  fcripture,  as  it  refpetts  a 
national  ejlablijlunent,  and  while  I  can  appeal  to  this  document,  the 
frowns  of  a  few  clerical  bigots  will  be  difregarded. 

I  freely  make  this  declaration,  that  I  am  a  friend  to  the  clergy, 
in  the  character  contemplated  by  our  Saviour  ;  but  in  any  other, 
they  are  on  a  level  with  other  men,  and  if  they  enter  into  political 
controverfles  and  endeavour  to  influence  the  people  in  their  elec« 
tions,  they  quit  their  clerical  ftation,  and  mull  expect  to  receive  in 
return  as  plain  dealing  as  they  give  to  others. 


No.  XX.  Congressional  Caucus.  8  7 

No.  XX. 

CONGRESSIONAL    CAUCUS. 

L  HE  numberlefs  abfuiditics  of  Dccius,  in  oppofition  to  Mr. 
Jcfferfbn,  render  him  fo  ridiculous,  that  in  order  to  anfwcr  him  a 
man  is  obliged  to  condefcend  to  frivolities,  which  are  degrading 
in  a  free  country,  even  to  treat  with  civility. — As  a  fpecimen  of 
which,  I  will  bring  before  the  public  an  argument  on  which  he  is 
foolifh  enough  to  lay  the  greateft  ftrefs  of  his  reafoning.  He  fays, 
"  that  previous  to  the  adjournment  of  Congrefs,  a  Caucus  was  held 
on  the  bufmefs  of  deciding  on  a  Proficient  and  Vice-Prefident ; 
and  that  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Pinckney  were  agreed  on  as  candi- 
dates" ;  and,  to  enforce  his  argument, he  exclaims,  "  how  unreafonable 
would  it  be  for  the  people  to  fruftrate  this  decifion." 

Merely  to  Hate  ihis  circumftance  is  fufficient  to  fruftrate  fuch 
an  unconftitutional  and  unwarrantable  proceeding.  It  fcarcely 
admits  of  a  comment.  It  is  too  degrading  to  be  ferioufly  noticed, 
and  yet  Decius  has  the  folly  to  offer  this  plea  as  a  conclufive  argu- 
ment, why  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  ought  to  accede  to  this 
determination. 

If  any  thing  will  roufe  the  freemen  of  America,  it  mud  be  the 
arrogance  of  a  number  of  members  of  Congrefs  to  affembl-e  as  an 
Eleclioneering  Caucus,  to  control  the  citizens  in  their  conftitutional 
rights.  Under  what  authority  did  thefe  men  pretend  to  dictate 
their  nomination  ?  Did  they  receive  fix  dollars  a  day  for  the 
double  purpofe  of  caucujfmg  and  legislating  ?  Do  we  fend  members 
to  Congrefs  to  cabal  once  in  four  years  for  Prefident  ?  or  are  we 
arrived  to  fuch  a  pitch  of  congreffional  influence,  that  what  they 
decide  on  is  to  be  binding  on  the  United  States  ?  Is  there  any 
paragraph  in  the  Constitution  which  gives  them  fuch  an  authority, 
or  even  countenances  fuch  a  proceeding  ?  After  Congrefs  have 
accomplifhed  their  legiflative  bufmefs,  have  they  a  right  to  dictate 
in  the  choice  of  an  executive  ?  If  fo,  what  an  impofition  on  "  the 
people"  to  talk  about  the  freedom  of  election  ;  or  what  confe- 
quence  is  it  that  the  State  Legiflatures  ihould  concern  themfelves 
in  the  mode  of  choofmg  electors  ?  If  a  Congrefs  Caucus  is  to  de- 
cide, we  have  only  to  inquire  who  the  man  is  in  whom  they  have 


tS  Congnssional  Caucus.  No.  XX, 

agreed,  and  notify  him  of  his  appointment.  Why  fhould  we  be  at 
the  expenfe  of  calling  the  Legiflature  together  to  choofe  electors, 
for  according  to  Decius'  reafoning  the  choice  of  Prefident  and 
Vice-Prefident  is  already  made  ?  He  tells  us  that  they  have  agreed 
to  vote  for  Meflrs.  Adams  and  Pinckney.  If  this  is  the  cafe,  let 
the  Governor  of  each  State  only  acknowledge  thefe  two  gentle- 
men, and  leave  it  folely  to  Congrefs  to  difpofe  of  them. 

It  is  full  time  that  "  the  people"  had  fully  ascertained  their 
elective  privileges  ;  and  if  they  mean  to  be  led  by  Congreflional 
or  Legiflative  CaucufTes,  it  is  beft  the  bufinefs  fhould  be  openly  ac- 
knowledged. For  though  an  appeal  to  the  citizens  on  this  quef- 
tion  might  appear  too  abrupt,  yet  the  fyftem  lately  adopted  comes 
very  near  to  the  fame  principle. 

There  appears  of  late  a  deep  defign  to  fap  the  elections  of  the 
people  by  the  various  manoeuvres  of  a  particular  fet  of  men.  In 
the  firft  place,  we  are  called  on  by  Decius  to  vote  for  Meffrs. 
Adams  and  Pinckney,  becaufe  a  junto  in  Congrefs  had  prerioufly 
determined  on  it  ;  in  the  fecond  place,  an  attempt  was  made  in 
the  Senate  to  place  the  choice  of  a  Prefident  within  the  control  of 
a  felecl  committee  in  Congrefs  ;  in  the  third  place,  the  people  have 
been  deprived  of  their  ufual  mode  of  voting  for  electors,  becaufe 
the  Legiflature  have  afTumed  this  right  to  themfelves.  Thefe 
combined  circumftances  are  certainly  alarming,  and  ought  to  be 
checked  in  their  early  ftages  ;  otherwife  it  will  become  an  ackno*u~ 
ledged  right  in  the  Legiflature  to  control  the  ele&ions,  and  the 
conftitutional  liberties  of  the  people,  will,  in  confequence  thereof, 
fall  a  facrifice  to  fuch  baneful  encroachments. 

The  argument  of  Decius,  therefore,  fo  far  from  operating  in 
his  favour,  ought  to  be  reprobated  as  a  high  violation  of  the  rights 
of "  the  people."  If  we  admit  his  reafoning  as  conclufive,  we 
may  as  well  burn  the  Conftitution  and  fubmit  all  our  privileges  to 
the  individuals  in  Congrefs.  The  people  have  only  to  fold  up 
their  arms  and  fet  down  quietly  as  the  contemptible  vaffals  of  a 
domineering  ariftocracy. 

But,  thank  God  !  there  ftill  remains  a  fpirit  which  ought  ever 
to  actuate  Americans.  The  Conftitution  yet  flands  a  facred 
pledge  of  the  liberties  of  America.  We  feel  too  ftrong  an  attach- 
ment to  its  prefervation  to  fuffer.  any  body  of  men  to  deftroy  its 
Vital  energies.     It  is  the  ark  of  political  fafety,  and  may  the  ven- 


No.  XXI.  Observations  on  Arht'ides.  89 

geance  of  heaven  purfue  the  man  who  dares  touch  it  with  unhal- 
lowed hands.  The  freedom  of  election  is  the  palladium  of  liberty, 
and  while  we  exercife  this  right  we  may  defy  the  power  of  tyrants 
and  the  intrigues  of  faction.  The  people  of  the  United  States 
place  themfelves  on  this  mount,  and  on  its  permanent  bafis  ;hey 
reft  the  happineis  of  ibcicty.  It  is  of  no  avail  to  them  0  hear 
that  a  majority  of  Congrefs  have  determined  on  a  Prciident  or 
Vice-Prelidcnt  ;  they  turn  over  the  leaves  of  the  Conftitution  and 
find  it  therein  written,  that  they  have  a  right  to  choofe  their  elec- 
tors, unbiaflcd  by  the  decifions  of  any  aflumed  power  whatever. 
This  is  an  interference  with  the  conftituted  authorities,  (the 
people)  which  demands  the  mod  pointed  reprehend  on,  and  the 
men  who  have  been  guilty  of  fuch  a  profane  breach  of  truft  de- 
ferve  the  execration  of  the  public. 

The  infolence  of  Decisis  in  prefuming  to  mention  the  determin- 
ation of  the  members  of  Congrefs,  muft  be  placed  to  his"  ignor.mc'e  ; 
he  forgot  he  was  writing  to  freemen  ;  he  forgot  he  was  add.ef- 
fing  men  who  were  acting  under  a  Conftitution  in  the  capacity  of 
independent  citizens  ;  he  forgot  that  his  appeal  was  to  thofe 
enlightened  electors  who  felt  their  oAvn  dignity  and  impor- 
tance on  this  intcrefting  queftion.  What  !  Decius  !  !  arc  you 
daring  enough  to  arrcft  the  votes  of  Americans,  by  telling  them 
that  their  fervants  in  Congrefs  have  already  decided  the  choice  !  ! 
Are  you  fo  abandoned  as  to  ftab  the  Conftitution  to  its  vitals,  by 
checking  the  free  exercife  of  the  people  in  their  fuffrages  ?  If  you 
are  thus  defperate,  may  their  decifions  give  a  leuoil  to  deter  in 
future  fuch  imperious  conduct. 


No.  XXI. 

OBSERVATIONS  ON   ARISTIDES. 

IT  is  a  melancholy  truth,  that  afaclion  in  this  country  have  been 
able  to  purfue  a  fyftem  of  political  meafures,  which  has  plunged 
it  into  a  mod  fcrious  and  alarming  fituation.  This  infidious  junto 
have  had  the  addrefs  to  palm  themfelves  on  the  unfufpeJting  citi- 
zens, as  die  friends  to  government,  and  have  had  the  effrontery 
L 


Observations  on  AristiAes.  No.  XXI. 

to  defignate  their  fraternity  with  the  emphatical  appellation  of 
Ff.deral.ists.  Their  impudence  has  "been  fo  outrageous,  that 
they  have  h:id  the  audacity  to  brand  every  man  with  the  epithet 
of  Jacobin,  who  prefumed  to  excrcife  a  right  to  arraign  their  con- 
duct before  the  tribunal  of  an  Impartial  public.  But  heaven,  in 
mercy  to  an  injured  people,  has  confounded  their  devices,  and 
placed  them  in  a  predicament  fomewhat  fimilar  to  Milton's  fallen 
angels,  in  accufing  and  condemning  each  other. 

How  long  have  the  citizens  been  impofed  on  by  the  difgrace- 
ful  tales  fabricated  within  the  circle  of  thefe  caballing  affociates  I 
Kow  many  patriots  have  been  faciificed  to  promote  their  detefla- 
ble  purpofes !  How  many  characters  have  been  wantonly  fported 
with  to  exalt  them  to  the  higheft  elevation  !  and  how  many  honeft 
men  have  been  degraded,  to  raife.  the  fatcllites  of  this  party  to 
places  of  honour  and  profit.-*— Yes,  fellow-citizens  !  we  have  feen 
the  evil  effects  of  this  unprincipled  combination,  and  this  country- 
has  now  to  deplore  its  unhappy  fituation,  in  confequence  of  the 
fatal  policy  adopted  by  thofe,  who  have  too  long  trefpaffed  on  our 
patience  and  confidence.  It  is  rather  fmgular,  however,  that 
every  aiTertion  made  by  thofe,  who  are  ftyled  Jacobins,  are  proved 
to  be  facts,  by  the  very  men,  who  have  been  mod  forward  to  de- 
nounce them. 

It  is  a-  diftreffing  reflection,  that  the  ftratagems  and  intrigues  of 
a  number  of  Unprincipled  individuals  fhould  have  fo  far  iucceeded, 
as  to  bring  America  to  its  prefent  crifis.  If  the  mifchiefs  had  ex- 
pired on  the  difcovery  of  their  defigns,  or  their  baneful  effects  had 
eeafed  to  operate  on  the  diviiions  among  themfelves,  we  might  now 
contemplate  the  fubject  with  fome  degree  of  compofure  ;  but  their 
meafures  have  been  "  pregnant  with  evils,"  and  their  names  will 
long  be  execrated,  in  confequence  of  the  mifery  entailed  on  this 
abufed  country.  If  it  is  true,  that  "  Mr.  Hamilton  is  the  princi- 
pal inftxument  in  exciting  an  unfounded  alarm,  and  producing 
meafures  which  put  the  country  to  unneceifary  expenfe"  ;  that 
"  he  addreffed  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  on  the  neceflity  of 
raifmg  an  army,  and  endeavoured  to  convince  them  of  the  danger 
of  invafion,  when  it  was  altogether  chimerical,  and  almoft: 
morally  impoflible"  ;  that  the  main  object,  in  eftablifhing  this 
army,  was  to  crufh  every  domeftic  oppofition,  and  eventually  to 
"  give  a  government  to  this  country  by  force"  ;    that  he  propofed  a» 


No.  XXI.  Observations  on  Ariftides.  91 

eftablifhment  of  50,000  infantry,  and  10,000  cavalry;  that  he  is 
the  "  father  of  the  military  fyftem,"  and  that  his  influence  has 
been  fuch,  as  to  force  the  government  into  this  unneceffary  mea- 
sure, contrary  to  the  wifhes  and  recommendations  of  the  Prefident. 
If  thefe  charges  can  be  fubllantiated,  then  the  controverfy  wears  a 
ferious  afpect. 

This,  however,  is  the  character  drawn  of  General  Hamilton, 
by  the  author  of  a  Letter  addreffed  to  him,  under  the  fignature  of 
Ari (tides,  and  fuppofed  to  be  written  by  Noah  JVebJler,  Efq.  If  he 
is  falfe  in  his  ftatement,  let  Mr.  Hamilton  contradict  his  actions. 
While  contemplating  this  fubjeft,  in  the  extenfive  fphere  thus  def- 
cribed  by  Ariftides,  it  rifes  to  a  magnitude  which  mud  roufe  the 
attention  of  every  friend  to  America* ; — that  he  fhould  be  able  to 
effecl  a  military  fyftem,  contrary  to  the  fentiments  of  the  executive  j 
that  he  fhould  have  fuch  a  control  over  die  chief  magiftrate,  as  to 
cairy  plans  in  oppofition  to  his  wifhes  ;  that  he  fhould  throw  fuch 
an  enormous  expenfe  on  the  people,  by  exciting  an  unfounded 
alarm,  and  at  length  come  forward,  in  the  face  of  the  public,  and 
abufe  the  Prefident  for  prefuming  to  a&  contrary  to  his  will  and 
plcafure.  In  this  point  of  view  what  muft  we  think  of  Alexander 
Hamilton  ?  Where  is  the  American,  who  ever  thought,  that 
within  fo  few  years  after  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Conflitu- 
tion, that  the  government  of  the  United  States  would  have  been 
fo  far  proflrated  to  the  ambition  of  one  man  ?  What  !  are  the 
people  of  the  United  States  to  be  burdened  with  a  debt  of  mil- 
lions, to  difcharge  the  expenfes  of  an  army,  raifed  in  oppofition  to  the 
judgment  of  the  Prefident  ?  Does  the  Conflitution  recognize  any 
other  perfons  than  the  Conftituted  Authorities,  or  have  the  people 
any  other  means  than  to  arraign  the  real  culprits  to  the  bar  of  an 
injured  country  ?  What  other  atonement  can  be  made,  for  the 
millions  expended  by  the  intrigues  of  fuch  unprincipled  individ- 
uals, or  for  the  falfe  alarms  excited  by  their  arts  and  ftratagems  ? " 
— In  a  free  country,  the  inquiry  ought  to  embrace  the  extent  of 
the  evil,  as  the  conflitution  never  fubftituted  zfcape-goat,  or  affign- 
cd  a  city  of  refuge  to  the  men  whom  it  held  refponfible. 

Ariftides,  after  defcribing  Mr.  Hamilton  in  the  manner  before 
recited,  introduces  another  important  tranfaclion,  in  which  he  fays, 
"many  influential  characters  in  government  were  engaged,  particu- 
larly Timothy/  Pickering,  late  fecretary  of  date."    This  meafure  was  no. 


9-  Observations  on  Aristides.  No.  XXI. 

lefs  than  "  a  treaty  offenfive  and  defenfive  with  Great-Britain."  In  this 
part  of  the  bufinefs,  Ariftides  introduces  a  fmgular  aflemblage  of 
characters,  viz.  the  Britiih  Minifter  and  Peter  Porcupine  ;  the  latter, 
in  particular,  "  propofed  and  urged  an  offenfive  and  defenfive 
treaty  between  the  United  States  and  Great-Britain."  He  further 
alleges,  as  a  faclj  '.'  that  Porcupine  was  an  Agent  of  the  Britijh 
Mhvfiry,  and  correfponded  with  the  under  Secretaries  of  State"  : 
and  to  top  the  climax,  Ariftides  afferts,  "  as  a  well  known  fad,  that 
he  had  won  over  to  his  intereft,  the  Government-Paper  of  the  United 
Stater," 

Here,  reader,  I  muft  befeech  you  to  paufe,  and  reflect  on  the 
precipice  over  which  our  country  has  been  fufpended  !  Confider 
ferioufly  the  dreadful  gulph  into  which  we  were  threatened  to  be 
plunged.  While  we  think  on  this  fubjeft,  we  cannot  but  tremble 
at  our  own  fi  tuition.  The  foregoing  recitals,  on  the  conduct  of 
men,  are  not  the  vague  declamations  of  perfons  who  are  defirous 
to  diforganize  and  convulfe  the  government,  but  they  are  docu- 
ments taken  from  a  writer,  who  declares  himfelf  "  too  long  the 
faithful  fervant  of  his  country,  to  incur  the  fufpicion  of  apoftacy," 
and  who  has  written  in  vindication  of  Mr.  Adams,  in  anfwer  to 
Mr.  Hamilton.  This  man  tells  the  public,  as  matters  offa3,  "  that 
Hamilton  was  the  father  of  the  military  fyftem"  ;  "  that  it  was 
adopted  by  his  inftrumentality,  and  contrary  to  the  inclination  of 
the  Prefident"  ;  that  Pickering,  and  other  influential  characters, 
were  defirous  of  a  treaty  offenfive  and  defenfive  with  Great- 
Britain"  ;  "  that  the  Britifh  Minifter  flood  ready  to  clofe  the  fatal 
contract"  ;  and,  ftill  further,  "  Peter  Porcupine  had  urged  the 
meafure,  and  had  fo  far  corrupted  the  ftreams  of  public  commu- 
nication, as  that  he  had  won  over  the  ftate  paper  of  the  govern- 
ment." Are  thefe  things  true,  as  after  ted  by  this  author  ?  I  do 
not  pretend  to  fay  they  are,  but  they  certainly  require  fome  expla- 
nation from  the  parties. 

Gracious  heaven  !  ! — Is  is  poffible,  that  America  fhould  be 
reduced  to  fo  humiliating  and  degrading  a  pofition  ?  That  an 
army  fhould  be  raifed  by  deceiving  the  conftituted  authorities,  by 
whofe  fanftion  alone  it  could  have  been  brought  into  exiftencc  ? 
But  the  degradation  increafes  in  its  ignominy,  when  we  find  that 
a  Britijh  corporal  fhould  have  the  effrontery  to  profeeute  his  plans 
by  the  fecret  agency  of  the  Britifh  Miniftry.      Thus  the  Executive 


No.  XXII.  Jippeal  to  the  Clergy.  93 

was  deceived  to  raife  an  army,  while  Porcupine  had,  by  his  addrefs, 
fecured  the  patronage  of  the  governmental  printer.  A  hopeful 
Mate  truly,  for  the  free,  fovereign,  and  independent  States  of 
America. 

Ye  fpirits  of  Hancock,  Warren,  and  Montgomery  !  if,  in  the 
regions  of  blifs,  the  concerns  of  your  country  arreft  your  attention, 
how  mufh  the  pleaiurcs  of  heaven  be  allayed,  to  learn  the  abafe- 
ment  of  your  country  !  How  muft  indignation  fire  your  fouls,  to 
find  that  a  wretch,  fo  debafed  as  Ccbbett,  fliould  be  employed  by 
individuals,  to  accomplifh  the  wicked  defigns  of  involving  us  in 
war,  and  that  he  fliould  obtain  fuch  an  afcer.Jancy,  as  to  pollute 
the  ftreams  of  public  information  !  How  changed  fince  the  days 
of  our  revolution  !  when  even  George  the  Third,  with  his  hoft 
of  troops,  were  baffled  by  the  patriotifm  and  integrity  of  the  free 
born  citizens  of  America  ;  and  when  a  contemptible  corporal  and  his 
accomplices  would  have  been  hifTed  out  of  the  country,  with  every 
mark  of  dcteftation  and  difgrace.  The  contrail  is  too  humiliating, 
to  dwell  any  longer  on  the  iubject  ;  but  I  truft  that  the  flame  of 
our  revolution  will  not  be  extinguiihed  by  the  "veaktjl  engine  of  the 
Britifli  nation.  On  the  prefent  emergency,  may  the  people  ral- 
ly round  the  Constitution,  as  the  mount  on  which  their  polit- 
ical ark  is  to  fettle  with  permanency.  In  this  intrepid  attitude  of 
freemen,  may  they  check  their  enemies,  and  finally  place  them  in 
that  debafed  ftation  in  which  they  have  attempted  to  put  the  in- 
dependent Citizens  of  America  ! 
Americans, 
"  Let  then  all  that  is  party  be  obliterated,  and  let  all  that  is 
American  appear"  ;  may  it  appear  in  that  effulgence,  as  to  blaft 
the  ignis  faiuus  of  a  faction,  who  wifh  to  ally  us  with  Britain  :  May 
the  American  citizens  embody  in  a  phalanx,  and  counteract,  with 
*  perfevering  refolution,  the  machinations  of  thofe  who  are  planning 
our  ruin. 


No.  XXII. 

APPEAL    TO    THE    CLERGY. 
"r-p 

X  HE  fnare  is  broken  and  we  have  efcaped,"  has  of  late  been 
an  exprefliora  of  thanlfulnefs  in  our  public,  devotions  j  but,  while 


9+  Appeal  to  the  Clergy.  No.  XXII. 

we  adore  the  Supreme  Being  for  his  mercies,  it  behoves  us  to 
watch  thofe  who  have  attempted  to  deftroy  us.  The  tory  faction, 
who  have  long  been  planning  a  fyftem  of  extermination,  as  it  re- 
lates to  France,  have  been  equally  as  affiduous  to  connect  the 
United  States  in  an  alliance  Vrith  the  oppreffive  government  of 
Britain.  This  party  have  wifhed  to  bring  the  two  countries  into  a 
folemn  league  and  covenant,  and  have  been  daring  enough  to 
rifque  the  peace,  happineis  and  independence  of  America,  on  the 
uncertain  and  convulfed  flate  in  which  Britain  is  now  plunged. 
This  alliance  is  as  unnatural  as  winter  wi;h  fummer  ;  notwith- 
standing her  parade  of  energy,  yet  the  immenfity  of  her  debt  on 
the  commencement  of  a  peace,  will  unavoidably  throw  her  into 
paroxifms  of  diffolution. 

A  young  government  like  America,  to  ally  itfelf  with  Britain, 
is  of  all  things  the  rnoft  abfurd  and  ridiculous  ; — a  nation,  in  its 
vigor,  to  attach  itfelf  by  treaty,  to  follow  all  the  fpeculative  and 
defperate  projects  of  one  fo  peculiarly  circumilanced  as  the  Ehg- 
lifh,  mull  be  confidered  by  every  reflecting  man  as  injudicious  and 
impolitic.  However  anxious  fome  are  for  their  fuccefs  againft 
France,  yet  the  United  States  have  more  to  dread  from  the  impo- 
fition  on  their  commerce  by  the  Britifh,  than  from  any  other  power 
in  Europe.  Have  we  experienced  that  friendfhip  from  her,  that 
America  can  feel  an  attachment  for  her  welfare  ?  Has  (lie  reflect- 
ed our  neutrality,  during  the  prefent  war,  even  though  we  have 
facrificed  our  intereft  by  a  difgraceful  treaty  ?  Did  (lie  exhibit 
fuch  patience,  magnanimity,  and  generofity  towaris  us,  during  our 
revolution,  that  we  can  confide  in  her  friendfhip,  in  cafe  Jhe  fucceeded 
againjl  her  European  enemies  ?  The  old  Tories  and  apostate 
whigs  may  fay  yes  !  but  their  judgment  is  not  the  criterion  in  the 
prefent  queftion.  I  would  rather  apply  to  the  citizens  of  Amer- 
ica, who  have  experienced  the  vindictive  temper  of  Britons,  Hef- 
fians,  and  Waldeckers  ;  I  would  rather  apply  to  thofe,  who  faw 
the  flames  of  Charleftown,  Portland,  Norfolk,  &c.  who  experienc- 
ed their  cruelty  on  board  the  guard  fhips  at  New- York  ;  who 
wept  over  the  houfes  of  worfhip,  difmantled  of  their  fteeples,  pul- 
pits, pews,  and  facramental  tables  ;  whofe  feelings  were  put  to  the 
torture,  in  obferving  the  fanctuary  converted  to  an  equeflrian  the- 
atre ;  who  heard  the  profane  language  of  a  foldiery,  within  the 
temple  which  had  long  become  venerated  by  the  prefence  of  a. 


No.  XXII.  appeal  to  the  Clergy.  9$ 

Prince,  and  the  benedictions  of  a  Sewall  ;  to  thofe,  who  were  ac- 
cuftomed  to  the  pleafmg  voice  of  a  Whitfield,  when  the  Old  South 
was  crouded  before  the  fun  had  ftreaked  the  eaftern  horizon. 
Thefe  are  the  characters  to  whom  1  would  make  my  addrefs  ; 
efpecially  at  this  period,  when  Religion,  pure  and  undefilcd  Re^ 
ligion,  is  brought  forward  as  the  tefl  of  palriotifm.  What  fay  ye, 
citizens  of  New-England  ?■>" — Ye  Clergy,  what  is  your  opinion  ? — 
Ye  men  of  piety,  in  holy  orders,  what  confidence  can  you  place  in 
thofe  who  have  fo  grofsly  and  impioufly  profaned  your  houfes  of 
Worfliip,  and  who  difturbed  your  devotions  on  the  day  fet  apart 
for  public  worfhip  ?  Can  the  minifters  of  the  gofpel  now  become 
the  friends  of  thofe  who  have  fhewn  fuch  a  difpofition  of  enmity  to 
that  being  whom  they  adore  ?  After  driving  the  flock  from  their 
wonted  paflurcs  ;  after  introducing  Leafts  for  fpOrt  on  the  altar 
where  the  fouls  of  men  were  proftrated  before  the  majefty  of  heaven  ; 
after  polluting  the  courts  which  led  to  Zion's  gates  with  every 
obfeenity  which  could  difgrace  human  nature — can  ye,  ye  minijleri 
cf  the  gofpel,  embrace  the  perpetrators  as  the  friends  of  God,  or  to 
the  caufe  in  which  you  have  engaged  ?  Such  an  unnatural  alliance 
is  affronting  to  heaven,  and  muft  in  the  end  be  reprobated  by  fome 
evident  marks  of  its  difpleafure. 

The  minds  of  the  Americans  have  been  inflamed  on  the  fubjecT: 
of  religion,  and  directed  to  anathematize  the  French  as  the  only  fub- 
vertcrs  of  tills  facred  inftitution.  But  what  nation  has  ever  been 
fo  hoftile  to  the  principles  of  this  country  as  the  Britifh  ?  From  the 
firft  fettlement  of  America,  has  not  the  hierarchy  of  the  church 
been  attempting  to  annihilate  the  independency  of  our  religious 
eftablifhments  ?  Why  did  a  Mayhew  and  a  Chauncy  enter  the 
field  of  controverfy  againft  the  affirmed  rights  of  National  Epifco- 
pacy  ?  Why  did  thofe  religious  patriots  encounter  the  fpiritual 
weapons  of  biihops  and  their  hofl  of  hireling  fcribblers  ?  Why 
were  they  blafted  as  diforganizers  in  their  facerdotal  prcfeflions  ? 
The  anfwer  is  plain,  becaufe  they  oppofed  thofe  who  wifhed  to 
"  lord  it  over  Chrift's  heritage." 

During  the  revolution  this  fpirit  was  evidenced  in  the  rnofl 
ftriking  colours  ;  our  Prefbyterian  mecting-houfes  were  the  peculiar 
objects  of  refentment  ;  they  were  ftyled  Schifm-Jljopsy  and  every 
fhaft  of  calumny  and  detraction  was  directed  againft  their  fupport- 
crs  j  fcarccly  was  a  town  entered  by  the  Britifh  troops  but  the 


96  Appeal  to  the  C\  No. XXII. 

houfes  of  worfhip  experienced  their  particular  violence.  I 
town  of  Bnfton  the  inhabitants  can  recollect  the  large  proportion 
which  fell  a  iacrifice  to  their  hoftilities.  Their  conduct  was  fo  vin- 
dictive, that  it  feemed  a  war  of  religious  extermination,  and  they  plac- 
ed our  Prejbyterian  worlhip  in  fuch  a  ridiculous  point  of  view,  that 
they  wantonly  aimed  at  thofe  houfes  which  were  diftinguifhed  for 
the  veneration  of  the  men  who  had  preached  within  them.  Dr. 
Sewall  was  eminent  throughout  the  world  for  his  piety,  and  there- 
fore they  chofe  to  fignalize  his  fancluary  for  the  mod  degrading 
amufements  ;  they  continued  in  their  impiety  till  the  old  gentle- 
man ftalked  before  them,  in  the  attitude  of  an  injured  ghoft. — 
The  Old  North  was  diftinguifhed  by  its  venerable  characters,  and 
this  ancient  fabrick  was  deftined  to  the  flames.  Many  other 
places  of  worlhip  (excepting  the  Epifcopalian)  were  defiled  by  their 
unhallowed  hands.  Our  Sabbaths  were  days  of  military  parade, 
and  the  highefl  contempt  was  fhown  for  every  thing  which  wore 
the  appearance  of  religion  and  morality  ;  drums  and  fifes  were  the 
interludes  to  our  devotion. 

Fellow-Citizens  !  Is  this  too  high  a  wrought  picture  of  Britilh 
proceedings  in  this  country  during  our  revolution  ?  Ye  aged 
patriots,  I  can  appeal  to  you  for  the  truth  of  the  defcription  :  Ye 
venerable  matrons,  I  can  call  on  you  for  the  propriety  of  the  ob- 
fervations  :  Ye  minifters  of  the  gofpel,  fome  of  whom  now  flumber 
on*your  polls,  I  will  even  venture  to  fummon  you  as  evidences  to 
the  foregoing  ftatement.  If  I  am  wrong  in  my  narration,  come 
forward  and  deny  the  facts  ;  but  if  I  am  right,  you  muft  accede  to 
my  principle. 

Where  is  the  American  then,  who  willies  an  alliance  with 
England,  to  defend  either  our  civil  or  religious  rights  ?  But  it  has 
lately  been  declared,  that  "  many  influential  characters  in  the  gov- 
ernment" have  been  defirous  to  accomplifh  this  meafure.  On  the 
prefent  occafion,  however,  it  may  not  be  impertinent  to  inquire 
whether  thofe  perfons  are  not  the  friends  to  Mr.  Pinckney  ?  Are 
they  not  defirous  to  make  him  Piefident  ?  Is  he  not  the  man  who 
is  the  object  of  this  particular  party  ?  It  is  true,  he  may  not  favor 
their  defigns,  but  we  ought  to  be  jealous  of  the  candidate,  who 
is  fupported  by  men  of  this  defcription.  Is  he  not  patronized  by 
the  EfTex  Junto  ?  And  while  we  dctefl  their  politics,  we  muft  be 
careful  of  the  man  whom  they  recommend. 


fro.  XXIII.-      To  the  Electors  of  the  northern  States.  97 

Unwarrantable  jealoufy  is  derogatory  to  an  enlightened 
people  ;  but  there  are  points  of  decifion  to  which  wife  men  will 
adhere.  The  crifis  is  important,  and  it  calls  on  every  confiderate 
citizen  to  weigh  confequences.  If  we  miftake  our  fituation,  or  be- 
come lulled  into  feciirity,  by  the  deceptive  appellations  of  federalifls 
and  jacobins,  cur  ruin  is  inevitable.  Our  government  muft  depend 
on  the  wifdom  of  its  adminiftration,  and  the  economy  of  its  ex- 
penditure?. An  extravagant  fyftcm  muft  impoverifh  the  people  ; 
enormous  taxes  muft  prefs  hard  on  the  induftrious  citizens  ;  eight 
per  cent,  loans  will  increafe  the  public  debt  beyond  the  ability  of 
thofe  who  will  be  called  on  to  difcharge  it.  Let  us  then  throw 
afide  party  fpirit,  and  contemplate  the  man  whofe  whole  political 
condud  has  been  oppofed  to  fuch  meafures  :  Who  this  man  is,  we 
have  the  ftrongeft  evidences  ;  as  the  abufe  of  Mr.  JefFerfon  has 
folely  arilen  from  his  decided  difapprobation  of  every  religious  ty- 
ranny, and  his  defire  to  adminiftcr  the  government  on  the  pure  and 
economical  principles  of  republic  anifm. 

Americans !  this  being  the  ftate  of  the  queftion,  can  we  halt ' 
between  two  opinions  ?  Let  us  act  like  men,  and  exercife  our 
rights  as  becomes  the  defendants  of  "  tucll-borrt"  Americans. 
The  evidence  of  being  "  ?uel/-iorn,"  is  to  prefrve  our  freedom. 
When  this  is  permanently  effected,  then  may  we  exclaim  with, 
pleafurablc  emotions,  "  the  fnare  is  broken,  and  we  have  cfcaped  !" 


No,  XXIII. 

TO    THE    ELECTORS    OF    THE    NORTHERN    STATES, 

IN  order  to  give  a  fpecimen  of  the  tendency  of  your  proceedings,  I 
fliall  exhibit  the  character  of  Mr.  Adams  as  defcribed  by  Mr. 
Hamilton  ;  after  reviling  this  portrait,  you  may  be  able  to  draw 
proper  inferences  of  your  conduct. 

Mr.  Hamilton  fays — "  Mr.  Adams  does  not  poffefs  the  talents 
adapted  to  the  adminiflraiion  of  government  ;  he  has  intrinfic  de- 
fects in  his  character,  which  unft  him  for  the  office  of  Chief  Magf- 
trate" — "  he  is  a  man  of  an  imagination  fublimated  and  excentric 
—propitious  neither  to  a  regular  difplay  of  found  judgment,  nor  to 
N 


9S  To  the  Electors  of  No.  XXIII, 

fteady  perf«verancc  in  a  fyltematic  plan  of  conduct  ;"  and,  fays 
Hamilton,  "  I  began  to  perceive,  what  has  been  too  manifeft, 
that  to  thefc  defects  arc  added  the  unfortunate  foibles  of  a  vanity 
without  bounds,  and  a  jealoufy  capable  of  difcolou/mg  every  okjccl.'* 
Mr.  Hamilton  goes  on,  "  the  confidepatioos  which  had  reconciled 
me  to  the  fuccefs  of  Mr,  Pinckney,  were  of  a  nature  exclusively  pub- 
lic ;  they  refulted  from  the  difgufling  egot'fm,  the  diflempered  jealoufy, 
and  the  ungovernable  indifcretion  of  Mr.  Adams's  tempei,  joined  to 
fome  doubts  of  the  correctnefs  of  his  maxims  in  administration" — ■ 
u  it  will  not  appear  exaggeration  to  thole  who  have  ftudied  his 
character,  to  fuppofe  that  Mr.  Adams  is  capable  of  being  alienated 
from  a  fyftem  to  which  he  has  been  attached,  becaufe  it  is  vpheldby  men 
•whom  he  hates."  Speaking  of  the  American  million  to  France,  he 
thus  defcribes  Mr.  Adams,  "  fometimes  lie  has  treated  with  ridi- 
cule the  idea  of  its  being  a  meafure  which  would  terminate  in  peace  ;" 
at  other  times,  "  that  he  has  vindicated  the  meafure,  as  one  con- 
formable with  the  general  and  ftrong  wifh  of  the  country  for  peace, 
and  as  likely  to  promote  that  defirable  object." 

This  is  the  character  given  of  Mr.  John  Adams,  by  Mr.  Alexander 
Hamilton — and  can  any  thing  be  more  difhonorary  and  affront- 
ing ?  Outrageous  pajpons,  jealoufy  and  duplicity,  are  reprefented  as  the 
prominent  features  which  mark  his  political  portrait.  While  Mr. 
Hamilton  thus  defames  Mr.  Adams,  he  is  equally  as  elaborate  in 
his  eulogiums  on  Mr.  Pinckney. 

Now,  gentlemen,  I  would  beg  leave  to  afk  you,  with  what  pro- 
priety you  could  connect  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Pinckney  in  your 
votes  for  Prefident  and  Vice-Prefidcnt  ?  Was  there  one  man 
among  the  electors  in  the  four  New-England  governments,  who 
knew  any  thing  about  Mr.  Pinckney,  otherwife  than  by  the  character 
given  him  by  Mr.  Hamilton  ?  And  provided  he  had  not  been  nom- 
inated by  him,  whether  you  would  have  thought  of  this  gentleman 
in  connection  with  Mr.  Adams  ?  You  muft  excufe  me  if  I  fay,  that 
I  very  much  doubt  it.  If  this  is  the  cafe,  what  could  induce  you  to 
take  up  with  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Hamilton,  who  had  fo  fe- 
verely  treated  Mr.  Adams,  and  attempt  to  give  Mr.  Pinckney  an 
equal  (if  not  afuperior)  chance  with  him  ?  This  was  an  alliance  of  the 
moll  unnatural  kind  ;  for  if  Mr.  Adams  was  in  the  lead  degree 
fimilar  to  what  Mr.  Hamilton  had  reprefented  him,  he  was  not 
deferving  of  your  choice,  and  yet  you  have  reprobated  his  opinion  as 


No.  XXIII.  the  northern  States.  99 

it  refpected  Mr.  Adams,  while  at  the  fame  time  you  have  approbat- 
ed his  nomination  of  Mr.  Pinckney.  Ho\»  could  you  fuppofe  that 
any  cordiality  could  ever  fublill  between  the  gentlemen  thus 
chofen  :  One  was  denounced  by  Hamilton  as  unfit  for  the  office,  and 
the  other  was  the  candidate  of  his  warmed  approbation.  Certain- 
ly Mr.  Pinckney  would  feel  an  obligation  to  his  patron,  and  while 
in  office  would  attempt  to  promote  his  political  meafures — Mr. 
Adams,  on  the  contrary,  being  wounded  by  the  cenfures  thrown 
upon  him,  mull  ever  be  placed  in  a  mod  difagreeable  fituation,  to 
act  in  concert  with  a  man,  v/ho  obtained  his  votes  by  the.  recom- 
mendation of  his  opponent.  Provided  fuccefs  had  attended  the 
election  of  thefe  two  gentlemen,  Mr.  Adams  would  have  been  "  of 
all  men  the  moil  miserable."  He  would  have  been  mortified  be- 
yond expreffion,  to  fee  the  man  of  Hamilton's  nomination  in  the  firft 
feat  of  government  ;  or  if  he  perchance  had  obtained  it,  yet  the 
problematical  fuccefs  of  the  election  between  them,  would  have 
produced  feelings,  which  the  tendernefs  of  his  mind  could  not 
eafily  have  eradicated.  Mr.  Hamilton  would  have  exulted  over 
him,  and  might  poffibly  threaten  Mr.  Adams  as  to  the  event  of  his 
next  election. 

Suppofe  that  Mr.  Pinckney  had  obtained  a  majority  of  votes, 
and  was  chofen  Prefident,  what  would  the  northern  ftates  have  faid 
to  this  bufmefs  ?  Would  they  not  have  feen-that  they  were  duped  ? 
Would  they  not  have  difcovered  the  artful  plot,  and  would  not 
every  citizen  have  been  chagrined  at  fuch  an  event  ?  Yet,  gentle- 
men, you  came  near  to  give  this  triumph  to  a  party,  who  were 
laughing  behind  the  curtain  at  the  game  they  were  playing. 

Sampfon's  Jire-brands  and  foxes  were  not  a  more  unnatural  alli- 
ance, than  Pinckney  and  Adams,  and  it  is  probable  that  a  "  fmall 
party"  calculated  to  produce  as  much  mifchief.  After  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton had  defcribed  Mr.  Adams  in  terms  fo  opprobrious,  he  could 
not  fmccrcly  wifh  him  to  be  Prefident. 

This  may  be  good  policy,  but  I  muff  confefs  it  is  beyond  my 
comprehenfion.  As  friends  to  Mr.  Adams,  the  candidate  of 
Hamilton  would  have  been  the  laft  man  to  be  confidered.  It 
feemed  a  pointed  refleclion  on  both  to  bring  them  in  contact.  The 
connexion  mull  have  been  fo  difagreeable,  that  I  Ihould  fuppofe 
no  friend  of  either  would  wifli  to  have  forwarded  it.  But  the 
fact  appears  plain,  that  many  who  pretended  to  be  the  advocates 


J  co  To  the  Electors  tf  No.  XXIV. 

for  Mr.  Adams  are  his  greateft  enemies.  They  loljlered  up  Pinck- 
ney  by  the  ftrength  of  Adams  ;  and  this  is  evident,  for  at  the  late 
feaft  of  the  defcendants  of  the  Pilgiims,  in  this  town,  we  fee  by  the 
toafts  the  real  fcnlimcr.ts  of  certain  individuals.  Hamilton  is  ftyled 
the  pure  gold,  though  deprived  of  his  official  jlamp  ;  what  is  this  but 
a  direct  implication  on  the  Prefident  for  his  difmifTal  ?  If  then 
we  find  particular  perfons  extolling  him  for  his  purity,  notwith- 
ftanding  his  late  attack  on  the  Prefident,  can  we  helitate  to 
declare,  that  fuch  men  are  hypocrites,  when  they  pretend  friend- 
ship towards  Mr.  Adams  ? 

Excufe  me,  gentlemen,  for  thefe  plain  remarks — I  have  not 
ftudied  elegance  in  diction,  but  I  profefs  franknefs  in  expreffion. 
The  citizens  will  judge  of  the  propriety  of  my  remarks  ;  and  as  I 
write  for  their  information,  apologies  are  unnecefiary.  I  do  not  cenr 
fure  you  in  your  official  capacity,  but  I  muft  fay,  if  you  are  fiiends 
to  Mr.  Adams,  that  you  took  a  ftrange  method  to  exprefs  ycur  at- 
tachment. 

The  Essex  Junto,  that  bane  to  our  country,  have  thrown  us 
into  our  prefent  difficulties,  and  occafioned  our  inconfifte  ncies  and 
perplexities.  They  have  calumniated  Mr.  JefFerfon,  and  every 
honeft  republican  throughout  the  United  States  ;  and  Mr.  Adams, 
in  his  retirement,  will  have  an  opportunity  to  reflect  on  thofe  delu- 
fions,  which  thofe  who  have  been  ftyled  jacobins,  cautioned  him 
againft.  But  we  truft  in  heaven  that  the  deligns  of  this  faction 
are  fruftrated,  and  that  the  fnare  is  broken  and  we  have  efcaped. 


No.  XXIV. 

TO    THE    ELECTORS    OF    THE    NORTHERN    STATES. 

JVEPUBLICANS  pofTefs  that  magnanimity  of  mind,  that  they 
fcorn  to  avenge  themfelves  of  their  adverfaries,  by  retaliating  on 
the  fordid  principle  of  perfonal  reftntment.  Though  for  many 
years  paft,  they  have  been  expofed  to  the  infolence  of  every  petty 
fycophant,  who  was  feeking  a  maintenance  from  the  federal  gov- 
ernment ;  though  fingled  out  as  objects  of  popular  odium,  by  the 
deteftable  tools  of  an  EfTex  faction  ;  though  vilified  from  the  prefs, 
and  denounced  from  the  pulpit  j  though  perfecuted,  defamjdj  and 


No.  XXIV.  the  northern  States.  IOI 

libelled  by  every  ignorant  Scribbler,  who  could  wield  his  pen  in  op- 
position to  the  liberties  of  his  country  :  yet,  amidSt  this  torrent  of 
invective,  the  republicans  Hand  pre-eminent  for  their  moder- 
ation, and  feel  fuch  a  fuperiority  as  will  not  fuffer  them  to  retort 
the  pitiful  and  ignominious  fcurrility,  which  characterize  their  ca- 
lumniators. 

The  republicans  wifh  not  to  fcreen  themfelvcs  from  a  Strict 
investigation  of  their  conduct.  They  place  themfclves  on  the  baSis 
of  the  Constitution,  and  never  dread  an  appeal  to  the  public  judg- 
ment, by  threatening  men  with  fines  and  imprisonment.  Under 
the  fyitem  of  a  pure  republican  a  dmhiijl  ration,  we  hope  never  to  hear 
the  groans  of  a  prifoner  echoing  through  the  rccefTes  of  a  dungeon, 
for  exprefiing  his  political  Sentiments  ;  nor  to  behold  a  wife  and 
children  bemoaning  their  misfortunes,  by  being  deprived  of  the 
fupport  of  an  huSband  and  parent  under  the  cruel  hand  of  a  relent- 
Icis  judiciary.     Such  exceSTes  are  abhorrent  to  well-Lorn  Americans. 

The  republicans  depend  on  principle,  and  not  on  terror. 
The  human  mind  is  left  unShackled,  and  permitted  to  contemplate 
in  its  utmoft  latitude  the  conduct  of  men,  and  the  tendency  of  meaf- 
urcs.  They  aSTume  no  control  over  public  opinion,  nor  deSignate 
a  paiticular  party  by  the  childiSh  infignia  of  a  black  cockade. 
Thefe  degrading  actions  are  beneath  the  philanthropy  of  repub- 
licans. They  fti  iye  to  convince,  rather  than  to  terrify.  They  ap- 
peal to  the  reafon  rather  than  the  feats  of  their  fellow-citizens  :  and 
if  thefe  falutary  purpofes  are  not  effected,  by  thefe  moderate  meas- 
ures, they  pity  and  commiSTerate  the  obdurate.  A  gaol  is  not 
the  temple  of  Apollo  to  convince  the  mind,  and  fines" and  impris- 
onment are  arguments  too  unphilofophical  to  be  offered  as  rational 
conviction.  Magnanimity,  benevolence,  and  moderation  are  the  car- 
dinal virtues  ;  and  may  the  caufe  of  republicanism  never  be  dis- 
graced, by  any  Species  of  conduct  which  defignates  tyranny. 

After  thus  giving  the  outlines  of  republican  tenets,  I  hope  you 
will  acquit  me  of  exciting  a  fyftem  of  terror  under  the  new  admin- 
istration. Though  an  oppofite  line  of  conduct  has  hitherto  been 
purfued  by  the  oppoicrs  of  the  republicans,  (the  Severity  of  which 
might  juftify  an  ample  retaliation)  yet  the  brilliancy  of  the  caufe 
in  which  they  are  engaged,  I  hope  will  never  be  clouded  by  imita- 
ting the  degrading  and  difgraceful  behaviour  of  a  fet  of  infolent, 
intolerant,  infulting,  and  abufive  wretches,  Some  of  whom  have 


lot  To  th:  Electors  of  No.  XXIV. 

been  bafking  under  the  emoluments,  and  feeding  on  the  loaves  and 
fifties  of  government.  Though  the  principles  of  republicanifm 
foften  the  vindictive  paffions,  yet  they  tend  to  the  moll  critical 
fcrutiny  into  all  the  motives  and  operations  of  their  public  fer- 
vants.  No  man,  or  body  of  men,  is  confidered  above  "  The  Peo- 
ple" ;  they  are  the  Alpha  and  Omega  of  power  ;  they  are  the 
"checks  and  balances"  which  poife  the  political  flandard,  and 
elections  are  the  weights  by  which  they  decide  merit. 

Thefe  things  being  premifed,  gentlemen,  I  cannot  but  make  a 
few  more  obfervations  on  the  tendency  of  your  conduct  in  the  choice 
of  Preiident  and  Vice-Pi  efident.- 

The  confequences  mu.l  have  been  fatal,  had  you  fucceeded  in 
the  election  of  MeiFrs.  Adams  and  Pinckney.  It  might  have  been 
fetling  up  two  (landards,  to  which  the  different  parties  would  have 
repaired.  The  enemies  f  Mr.  Adams  knew  this,  and  therefore 
urged  their  plans  under  the  expectation  of  reviving  their  own  par- 
ty. Tbey  knew  that  they  could  not  expect  any  preferment  under 
Mr.  riJims's  adminiftration  ;  they  therefore  artfully  linked  them- 
felves  with  Mr.  Adams's  friends,  and,  with  the  utmofl  fubtilty  of 
addrefs,  fo  far  ingratiated  them  elves  as  to  walk  hand  in  hand  like 
two  fond  lovers,  toward,  the  confummation  of  their  defigns*  But 
their  friendfhip  was  deiuhve  ;  it  might  be  compared  to  the  afTaffin 
who  had  enticed  the  traveller  to  depend  on  his  protection,  and  af- 
ter obtaining  his  confidence,  facrificed  him  the  firft  opportunity. 
All  the  expectations'  of  this  junto  refted  on  the  fuccefs  of  Mr. 
Pinc&ny,  and  if  he  did  not  fucceed,  they  were  fatisfied  that  their 
plans  were  fruftrated.  To  carry  him  under  his  own  political  rep- 
utation, they  knew  was  impoffible  ;  they  therefore  flood  ready  to 
couple  him>  either  with  Adams  or  Jefferfon  : — and  I  am  confidently 
told,  that  a  propofition  was  made  by  Mr.  Pinckney's  friends  for 
this  purpofe  ;  but  the  fupporters  of  Mr.  Jefferfon  treated  the  com- 
promife  with  every  mark  of  contempt  ;  they  would  not  barter  the 
general  happine  rs  to  bring  forward  a  party,  which  they  confidered 
as  injurious  to  the  general  welfare,  though  it  would  completely  fe. 
cure  the  eleclion  of  their  candidate.  Mr.  Jefferfon  might  have  had 
a  great  fupport  from  Mr.  Pinckney's  friends,  if  his  advocates  had 
folely  ftudied  his  elevation  to  the  prefidential  chair,  in  preference 
to  the  real  republican  principles,  which  they  meant  by  his  election  to 
fubftantiate. 


No.  XXIV.  the  northern  States.  103 

As  an  evidence  in  point,  of  the  impropriety  of  connecting 
Meflrs.  Pinckney  and  Adams,  I  will  ftate  a  circumftance  -which 
would  probably  have  taken  place,  in  cafe  Mr.  Pinckney  had  been 
chofen  Prefident  :    and,  as  you  gave  him  an  equal  chance  with  Mr. 
Adams,  the  event  cannot  be  confidercd  as   altogether  vifionary. 
Suppofe  the  firft  nominations  of  Mr.  Pinckney  had  been  Mr.  Ham- 
ilton and  Mr.    Pickering,   one  as  Secretary  of  State,  the  other 
Secretary  at  War  ?   In  this  ftage  of  the  bufmefs,  the  wound  inflict-    c 
ed  by  Hamilton  would  have  been  laid  bare  before  the  public  ;  the 
friends  of  Adams  would  have  confidered  it  as  a  pointed  affront  on  re 
him  ;  and  the  friends  of  the  candidates  would  have  viewed  it  as  a  _jt 
jult  compliment  to  their  merits.     During  this  controverfy,  parties  1C1 
would  have  rallied  ;  reflections  would  have  increafed  with  an  elec-  ;h 
trical  celerity  ;    the  honour  of  Mr.  Adams  on  one  fide,  and  the 
jealoufy  of  Mr.  Pinckney  on  the  other,  would  have  created  a  fer- 
mentation in  the  public  mind,  which  could  not  eafily  be  allayed  ; 
the  EfTex  junto  would  have  erected  their   baneful  creft,  and  the 
event  would  have  been,  if  not  a  civil  war,  yet  the  inveteracy  of  paf- 
fions  would  have  fell  but  little  fliort  of  fuch  a  cataftrophe.     The 
conteft  might  have  been  fo  diftrefling,  that  the  hiftory  of  America 
would  have  furnilhed  a  datum  whereby  to  calculate  our  political 
misfortunes.     The  contending  parties  being  powerful,  the  United 
States  might  have  commenced  the  fanguinary  detail  of  war,  from 
this  inaufpicious  period.     The  nineteenth  century  might  have  be- 
gun its  progrefs  with  garments  rolled  in  blood,  within  the  once 
peaceful  fhores  of  America.     Hiftory,  inflead  of  being  crimfoned 
with   European  controversies,  might  have  opened  a  new  page  to 
defcribe  the  fanguinary  fcencs  exhibited  on  the  American  theatre. 

Theie  recitals  are  not  the  whims  of  fancy,  or  the  flights  of  im- 
agination ;  they  arc  probabilities  which  no  man  can  controvert  j 
and  wc  have  reafon  to  thank  heaven,  that  we  are  delivered  from 
fuch  apprehenfions,  under  an  adminiftration  fo  congenial  with 
uniform  principles. 

Thefe  obfervations,  gentlemen,  are  offered  for  your  confidera- 
tinn — and  the  citizens  have  reafon  to  rejoice,  that  the  election  has- 
taken  its  prefent  courfe — and  provided  "the  people"  are  atten- 
tive to  their  adminiftration,  We  may  anticipate  events  the  moll  fal- 
Utary  and  propitious. 


1 04.  To  those  whom  it  may  cbncern.  No.  XXV; 

Thus,  gentlemen,  have  I  offered  my  fentiments  en  the  ten 
ofyourvcies,  in  paying  attention  to  an  inconfiflent  nomination, 
and  if  they  ftrike  your  mind  with  the  fame  force  they  do  mine,  you 
muft  congratulate  each  other  that  you  did  not  fucceed  in  your 
election  ;  for  Mr.  Adams  mull  have  been  the  moil  miferablc  man 
within  the  United  States,  if  chofen  either  Prefident  or  Vice-Prefi- 
dent,  under  the  patronage  of  the  Eifex  junto.  The  writings  of 
federalifls,  and  the  toafts  we  fee  drank,  arc  but  feeble  fpecimens  of 
what  they  would  have  done,  provided  this  party  had  been  brought 
once  more  into  our  public  councils.  "  May  they  henceforth  refl 
from  their  political  labours,  and  may  their  tvorh  folhto  thtm." 


No.  XXV. 

TO    THOSE    WHOM    IT    MAY    CONCERN* 

J_  HE  Essex  junto  being  completely  baffled  in  their  views* 
and  finding  that  all  their  arts  and  ftratagems  are  defeated,  have 
now  become  defperate,  and  are  endeavoring  to  confound  and  per- 
plex that  government  by  artifice,  which  they  could  not  fubvert  by 
intrigue.  Thefe  men  are  now  reduced  to  the  mod  mortifying  fitu- 
ation,  in  feeing  themfclves  difappointcd  in  their  defigns,  and  after 
anticipating  the  mod  glorious  profpecis,  they  cannot  refrain  ex- 
preffing  their  chagrin  in  being  arrefted  in  the  midft  of  their  career. 

Thus  wc  obferve  the  continued  calumny  in  the  prcfles  devoted 
to  their  fervice.  Every  indecency  of  language  and  every  oppro- 
brious epithet  are  exprefiive  of  the  malignity  of  their  difpofition. 
They  have  the  impudence  to  charge  the  republican  citizens  as  aim- 
ing folely  to  acquire  pojls  of  honour  and  profit  ;  when  it  is  evident 
that  a  large  proportion  of  thefe  defamers  are  either  enjoying 
places  of  profit  or  are  conftantly  feeking  fome  lucrative  em- 
ployment. 

With  what  bare-faced  arrogance  muft  thefe  perfons  prefume 
to  allege  fuch  motives  to  the  citizens  who  have  given  their  fuf- 
frages  for  Mr.  Jefferfon.  The  fubfiantial  property  of  this  country  is 
in  favour  of  this  patriotic  gentleman  by  the  prcfent  election.  Their 
votes  are  not  obtained  by  fraudulent  means,  in  voting  for  one  man, 
when  another  was  evidently  intended.    Notwithftanding  this  une- 


No.  XXV.  To  those  whom  it  may  conctrri.  10£ 

quivocal  decifion  in  dieir  favour,  yet  this  implacable  faction  are 
perfifting  in  their  nefarious  fchemes  to  throw  the  United  State* 
into  perplexities.  They  have  dared  to  call  their  opponents  difor- 
ganizers,  enemies  to  the  conjlitution,  and  difpofed  to  depreciate  the  pub- 
lic confidence  in  all  matters  refpecting  the  funds,  and  other  pecuni- 
ary eftablifhments. 

Thefe  are  the  charges  brought  by  this  faction  againft  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Jefferfon.  Let  us  then,  fellow-citizens,  fee  how  far 
their  actions  correfpond  with  their  allegations. 

Who  are  the  diforganizers  at  die  preient  moment  ?  Who  are 
the  men  that  talk  about  overturning  government  ?  Are  they  not 
thofe  who  are  pleading  in  favour  of  an  hereditary  Prefident  and 
Senate  ?  Are  they  not  thofe  who  are  calumniating  the  ftates  which 
have  given  their  fuffrages  for  Mr.  Jefferfon  ?  If  thefe  perfons  are 
in  favour  of  the  conftitution,  why  will  they  not  allow  the  fame 
right  to  others,  which  they  claim  themfelves  ?  The  conftitution 
contemplates  a  free  election  for  Prefident  and  Vice-Frefident,  once 
in  four  years,  and  on  this  occafion  every  freedom  is  to  be  exercifed 
by  the  refpective  ftates,  to  choofe  fucft  men  as  are  moft  agreeable  to 
them.  The  mode  adopted  at  the  laft  election  has  been  peculiarly 
favorable  to  Meffrs.  Adams  and  Pinckney,  notwithftanding  which, 
the  return  of  votes  has  given  the  majority  to  Meffrs.  Jeffeifon  and 
Burr.  If  this  does  not  exprefs  die  fentiments  of  the  citizens,  what 
method  could  be  taken  to  give  them  a  more  decided  avowal  I 
Maffachufetts  has  taken  the  right  from  the  people  for  the  exprefs 
purpofe  of  fecuring  Meffrs.  Adams  and  Pinckney  ;  and  Pennfyl- 
vania  have  carried  their  projects  to  die  utrrioft  length  to  effect 
their  purpofes  ;  who  then  is  to  blame  in  this  bufinefs  ? 

Though  this  is  fo  evident,  yet  we  daily  obferve  the  mofl  grofs 
abufe  on  the  public  voice.  The  vileft  calumny  is  publiflied  againft 
Mr.  Jefferfon,  as  they  know  that  he  is  the  man  contemplated  by  ths 
electors  to  fill  the  feat  of  prefidency.  To  defeat  this  purpofe,  is 
now  their  great  object.  The  Effex  junto  and  their  adherents, 
therefore,  are  the  diforganizers  ;  they  are  the  difturbers  of  the  pub- 
lic tranquility  ;  diey  are  the  men  who  are  endeavouring  to  depreci- 
ate the  public  funds,  to  leffen  the  value  of  all  pecuniary  eftablifh- 
ments, to  create  jealoufy  among  the  citizens,  and  to  injure  our  na- 
tional reputation  in  Europe.  For  this  bafe  end,  they  are  deicrifc- 
O 


lo6  To  those  whom  it  may  concern.  No.  XXV. 

ing  our  government  as  tending  to  a  difTolution  ;  that  property 
will  be  fet  afloat  ;  that  our  fix  per  cent,  and  other  public  flocks  are 
falling. 

Ye  holders  of  the  public  funds,  what  have  you  not  to  appre- 
hend from  thefc  diforgani/.crs  ?  How  arc  you  to  receive  your 
quarterly  payments,  if  the  confidence  of  the  citizens  in  the  govern- 
ment is  thus  blafted  ?  From  whence  do  you  expect  your  intereft 
money,  if  this  junto  are  to  raife  a  diflruft  in  the  new  adminiflra- 
tion  ?  If  your  flocks  are  to  be  cried  down  by  this  defperate  party, 
who  are  the  people  to  give  liability  to  your  property  : — Will  the 
junto  help  you  in  the  day  of  adver/ity  ?  If  they  convulfe  the  govern- 
ment, will  not  your  pecuniary  intereft  be  the  firfl  fliaken  in  the  con- 
troverfy  ?  Inflead,  therefore,  of  joining  this  defperate  clan  of 
oppofers,  rather  fufpeel  their  views  and  defigns.  It  may  be  for 
their  private  emolument  that  confufion  fhould  arife.  Individuals 
among  them  may  be  fo  plunged  in  arrears,  (provided  a  ftricl  ex- 
amination into  their  accounts  fhould  take  place)  that  their  only  fe- 
curity  may  lay  in  burning  the  hooks,  and  involving  all  public  trans- 
actions in  intricacy  and  perplexity.  Such  men,  we  may  fufpeel: 
are  afraid  to  have  things  brought  to  light,  and  under  their  prefent 
embarrafTments  may  be  defirous  to  introduce  every  difficulty  to 
prevent  a  critical  investigation  into  their  conduct. 

The  men  who  have  been  planning  a  war  with  France  are  not 
the  friends  to  any  clafs  of  real  American  citizens.  In  this  Mate  of 
things,  if  they  had  accomplifhed  their  purpofes,  xhejlocks,  and  every 
kind  of  landed  property  mufl  have  fell  a  facrifice.  It  would 
have  been  impoffible  to  maintain  the  funds  at  their  prefent  eflima- 
tion,  as  the  public  debt  would  have  increafed  beyond  the  ability  of 
the  people  to  difcharge  it.  The  fchemes  of  this  junto  were  hoflile 
to  every  man  who  held  either  public  flocks  or  landed  property,  as 
war  mufl  have  leffened  the  value  of  both.  And  it  is  further  fu£- 
pected,  that  many  who  are  now  clamorous  againfl  Mr.  Jefferfon 
are  fo  involved  in  the  banks,  cuflom-houfe,  &c.  that  they  wifli  to 
balance  their  accounts  by  an  annihilation  of  the  government. 

The  utmofl  confidence,  therefore,  mufl  be  placed  in  the  new 
udminijlration.  A  war  with  France  is  now  improbable,  if  not  impof- 
fible. A  fyflemof  economy  will  give  liability  to  the  funds,  and 
appreciate  the  landed  intereft.  The  merchant  will  not  be  burden- 
ed with  exceffive  duties  to  maintain  a  Handing  army  and  a  clan  of 


No.  XXVI.        Considerations  for  the  Clergy  and  People.  107 

idlers,  who  have  too  long  lived  on  faLiries  much  above  their  fcrvice, 
or  their  merits.  Economy  is  the  great  work  of  reformation  : — 
The  induilrious  are  the  worthy  part  of  fociety,  and  the  lazy  drones 
who  are  bafking  either  at  home  or  abroad,  under  governmental 
patronage,  ought  to  be  put  to  a  better  employment.  Economy  is 
die  vital  principle  of  a  republic,  and  under  die  adminiftration  of 
Mt.  Jefferfon,  wc  doubt  not,  the  citizens  will  have  reafon  to  return 
thanks  to  heaven,  that  the  "  fnare  is  broken  and  that  we  have  ef- 
caped."  Adefpcrate,  iniidious,  wicked  facYicn  are  now  difcovered 
(emphatically  ftyled  the  Essex  Junto)  and  provided  we  keep 
fuch  men  from  our  councils,  and  remove  them  from  their  offices, 
the  Republic  of  America  will  affume  its  national  dignity.  Thefe 
are  the  diforganizers,  and  ought  to  be  branded  as  fuch.  Citizens 
of  America,  be  firm  ;  be  vigilant. 


No.  XXVI. 

CONSIDERATIONS     TOR     THE     CLERGY     AND    PEOPLE, 
FROM    DR.     MORSE'S    GEOGRAPHY. 

L/OCTOR  MORSE,  in  his  Geography,  page  453,  fpeaking  of 
the  clergy  of  Connetlicut,  makes  this  Angular  remark  : — "  The  cler- 
gy, who  are  numerous,  and  as  a  body  very  refpectable,  have  hith- 
erto preferved  a  kind  of  arijlocratical  balance  in  the  democratical  gov- 
ernment of  the  State,  which  has  happily  operated  as  a  check  to  the 
overbearing  fpirit  of  republicanifm." 

This  aflertion,  if  falfe,  is  a  charge  which  requires  the  confid- 
eration  of  the  clergy  :  If  true,  the  declaration  is  worthy  the  im- 
mediate confideration  of  the  people.  If  it  is  falfe,  it  is  a  libel  on 
the  "  refpeclable  clergy"  of  Connecticut  :  If  true,  it  is  a  fubjecl  in 
which  the  citizens  are  deeply  interefled. 

In  a  republican  government,  it  is  an  alarming  idea,  that  an 
ariftocracy  is  operating  among  the  clergy  to  check  the  fpirit  of  re- 
publicanifm ;  and  the  alarm  is  greatly  increafed,  when  die  declar- 
ation is  made  by  a  man,  who  pledges  the  authenticity  of  his 
avowal  by  fubferibing  his  name  to  the  publication. 

Doflor  Morfe's  Geography  is  paffing  current  through  the 
United  States.     He  is  an  author,  who  has  obtained  a  reputatio* 


;o8  Considerations  for  the  No.  XXVI. 

(if  not  by  the  propriety  of  his  writings,  yet  his  oivn  ajfiduity  has 
given  a  circulation  to  them)  which  has  overpowered  many  inac- 
curacies contained  in  various  pages  of  his  performances. 

Doctor  Morfe  has  taken  peremptory  ground.  It  is  prefumed, 
then,  that  he  is  willing  to  be  refponfible  for  whatever  his  Geogra- 
phy contains.  If  it  is  ftudied  in  our  academies,  public  fchools,  &c. 
every  article  ought  to  be  well  authenticated.  If  our  children  are 
to  be  taught  not  only  geography,  but  the  political  principles  which 
govern  certain  orders  of  men,  how  careful  fhould  he  be,  that  nothing 
is  inferted  but  what  will  bear  the  ftricteft  fcrutiny. 

By  this  ftatement,  the  queftion  is  reduced  to  a  ample  point, — 
do  we  wifh  that  our  children,  by  perufmg  Doctor  Morfe's  Geog- 
raphy, fhould  be  taught  as  a  rudiment  of  education,  "  That  the 
refpectable  body  of  clergy  in  Connecticut,  are  a  kind  of  arijlocratical 
ialance  in  the  democratical  government  of  that  ftate,  and  that  they 
operate  as  a  check  to  die  overbearing  fpirit  of  republicanijm  ?" 

Will  the  clergy  of  Connecticut  thank  Doctor  Morfe  for  this  de- 
claration ?  Do  they  wifh  to  be  confidered  as  oppofed  to  a  republi- 
can fyfiem  of  government  ?  Are  they  defirous  to  become  an  arifto- 
cratical  check  in  the  civil  eflablifhment  of  that  ftate  ?  Are  church 
and  ftate  fo  allied  among  the  free  citizens  of  Connecticut,  that  the 
clerical  order  is  introduced  as  an  efficient  branch  of  the  adminiftra- 
tion  ?  Does  their  conftitution  contemplate  the  clergy  as  part  of  the 
legiflature,  or  have  they  a  control  over  the  "  conftituted  authori- 
ties" eftablifhed  in  their  fovereignty  ? 

What  right  has  Doctor  Morfe  (while  writing  a  Geography  for 
his  perfonal  emolument)  to  bring  into  public  view  the  clergy  of  Con- 
necticut, as  interfering  in  the  civil  departments  of  that  Common- 
wealth ?  Who  gave  him  an  authority  to  reprefent  this  refpectable 
order  as  an  arijlocratical  body,  and  acting  in  oppofition  to  the  repub- 
lican principles  of  their  fellow-citizens  ?  Who  empowered  him  to 
denounce  the  freemen  of  Connecticut  as  exerciurig  an  overbearing 
fpirit  of  rcpublicanifm  ?  Or  will  the  file  of  his  Geography  (as  it 
refpects  his  private  intcrejl)  compenfate  the  refpectable  clergy  of 
Connecticut  for  the  cenfure  thus  thrown  upon  them  ? 

While  reading  this  remark  of  Doctor  Morfe,  a  ftranger  would 
naturally  fufpect  that  the  clergy  of  Connecticut  had  formed  them- 
felves  into  a  civil  phalanx  :  that  inftead  of  attending  to  the  duties 
*f  their  profejfion,  they  had  affociated  as  a  body  of  politicians  }  that 


No.  XXVI.  Clergy  and  People.  I  Of 

they  voted  and  aBed  in  oppofition  to  the  legal  authority  of  the 
ftate  ;  that  they  iffued  their  veto  or  bulls  to  counteract  the  refolu- 
tions  of  the  legiflature  ;  that  they  forfook  their  pulpits,  and  com- 
menced political  miffionaries  ;  in  fhort,  that  the  clergy  had  com- 
bined as  an  ecclefiajlical  fatlion  to  fubvert  the  cftabliihed  principle  of 
the  government.  If  a  zealous  republican  had  dealt  fo  freely  with 
the  Reverend  Order,  it  might  have  been  confidered  as  an  outrage 
on  their  patriotiim,  but  when  one  of  their  own  fraternity  makes 
the  avowal,  it  wears  a  more  ferious  afpect. 

Not  being  particularly  acquainted  with  the  clergy  of  Connecti- 
cut, I  cannot  pretend  to  fay,  how  far  the  reprefentation  of  Doctor 
Morfe  may  be  agreeable  to  them.  But  this  I  am  bold  to  fay,  that  if 
any  man  in  Connecticut  had  made  the  fame  indecent  declaration 
againfl  the  whole  refpctlable  clergy  of  Massachusetts,  they  would 
have  refented  it  as  a  mod  illiberal  degradation  of  their  clerical 
character.  The  clergy  of  this  ftate  would  have  received  it  as  a 
grofs  reflection  on  their  conduct  ;  and  at  their  annual  convention 
would  have  pafTed  a  fevere  reprimand  on  the  officious  author. 
The  clergy  of  MafTachufetts  would  have  reprobated  every  fuggeC- 
tion  that  conveyed  an  idea  that  they  had  formed  an  arijlccratical  bal- 
ance^ to  check  the  fpirit  of  republicanifm.  They  would  have  confid- 
ered it  as  an  affront  on  the  Reverend  Order,  to  be  placed  in  fuch  a 
degrading  political  view,  and  defignated  as  fubvertcrs  of  the  liber- 
ties of  their  country.  If  Doctor  Morfe  can  take  this  freedom  with 
the  clergy  of  Connecticut,  it  is  prefumed  that  no  man  dare  aflumc 
the  fame  liberty  with  the  clergy  of  MafTachufetts.  Though  we 
have  reafon  to  think,  that  fome  individuals  of  the  clerical  profef- 
fion  are  endeavouring  to  form  an  ariftocratical  balance,  yet  the 
clergy,  as  a  body,  we  prefume,  are  oppofed  to  fuch  a  meafure. 

When  Doctor  Morfe  was  writing  his  Geography,  and  hurrying 
it  for  the  prefs,  he  might  flatter  himfelf,  that  it  was  but  of  little  con- 
fequence  how  he  defcribed  particular  orders  of  men.  But  what  he 
fays  of  the  clergy  of  Connecticut  is  a  charge  of  the  higheft  magni- 
tude. If  this  ariftocracy  is  already  formed  in  Connecticut,  may 
we  not  fufpect  that  it  may  have  a  more  extenfive  operation  ?  Has 
not  Doctor  Morfe,  by  his  injudicious  obfervations,  taken  an  effect- 
ual method  to  fet  the  people  of  Connecticut  againfl  their  eccle- 
fiaftical  teachers  ?  Does  he  fuppofe,  that  the  citizens  will  reverence 
their  clergy  as  an  ariflocratical  body  ?    Will  they  efteem  them  as 


Iio  Considerations  for  the  Clrgy  and  People.       No.  XXVI. 

men,  w  ho  are  a  check  to  die  /pint  of  republicanifm  ?  Are  not  the 
people  of  Connecticut  Republican's  ?  If  fo,  they  mud  be  oppofed 
to  an  arflocratical  body  ;  and  when  they  are  told  by  Doctor  Morfe, 
that  the  clergy  are  this  body,  will  they  not  view  them  with 
jealoufy,  and  endeavour  to  render  them  uneafy  in  their  refpective 
congregations  ? 

What  can  have  a  greater  tendency  to  deftxoy  the  caufe  of  re- 
ligion, than  denouncing  the  whole  clergy  of  a  flat e  as  a  combined  body 
of  arijlocrats  P  A  deift  could  not  take  a  more  effectual  way  to  ac- 
complifh  his  purpofes  ;  and  yet  the  pious  Doctor  Morfe  is 
prejudicing  the  citizens  of  Connecticut  againft  their  clergy  by  fuch 
an  opprobrious  epithet.  The  Palladium  is  bemoaning  the 
progrefs  of  infidelity  ;  the  New-England  States  are  particularly 
called  upon  to  rally  round  the  banner  of  religion  ;  and  yet  this 
&ge  Doctor  has  come  forward,  and  declared,  that  the  clergy  of 
one  of  thefe  dates,  "  happily"  preferve  an  ariflocratical  balance,  and 
check  the  fpirit  of  republicanifm.  The  Doctor,  it  muft  be  allow- 
ed, mows  fome  degree  of  jefuitifm  in  his  mode  of  exprefllon  ;  he 
fays,  "an  overbearing  fpirit  of  republicanifm.  But  who  are  the 
judges  in  this  cafe  ?  Are  the  clergy  fo  far  a  branch  of  the  gov- 
ernment as  to  interfere  in  the  laws  ?  or  have  they  fuch  an  influ- 
ence as  to  control  meafures,  after  they  are  enacted  by  the  legifla- 
ture  ?  Do  they  meet  in  conclave  to  revife  the  laws  ?  or  are  they 
recognized  as  Lords  Spiritual?  Can  they  rally  a  fatlion  to 
counteract  the  proceedings  of  the  conftituted  authorities  ? — But, 
according  to  Doctor  Morfe's  ftatement,  all  thefe  things  are  done 
by  the  Clergy,  and  that  it  is  in  their  power  to  check  the  fpirit  of 
republicanifm -,  as  far  as  they  think  proper. 
Citizens  of  Connecticut  ! 

Thefe  remarks  are  made  for  your  connderation.  Permit  me  to 
arte  you,  whether  Dr.  Morfe  is  right  or  wrong  ?  Is  it  a  fact,  that  your 
clergy  are  an  aristocratical  body  ?  Is  it  true,  that  they  check 
the  fpirit  of  republicanifm  ?  Have  they  fuch  a  control  over  your 
councils,  that  they  can  fay,  hitherto  ihall  you  go  in  your  republi- 
canifm, and  no  farther  ?  Have  you  a  bench  of  bishops,  or  do 
your  laws  pafs  through  the  ordeal  of  a  fpiritual  inquifition  ?  If 
thefe  are  facts,  we  cannot  but  pity  your  fituation  :  But  if  they  are 
not,  we  expect  that  fome  fevere  cenfures  will  be  pafled  on  the  man, 
whofe  arrogance  has  led  him  to  give  fuch  a  ftatement  of  your  po. 


No.  XXVII*         Further  Remarks  on  Dr.  Morse.  i  i  i 

litical  vaiTalage.  The  yeomanry  of  Connecticut  are  too  enlight- 
ened to  be  prieft-ridden.  The  freedom  of  their  conftitution  foars 
above  a  clerical  control  ;  and  though  a  man  may  acquire  a  few 
dollars  by  the  fale  of  a  geographical  publication,  yet  the  honour  of 
freemen  is  too  great  a  facrifice  not  to  expofc  his  abfurdities.  The 
liberties  of  a  people  are  too  facrcd  to  be  fported  with,  and  even 
prieftly  habiliments  fhould  never  be  a  cover,  too  impenetrable  for 
inveftigation  and  reprehenfion.  The  federal  conftitution  has  gua- 
ranteed a  republican  government  to  the  refpe&ivc  ftates  ;  who 
then  is  the  man  that  prefumes  to  afTert,  that  the  clergy  are  form- 
ing an  ariftocracy  to  check  this  conftitutional  barrier  ?  If  there  is 
fuch  a  perfon,  let  him  come  forward  and  maintain  his  principles, 
and  not  impute  to  others,  what  he  dare  not  himfelf  openly  avow. 


No.  XXVII. 

FURTHER    REMARKS    ON    DR.    MORSE. 

X  HE  remarks  on  Old-South,  in  the  Palladium,  carry  ftrong 
traits,  that  the  Reverend  DoSor  is  the  author  ; — but  when  fo  high 
a  compliment  is  paid  to  him,  "  that  every  gentleman,  who  is  friend- 
ly to  the  difiemination  of  ufeful  knowledge,  feels  indebted  to  the  in- 
duftry  and  talents  of  Doctor  Morse  for  fo  valuable  a  work,  as  the 
Geography  of  his  own  country,"  candour  might  forbid  me  to  con- 
fider  him  as  the  trumpeter  of  his  literary  fame.  But  though  can- 
dour may  lay  in  her  claim,  yet  we  have  been  fumifned  with  fo  many 
evidences  of  his  fcribbling  propenfity,  1  cannot  fuppofe  that  any 
other  perfon  would  take  the  pains  to  vindicate  his  political  repu- 
tation. 

I  (hall,  therefore,  confider  the  Doctor  as  the  writer  of  the  re- 
marks on  Old-South  ;  and,  after  he  has  complimented  himfelf  as 
a  "  man  of  talents"  I  am  willing  to  allow  him  the  fame  privilege 
with  any  other  trader,  who  has  an  article  to  uifpofe  of.  His  Geog- 
raphy is  an  article  of  fale  ;  and  as  fuch,  it  gives  it  an  additional 
value,  by  ftamping  on  the  prefatory  page  the  talents  of  die  author. 
For  we  buy  books  for  the  improvement  of  the  mind,  as  we  buy 
"  Hamilton's  worm-deftroying  lozenges,"  or  any  other  medicine, 
for  rectifying  the  human  conftitution.     There  never  was  a  perform 


*I2  Further  Remarks  on  Dr.  Mow*         No.  XXVII. 

(  who  publifiicd  a  noftrum,  but  what  declared  the  inventor  a  man  of 
talents,  and  that  the  medicine  would  cure  almoft  every  complaint 
to  which  the  human  frame  was  liable.  Though  I  am  willing  to 
acknowledge  that  Doftor  Morfe  has  great  merit  as  a  compiler  ; 
yet  in  books,  as  m  medicine,  the  public  will  judge  for  themfelves. 

Doctor  Morfe,  while  endeavouring  to  apologize  for  his  expref- 
fion  in  his  Geography,  has  perfifted  in  his  declaration,  "  that  the 
fcntiment  is  perfectly  correct."  He  ftill  perfifts  in  his  avowal, 
"  that  the  clergy  of  Connecticut  have  hitherto  preferred  a  kind  of 
arijlocratical  balance'"  ; — and  how  do  they  preferve  it  ?  The  Doctor 
tells  us,  "  by  preaching  the  pure  doctrines  of  the  gofpel  ;  inculca- 
ting its  moral  precepts,  and  exemplifying  them  in  their  lives." 
— Thus,  by  the  ftatement  made  by  Doctor  Morfe,  the  pure  doSrinet 
°f  ^}e  gtfpel  i  &*  moral  precepts,  and  ivalhing  agreeably  to  them,  are 
arijlocratical.  This  is  a  new  doctrine,  for  when  Paul  preached  be- 
fore Felix,  he  was  not  denounced  as  an  ariftocrat  ;  he  was  consid- 
ered rather  as  a  madman.  When  the  difciples  and  apoftles  proceed- 
ed in  their  millions,  it  was  not  declared  by  the  infidels  that  the 
arijlocrats  had  come  among  them,  but  men  who  were  "  turning  the 
world  upfide  down."  The  pure  principles  of  the  gofpel  were  nev- 
er ityled  ariflocracy,  before  Doctor  Morfe  gave  them  this  appella- 
tion : — In  what  inftance  did  our  Saviour  give  himfelf  the  charac- 
ter of  an  ariftocrat  ?  On  the  contrary,  he  bore  tcftimony  againft 
every  thing  that  led  to  this  diftinction,  or  excited  the  vain  excla- 
mation, "  I  am  holier  than  thou." 

The  fact  is,  Doctor  Morfe  has  completely  expofed  his  political 
principles,  in  his  defcription  of  the  clergy  of  Connecticut.  It  is 
conjectured,  that  he  felt  a  difpofition,  in  1789,  to  give  the  clergy 
an  arijlocratical  preponderance  in  the  civil  institutions  of  the  govern- 
ment ;  but  finding,  at  this  time,  that  it  will  not  do  openly  to  avow 
his  fentiments,  he  has  recourfe  to  an  explanation,  which  ftrikes  at 
the  very  foundation  of  the  Chriftian  fyftem  ;  to  Strengthen  his  Ge- 
ography, he  weakens  the  Scripture.  He  has,  in  order  to  juftify 
his  mode  of  expreflion,  been  obliged  to  give  a  difgufting  appella- 
tion to  the  pure  doctrines  of  the  gofpel.  He  has  declared  it  a  cor- 
rect fentiment,  that  preaching  the  pure  doctrines  of  the  gofpel,  in- 
culcating its  moral  precepts,  &c.  is  a  kind  of  an  arijlocratical  infti- 
tution.  Will  this  kind  of  definition  help  the  caufe  of  religion  ?  Will 
its  minifters  be  received  with  alacrity,  under  all  the  apprehenfions 


No.  XXVII.         Further  Remarks  on  Dr.  Morse.  I13 

annexed  to  this  difgufting  expreffion  ?  Will  the  people  become 
zealous  to  propagate  the  pure  doctrines  of  the  gofpel,  as  an  arifto- 
cratic  eftablifhment  ?  Dodor  Mode  being  thus  reduced  to  an  ex- 
plicit explanation,  as  to  his  charge  againft  the  clergy  of  Connecticut, 
inftead  of  acknowledging  his  error,  has  chofen  rather  to  give  an  odi- 
ous appellation  to  the  doctrine  of  the  gofpel,  than  to  depreciate  his 
Geography,  which  contains  fuch  a  fevefe  cenfure  on  the  refpecta- 
ble  clergy  of  Connecticut. 

Suppofc  Thomas  Paine  had  made  ufe  of  this  opprobrious  epi- 
thet, would  not  the  clergy  have  confidered  it  as  an  unfair  repre- 
fentation  of  the  tendency  of  the  gofpel  ?  Would  they  not  have 
reprobated  the  man  who  had  attached  fuch  an  unpopular  idea  to 
this  facred  fubject  ?  The  term  ariftocracy,  is  no  way  applicable  to 
the  mild,  equitable  principles  of  the  chriftian  religion.  Its  word 
enemy  could  not  introduce  a  word  more  injurious  to  its  propa- 
gation. If  ariftocracy  is  the  tendency  of  its  eftablifhment,  will  the 
people  be  zealous  in  extending  its  progrefs  ?  Dr.  Morfe  may  be 
a  warm  advocate  for  religion,  but  if  he  means  to  get  clear  of  his 
charge  againft  the  clergy  of  Connecticut,  by  throwing  the  odium 
of  ariftocracy  on  the  pure  doctrines  of  the  gofpel,  the  queftion  is, 
whether  greater  injuries  will  not  arife  to  the  caufe  of  religion,  than 
benefit  to  the  community  by  the  faleofhis  Geography  ? 

His  ungenerous  affertion,  that  I  have  "  inceftantly  abufed 
the  clergy,"  "  merits  no  other  notice  than  a  fmile  of  contempt  ;" 
fo  far  from  attempting  to  injure  their  reputation,  I  have  endeav- 
oured to  vindicate  them  from  the  ftigma  which  his  publication 
tended  to  produce.  To  be  plain  with  the  Doctor,  I  confider  him, 
and  a  few  others  of  the  fame  vindictive  difpofition,  as  wounding 
the  caufe  of  religion  beyond  any  body  of  men  in  the  United  States. 
He  has  expofed  himfelf  to  ridicule  m  many  of  his  fermons  and 
newfpaper  publications  ;  his  ftory  of  the  Ocean  maffacre  is  degrad- 
ing to  a  minifter  of  the  gofpel,  cfpcch'.ily  when  he  has  tarnifhed  his 
integrity  by  not  acknowledging  his  error. 

From  delicacy  to  his  pro) {//ton,  I  ihall  forbear  commenting  any  far- 
ther on  his  remarks,  as  I  might  roufe  the  citizens  of  Connecticut 
to  treat  him  with  too  poignant  a  feverity.  But  his  infinuation, 
that  "  this  ariftocracy  of  manners  and  virtue  has  been  in  a  great 
degree  preferved  among  the  citizens  of  Connecticut,  by  the  good 
P 


H4  Dr.  Morse  oL  No.  XXVIII. 

examples  and  moral  inculcations  of  the  clergy,"''  is  a  high  reflection 
on  the  people  of  that  ftate.  "  The  refpetlable  clergy  of  Connecticut" 
will  not  thank  him  for  this  remark  ;  neither  will  the  merchants  or 
farmers  of  that  Commonwealth  refpect  him  for  this  declaration. 
The  clergy  are  too  liberal  to  admit  of  fuch  a  degrading  idea  of 
their  pariihioners ;  and  the  citizens  are  too  enlightened  to  fuppofe 
that  the  clergy  (injlead  of  their  own  goodfnfe),  have  prevented  them 
from  plunging  into  anarchy  and  diforganization. 

As  a  friend  to  the  Doctor,  I  would  advife  him  to  keep  within 
his  proper  boundary  ;  he  miftakes  his  talents  if  he  thinks  he  can 
do  his  duty  as  a  Clergyman,  a  Geographer,  and  a  newfpaper  Editor  ;. 
any  one  of  thefe  employments  is  fully  iufficient  for  a  man  of  his 
literary  endowments.  It  is  bed  for  him  to  make  his  election  which 
of  them  he  will  purfue  ;  for  depend  on  it,  his  inadequacies  will  ap- 
pear more  and  more  confpicuous  if  he  profecutes  the  whole  of  thefe 
vocations.  If  money  is  his  object,  let  him  correct  his  Geography  ; 
if  religion  is  his  fludy,  let  him  attend  to  his  pariih  ;  if  politics  are 
his  purfuits,  let  him  take  a  Printing-Office,  and  openly  announce 
himfelf  as  the  Editor.     This  is  my  advice,  as  a  friend. 

I  mult  apologize  to  the  Reverend  Doctor,  for  omitting  the 
word  "  very  ;"  it  was  wholly  unintentional :  But  as  it  is  of  "  very" 
little  confequence,  I  am  "  very"  willing,  and  "  very"  much  grati- 
fied, in  giving  the  Reverend  Doctor  all  the  advantages  refulting 
from  the  omiflion. 

I  remain,  his  "  very"  devoted  fervant,  &c. 


No.  XXVIII. 


DOCTOR    MORSE AGAIN 


i   I   f 


.HUMANITY  pleads  fo  llrongly  in  favour  of  Doctor  Morfe, 
that  it  would  be  cruel  to  purfue  him  any  farther.  Ke,  or  fome 
friend  for  him,  is  obliged  to  come  forward  and  declare,  "  that  he 
has  never  been  a  writer  in  the  Palladium."  Is  the  vindication  of  his 
Geography  fo  puerile,  or  the  remarks  on  Old-South  fo  ridiculous, 
that  the  reputation  of  the  Doctor  would  fuffer,  if  he  firould  allow 
himfelf  to  be  tire  author  ?  Are  the  publications  in  the  Palladium 
fo  dilhonorary,  that  a  man  mull  fuffer  in  his  literary  reputation, 


No.  XXVIII.  Dr.  Mom  again.  fltf 

if  he  were  recognized  as  the  author  ?  Alas  !  that  the  Palladium 
fhould  fo  foon  link  in  the  public  eftimation.  After  fuch  a  difplay 
of  literary  patronage,  under  which  this  paper  was  ufhered  into  the 
world  ;  after  fo  many  private  fubferiptions  to  fubftantiate  its  eftab- 
liftiment ;  after  being  told  that  men  of  the  fivft  abilities  were  in- 
vited to  furnifh  its  lengthy  columns  with  the  rareft  fpecimens  of 
erudition  ;  after  Dr.  Morfe  had  been  peculiarly  active  in  obtaining 
money  from  individuals,  to  eltablilh  this  "  New-England  Palla- 
dium" ;  is  it  pomble,  in  lefs  than  two  months,  the  Reverend  Doctor 
fliould  find  it  eflential  to  his  literary  fame,  to  declare,  that  he 
has  never  been  a  writer  in  it  ?  Why  are  you  thus  explicit, 
Doctor  ?  Do  you  think  it  fair,  after  getting  perfons  to  fubferibe, 
fome  a  hundred,  and  fome  fifty  dollars,  thus  to  leave  them  in  the 
lurch,  and  depreciate  the  paper  with  an  avowal  that  you  have 
nothing  to  do  with  it  ?  Certainly,  Doctor,  tins  is  not  doing  as 
you  would  be  done  by.  Do  you  fuppofe,  that  when  the  money 
was  paid  by  the  gentlemen  to  whom  you  applied  for  fubfeription, 
that  they  expected  you  would  fq  foon  have  difowned  their  patron- 
age ?  One  perfon,  I  underftand,  figned  one  hundred  dollars,  but 
if  he  had  thought  you  would  have  denied  having  any  thing  to  do 
with  the  paper,  is  it  probable  he  would  have  been  fo  lavifh  in  his 
bounty  ?  The  declaration  appears  ungenerous  as  it  refpects  the 
fubferibers,  tcr  it  looks  as  if  you  were  afhamed  of  the  paper, 
though  fome  have  coaxed  fo  much  money  from  their  pockets  to- 
wards its  eftablifhment. 

The  evidences,  however,  are  fo  ftrong,  that  Dr.  Morfe  does 
furnifh  pieces  for  publication  in  the  Palladium,  that  it  is  fufpected 
the  denial,  though  apparently  explicit,  fomewhat  partakes  of  a 
mental  refervation.  The  writer  fays,  "  that  Dr.  Morfe  never 
has  been  a  writer  in  the  Palladium.'"  This  "  kind"  of  evidence 
cannot  be  admitted,  for  it  is  out  of  the  power  of  any  perfon  (ex- 
cepting the  Doctor  himfelf)  to  make  fuch  a  negative  declaration. 
It  the  pieces  were  brought  by  another  perfon,  or  written  in  ano- 
ther hand,  yet  no  man  can  fay  pofitively  that  Dr.  Morfe  was  not 
the  author.  This  declaration,  theiefore,  goes  for  nothing.  But 
I  fufpect  further  jefuitifm  ftill :  the  expreffion  is,  "  Dr.  Morfe  has 
never  been  a  writer  in  the  Palladium"  ;  neither  is  any  other  man 
a  writer  in  the  Palladium  ;  it  is  a  printed  not  a  written  paper,  and 
it  may  be  declared  with  fafety,  that  the  Doctor's   hand-writinjj 


n6  Answer  to  Dr.  Morse.  No.  XXIX. 

docs  not  appear  among  the  types  of  that  paper.  But  will  the 
Doctor  pofitivcly  fay,  that  he  never  has  been  a  writer  for  the  Pal- 
ladium ?  that  lie  never  furnifhed  a  piece  for  publication  ?  If  be 
declares  this,  he  will  fay  fomething  ;  but  at  prefent  the  aflei  tion 
wears  a  queftionable  afpect. 

However,  Doctor,  for  once  be  candid  and  generous  ;  will  you 
declare  on  the  honour  of  a  man,  and  on  the  /unfitly  of  a  Cbrijl'tan, 
that  you  have  not,  directly  or  indirectly,  written  for  the  Palladium. 
Equivocation  and  mental  refervation  are  out  of  the  queflion  :  fay 
whether  you  have  not  furnifhed  many  publications,  and  don't  be 
afhamed  to  tell  the  whole  truth,  even  though  your  literary  fame 
fhould  fuffer  by  the  acknowledgment.  Is  it  not  a  facl,  that  you 
fpend  many  hours  in  the  printing-office  ?  Is  it  not  a  fact,  that 
you  applied  to  many  of  your  clerical  brethren  foi  their  counte- 
nance and  fupport  ?  If  this  be  true,  Doctor,  why  are  you  afraid 
to  be  considered  as  a  writer  ?  Has  Old-South  intimidated  you  ? 
— Depend  on  it,  nothing  but  honour  and  generofity  will  arife 
from  this  quarter  ;  he  will  handle  your  publications  with  gentle- 
nefs  ;  if  he  is  fevere,  yet  it  will  be  only  the  chaftifement  of  a 
friend,  who  rather  means  to  caution  you  in  your  conduct,  than 
expofe  your  imprudences.  Your  zeal  has  carried  you  beyond 
your  proper  boundary  ;  as  a  Clergyman  I  cfteem  you  ;  but  as  a 
Politician,  I  mud  honeftly  fay,  that  you  have  done  an  injury  to 
religion,  and  even  expofed  yourfelf  to  ridicule. 

I  fhall  now  clofe  this  controverfy,  unlefs  an  unfair  advantage  is 
taken  of  my  hlence  ;  in  which  cafe  I  may  renew  my  obfervations. 
Health  and  fraternity. 


No.  XXIX. 

IN    ANSWER    TO    DR.  MORSE,    ON   VARIOUS    SUBJECTS. 

J\S  fubjefts  of  much  higher  importance  than  Dr.  Morfe's  IUu- 
minaii,  Sec.  are  now  before  the  public,  it  requires  an  apology  lor 
noticing  his  elaborate  obfervations.  But,  as  the  Doctor  has  given 
it  an  apparent  folemnity  by  bis  prolixity,  a  few  gentle  remarks  \ 
hope  will  not  be  confidered  as  improper. 


Ko.  XXIX.  Answer  to  Dr.  Morse.  1 17 

The  Doctor,  with  all  the  humility  and  candour  of  "  a  Minifkr  of 
the  gofpel  of  peace,"  has  ftyled  his  opponents  "  unprincipled 
men"  :  Such  an  indecorous  appellation  does  not  favour  of  thap 
chriftian  fpirit,  which  ought  to  characterize  his  profeffiom  Charity- 
is  an  appropriate  attribute  of  religion,  and  it  ill  becomes  a  man  to 
life  fuch  opprobrious  language,  who  aliumes  the  prerogative  to 
assize  hinridf  the  Jlandard  of  orthodoxy. 

My  obfervations,  on  the  paragraph  taken  from  the  Poclor's 
Geography,  were  principally  intended  to  reprobate  the  idea,  that 
the  "  vcfpalalh  r/ergy  of  Conruclicut"  were  an  ariflocratical  body.  The 
afTeriion,  in  my  mind,  conveyed  a  fentiment  injurious  to  that  wor- 
thy clais  of  citizens.  The  remarks  were  introduced,  not  to  injure 
the  Doctor,  but  to  give  him  an  opportunity  to  explain  his  meaning. 
He  has  thought  prcpt.r  to  be  filent  on  the  iubjedr,  but  fome  friend 
Jn  his  behalf  has  made  a  feeble  defence,  and  at  the  fame  time  has 
indirectly  fuggefted,  that  the  Doctor  has  not  written  any  tiling  in 
the  Palladium^  excepting  advertifements  and  anecdotes. 

The  (lory  of  the  Ocean  maffacre  is  not  fully  cleared  up  by  the 
Doctor  ;  for  no  perfon  doubted  that  fuch  a  "  report"  prevailed  ; 
but,  as  a  "  miniilcr  of  peace  and  truth"  it  was  expected  that  when 
he  found  it  was  falfe,  he  would  frankly  have  confejfed  the  error  of 
his  aflertion  ;  that  he  would  be  as  ready  to  reclify  his  mijlake,  as  he 
was  afliduous  to  propagate  the  report  in  his  fermon.  At  leaft  it  was 
as  incumbent  on  him  to  ftand  on  the  ground  of  yeracity  in  thi$ 
inflance,  as  in  that  of  Profeflor  Ebeling's  letter. 

The  wild,  ridiculous  ftory  of  IUuminifin,  I  never  pretended  to 
inveftigate.  This  was  too  dark  a  bufmefs  for  my  comprehenfion  ; 
but  if  the  Doctor  would  condefcend  to  publiih  the  real  letter  which 
he  received  from  Profelfor  Ebeling,  it  is  expected  that  great  light 
would  be  thrown  on  this  clouded  fubject. 

Though  I  have  never  before  noticed  the  controverfy  on  Pro- 
feffor  Ebeling's  letter,  yet  after  reading  the  laboured  vindication 
of  the  Doctor,  the  following  remarks  naturally  recurred  from  the 
perufal  : 

The  identical  letter,  received  by  Dr.  Morfe, .  from  ProfefTor 
Ebeling,  it  is  readily  acknowledged,  was  not  the  one  publi/hed  ;  but 
will  the  Doctor  fay,  that  he  had  not  at  the  fame  time,  in  his  pofTef- 
fion,  a  letter  from  this  gentleman  of  the  fame  import  ?  If  he  had,  I 
would  afk  him  whether  the  mode,  in  which  he  denied  the  letter  publifh. 


U  S  Ansiv:r  to  Dr.  Morse.  No.  XXIX. 

id,  had  not  a  tendency  to  raife  a  doubt  as  to  the  authenticity  ef 
ProfefTbr  Ebeling's  opinion  of  Robifon  ?  And  whether  this 
"  kind"  of  denial  docs  not  leave  a.fdjntjbadow  of  deception  on  his 
part  ?  Doctor"  Morfe,  in  his  letter  to  the  editor  of  the  Bee, 
(fpeakingof  the  letter  publiihed)  fays,  "  This  I  can,  and  do  afTure 
you,  it  is  false  ;  I  never  faw  the  letter  you  have  publijhed,  till  I  read 
it  in  your  paper."  Now,  Doclor,  I  would  afk  you,  whether  this 
decifive  language  did  merely  carry  in  it  a  denial  of  the  letter  being 
.''j  you,  but  whether  it  did  not  convey  a  ftrcng  idea  that  Pro- 
fetfor  Ebeling  had  not  written  any  letter  whatever  d'fepprobatory  of 
Robifon's  book?  Further,  the  certificate  declares,  that  "the 
abflracl  was  bafely  falfe  and  calumnious"  Such  a  pofitive  denial 
gave  a  more  ferious  appearance  againft  thefafls  of  the  letter,  than 
againft  the  trifling  miftake  that  it  was  direcled  to  you. 

The  whole  merits  of  this  queftion,  Doclor,  reft  on  this  fingle 
point,  whether,  at  I  u  declared  the  letter  publifhed  to  be 

false,  you  had  not  in  your  pofTedlon  a  limilar  ©ne  from  ProfefTbr 
Ebeling,  and  though  the  letter  publijhed  might  not  contain  every 
particular  word,  which  could  be  found  in  the  one  you  received, 
(the  word  "  very,"  &c.  might  be  omitted)  yet  whether  it  did  not 
cxprefs  the  fame  in  "  fubjlance,  /cope  and  end  ?  The  marrow  of  this 
caufe,  Doctor,  lies  in  this  inquiry,  and  ten  lines  in  the  paper  in 
anfiver  to  it,  would  as  fully  fatisfy  the  public,  as  the  columns  you 
have  publiihed. 

You  acknowledge,  Doctor,  that  you  received  a  letter  from 
ProfefTbr  Ebeling,  in  July,  1799,  "  in  which  he  mentions  having 
feen  Robifon  and  Barruel's  books  on  the  fubject  of  Illuminifm, 
and  gives  his  opinion,  and  the  reafans  of  his  opinion  againfl  the  authen- 
ticity of  thefe  works"  ;  while  the  note  you  fent  to  the  editor  of  the 
Bee,  declaring  the  letter  publifhed  to  be  "  false,"  is  dated  Dec. 
3,  1799,  fiye  months  after  you  acknowledge  to  have  received 
Ebeling's  letter.  How  then  could  tire  letter  be  "falfe,"  even  if  a 
millake  was  made,  in  faying  it  was  fent  to  Doclor  Morfe,  inflead  of 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Bentley  ?  The  contents  of  the  letter,  as  it  refpected 
Ebeling's  "  opinion,  and  the  recfons  for  his  opinion"  were  the  fub- 
jeclsof  controverfy,  not  whether  it  were  fent  to  Doclor  Morfe,  or 
any  other  clerical   character. 

The  direFiion  of  the  letter  to  Doctor  Morfe,  might  be  fafely 
denied  :    but  how  could  he  undertake  to  fay,  that  the  letter  was 


Answer  to  Dr.  Morse.  1 1 9 

"folfi"  *  or  ^ow  could  any  one  for  him  fay,  that  it  was  "  fatft 
and  calumnious"  when  he  had  every  reafon  to  fuppofc  the  letter  to 
be  genuine,  as  he  held  one  in  his  own  hands  containing  fibular 
ientiments  ?  The  monofyllable  "  to"  could  not  alter  the  merits 
of  the  letter  ;  it  was  true  or  falie,  not  as  directed  "  to  Doctor 
Morfe,"  but  in  the  validity  of  the  opinion  given  of  Robilbn  by 
Ebeling  ;  wherein  was  the  faliity  or  calumny,  as  it  related  to 
the  effence  and  quinteffence  of  the  letter,  whether  the  pcrfon  who 
published  it,  faid  it  was  fent  to  you  or  any  other  perfon  ? 
Robifon's  book  was  a  matter  of  public  notoriety,  and  the  public 
were  pleafed  to  know  Ebeling's  opinion  of  it,  and  there  could  be 
no  other  calumny  attached  to  Doctor  Morfe  by  this  difclofure, 
than  the  difference  of  his  opinion  with  Profeffor  Ebeling's.  Crcc' 
men  in  all  countries,  and  in  all  ages  have  and  will  difagree,  without 
the  ftigma  of  calumny,  and  1  hope,  Doctor,  this  will  confole  you 
under  the  mortification  of  finding  the  learned  Eliding  reprobating 
a  book,  which  you  fo  fcduloufly  recommend. 

The  Doctor  alleges,  that  it  Would  be  improper  to  publifli  a 
private  correfpondence.  This  may  be  a  very  honorary  apology, 
but  will  the  Doctor  fay,  that  he  did  not  write  to  Profeffor  Ebeling, 
in  expctlation  that  be  would  approbate  the  book  ;  and  provided  he  had 
been  furnifhed  with  fuch  a  choice  document,  I  would  afk  him, 
whether  he  would  not  have  publiflied  it  with  avidity,  to  fubflantiatc 
the  belief  of  Illuminifm  ?  Unfortunately,  however,  for  the  Illu- 
minati  votaries,  die  learned  Profeffor  reprobated  the  vagaries  of 
Robifon  and  Barruel,  and  therefore  his  letter  was  confined  to  a 
few  confidential  friends  to  lament  their  dif appointment. 

The  writings  of  Robifon  and  Barruel  have  long  fmce  been 
exploded  by  almofl  every  literary  character  in  Europe  and  Amer- 
ica. It  is  difcovered  to  be  a  mere  trick  to  deceive  the  people. 
This  being  the  fact,  I  am  forry  that  Doctor  Morfe  fhould  expofe 
himfelf,  by  pcrfifting  to  fupport  fuch  incoherent  trumpery. 

Infiead  of  ftudying  Robifon  and  Barruel,  it  would  be  more 
becoming  a  Minifter  of  the  gofpel  to  have  recourfe  to  the  Bible, 
and  difcover  tire  "  figns  of  the  times."  In  this  book,  the  Doctor 
may  be  led  to  more  evangelical  contemplations  ;  the  prophecies  and 
revelations  might  folemnize  his  mind  to  more  judicious  reflections 
than  the  extravagant  reveries  of  thofe  fanatics.  Fleming,,  on  the 
fulfilment  of  the  Scriptures  is  an  author  more  adequate  to  the 


i2o  Answer  to  Dr.  Morse.  No.  XX 

purpofes,  as  this  divine  has  purfucd  the  inquiry  on  fcriptural  prin- 
ciples. But,  while  Doctor  Morfe  adheies  to  fuch  rhodorriotftade 
as  Robifon  and  Barruel,  and  alarms  the  ignorant  in  his  Fa!, 
mons,  with  the  ridiculous  ftories  of  knight-templars,  &c.  and 
excites  the  public  attention  with  a  number  of  outlandish  names,  as 
confpirators  againfl  religion,  he  weakens  his  profeffional  energies, 
and  rather  appears  in  the  ftation  of  a  bigot,  than  in  the  dignified 
deportment  of  a  man  of  literature. 

Religion  does  not  require  fuch  paltry  aid  ;  for  he,  who  has 
declared  that  the  "  gates  of  hell  fliall  not  prevail  againfl  it,"  will 
fecure  it  from  falling  a  prey  to  a  few  knight-templars,  or  a  combi- 
nation of  illiterate  Germans.  The  alarm  ought  to  fubfide  in  the 
Doctor's  mind,  for  in  this  Commonwealth  we  have  upwards  of  five 
hundred  learned  and  refpeclable  clergymen,  (under  the  guid- 
ance of  the  Supreme  Being,)  in  oppofition  to  the  combined  ef- 
forts of  fuch  antagonists.  If  we  doubt  of  victory,  we  depreciate 
(what  I  am  unwilling  to  allow)  the  abilities  of  the  clergy.  Why  then' 
is  the  Doctor  defcribing  the  people  as  running  headlong  to  dellruc- 
tion  ?  If  the  people  in  general  do  not  reflect  on  the  clergy,  is  it  not 
ungenerous  for  any  clergyman  to  reflect  on  the  people  ?  Wherein 
do  the  people  appear  fo  difpofed  to  injure  the  clergy  ?  Are  they 
not  as  well  paid,  as  well  fed,  and  in  general  as  highly  cflimated  as 
ever  ?  While  the  clergy  are  treated  well  by  the  people,  why  fhould 
any  man  fuggeft  in  his  century  fermon,  "  that  before  the  end  of 
this  century,  the  majority  of  the  people  of  America  will  be  fo  corrupt 
as  to  diflike  the  reflraints  of  religion  ?"  If  this  fhould  be  the  un- 
happy Mate  of  our  country,  I  am  afraid  it  will  arife  from  the  im- 
prudent conduct  of  a  few  clerical  zealots,  who  are  bcwilderir.g  dieir 
focieties  with  politics,  in  Mead  of  enlightening  them  with  religion.  Can 
it  be  fuppofed,  at  this  enlightened  age,  that  the  vagaries  of  fanatics 
will  pafs  for  gofpel  truths  ?  And  if  a  clergyman  will  fport  the 
facred  fenptures  upon  the  frenzies  of  Robifon  and  Barruel,  he  muft 
expect  to  excite  ridicule,  inftead  of  refpect.  Notwithstanding  thefe 
gloomy  forebodings,  I  believe  that  real  unadulterated  chriflianity  will 
prevail  Iri  America,  and  thofe  of  the  clergy  who  walk  in  the  path 
defcribed  by  their  master,  will  be  duly  honoured  and  reverenced. 

Iffome  of  the  clergy  have  weakened  their  influence,  on  whofe 
fhoulders  docs  the  blame  lie  ?  If  the  Doctor  confiders  himfelf  as 
undervalued  in  public  eftimation,  let  him  reflecT:  on  his  own  con- 


No.  XXX.  On  President  Jefferson's  Speech.  .  12? 

duct  ;  he  would  never  have  been  a  fubject  of  animadverfion,  if  he 
had  kept  within  his  clerical  profeffion,  but  when  he  overleaped  the 
bounds  of  decency  in  denouncing  men  as  Jacobins,  Illuminati,  &c. 
he  might  naturally  fuppofe  that  fuch  cenfures  would  not  be  pa- 
tiently borne,  though  fanctified  with  the  appellation  of  faft  fer- 
mons,  or  pulpit  difcourfes.  A  clergyman^ow/*/  refpeB  him/elf,  if  he 
means  to  acquire  it  from  others.  A  teacher  of  gofpel  truths 
fhould  not  prefume  to  denounce  and  anathematize  as  a  political 
dictator  ;  or  print  fermons  with  marginal  notes,  which  afterwards 
prove  falfe  :  If  he  will  take  this  refponfible  part,  he  places  him- 
felf  on  an  equality  with  his  fellow-citizens,  and  at  once  flrips  him- 
felf  of  his  ecclefiaftical  habiliments.  If,  inftead  cf  a  clergyman, 
he  affumes  the  politician,  he  mud  expect  to  take  his  lot  in  the 
fcuffle. 

As  the  Doctor'  has  flyled  his  opponents  "  unprincipled  men"  he 
mud  excufe  the  liberty  taken  in  thefe  remarks  ;  and  though  I 
would  not  retort  in  fuch  uncharitable  language,  yet  when  a  man 
affumes  too  high  a  prerogative,  a  gentle  reprimand  may  prove 
ferviceable. Health  and  fraternity,  Doctor. 


No.  XXX. 


ON    PRESIDENT    JEFFERSON  S    SPEECH* 

W  HILE  reading  the  fpeech  of  Mr.  Jefferfon,  every  American 
muft  feel  an  indignation  that  withm  the  United  States  there  are 
men  fo  loft  to  every  honorary  principle,  as  to  calumniate  a  charac- 
ter fo  truly  amiable  and  refpectable.  The  contrail  between  the  e 
alted  fentiments  of  this  patriot  and  ftatefman,  and  the  bafe  detr 
tion  vented  by  his  enemies,  muft  ftrike  every  confideratc  citi 
with  the  mod  forcible  conviction,  that  malignity  and  defamai 
are  the  leading  paffions  of  his  opponents  ;  while  he  exhibits  the 
nevolence,  candour,  and  magnanimity  of  a  Chriftian,  patriot,  a 
philofopher,  his  enemies  have  portrayed  him  in  all  the  deteftab 
qualities  of  infidelity,  immorality,  and  atheifm. 

While  his  opponents  have  been  affiduous  to  deftroy  his  repu- 
tation, by  the  fouleft  epithets  of  detraction,  he  has  rifen  fuperior 
r«  their   calumny,    and,   inftead   cf    condefcending  to   "  return 

Q 


izt  tin  President  J.J.rscns   Spc:cL  tio.  XXX- 

raiiing  for  railing,"  has  given  ilrong  evidence  of  die  magnanimity 
of  an  honed  heart,  and  an  exalted  mind,  over  the  deformities  at- 
tached to  a  polluted  temper  and  difpoution. 

Fellow-citizens  ;  while  reading  the  fpeech  of  Prefidcnt  Jeffer- 
fon,  paufe  at  every  period,  and  recollect,  that  this  is  the  man  who 
has  been  held  up  to  public  view  as  the  object  of  univcrfal  detefta- 
tion.  While  contemplating  the  fublirnity  of  the  fentiments  ;  the 
eloquence  of  diction  ;  the  candour,  and  conciliating  (trains,  which 
adorn  every  paragraph,  reflect,  that  //.'  fe  are  the  words  of  a  man 
who  has  been  denounced  as  the  deftroyer  of  government,  the  fub- 
verter  of  religion  ;  the  demoralizer,  the  ucift,  the  atheift  ;  and 
whole  name  has  been  profaned,  as  the  leader  of  a  banditti  to  over- 
throw government,  and  diflblve  the  bands  which  unite  and  har- 
monize fociety. 

Ye  minifters  of  the  gofpel  ;   yc  individuals  who  have  anathe- 
matized him  from  the  facred  de/k,  how  muft  fhame  cover  your 
faces,  while  perufing  this  fpecimen  of  his  political,  and  religious  In- 
tegrity !     He.  now  ftands  unmafked  before  the  public,  and  with 
the  purity  of  bis  ownjignature,  announces  himfelf  an  advocate  for 
religion  :    That  religion,  which  places  mankind  on  the  bafis  of 
equal  rights  ;  that  undifguifed  conduct  which  defignates  the  real 
chrifiian,  from  the  impoling  hypocrite  :    An  enemy  to  the  perfect- 
ing fpirit  of  bigotry,  but  a  friend  to  that  benign  temper  which  fe- 
cures  the  happinefs  of  fociety,  and  eftablifhes  the  facred  doctrines  of 
the  gofpel  on  a  foundation  too  permanent  to  be  fhaken  by  zealots, 
or  fanguinary  fanatic:.     He  diiplays  that  mildnefs  and  modera- 
tion, which  have  too  rarely  been  found  in  thofe  who  have  aflumed 
the  right  of  judging  on  his  principles,  and  denouncing  his  conduct. 
HiHe  you  have  calumniated  him,  he  has  fcorned  to  retort  in  the 
guage  of  reproach,  but  with  that  charity  which  is  the  ornament 
chriftianity,  enforces  with   a  mildnefs  of  perfuafion,  thofe  doc- 
es  which  you  have  charged  him  as  violating  ;  from  henceforth 
n,  be  fdent.     Let  your  reproaches  ceafe  ;  convince  the  world 
at  you  are  "  indeed,  and  in  truth,"  what  you  profefs  to  be  ;  in- 
ead  of  reviling,  acknowledge  your  mifconduft  ;  give  fome  fpeci- 
men of  your  benevolence,  by  your  works  ;  for  as  men  of  honour, 
and  as  chriftians,  you  muft  feel  a  confeioufnefs  of  your  error  ;  and 
thus  convicted,  you  muft  confefs,  that  the  mod  permanent  trait  of 


No.  XXX.  On  Pr.Jlht  Jtjjbrxnft  Sp-.  123 

repentance,  is  a  confefllon  of  your  manifold  offences.     This  is  * 
chriflian  regimen  of  honefty  and  contrition. 

Every  clais  of  citizens  mud  feel  a  pride,  when  they  perufe  a 
fpecch  fraught  with  fuch  claflical  erudition  ;  fuch  propriety  of  fenti- 
ment ;  fuch  unaffected  evidences  of  patriotiftn  and  integrity.  The 
character  of  an  American  a  flumes  a  dignified  deportment  in  the 
literary  and  political  world,  when  its  Chief  Magiftrate  difplays  a 
character  fo  fublime  and  maje'ftic  ;  the  great  principles  of  our 
government  are  brought  within  the  comprehenfion  of  every  indi- 
vidual ;  it  is  not  a  mmmary  of  our  ConlHtution,  but  a  perfect 
system,  fo  completely  condenfed,  that  it  exhibits  in  one  view  all 
the  vital  organs  of  its  exillcncc.  The  man  who  ftudies  this  fpecch 
cannot  be  ignorant  of  the  effential  qualities  of  a  free  government  ; 
it  is  a  leffon  which  fhould  be  early  learnt  to  our  children,  as  con- 
taining thofc  rudiments,  which  ought  to  direct  not  only  the  ftatef- 
man  in  his  duties,  but  inftruct  each  citizen  in  the  prefervation  of 
his  rights.  Solon  as  a  law-giver  is  immortalized,  but  Jefferfon  as 
a  commentator  on  the  American  Conftitution,  ftands  in  a  more 
permanent  attitude.  The  doctrines  which  he  inculcates,  are  fa- 
miliar to  republicans  ;  they  have  ever  been  the  creed  of  thofe,  who, 
have  been  falfely  designated  jacobins  and  diforganizers. 

The  comprehenfivenefs  of  his  mind  is  confpicuous  in  the 
minute  details  of  thofe  effential  principles  of  our  government, 
which  ought  to  direct  its  adminiltration.  They  are  compreffed 
within  fuch  precife  limits,  as  to  enforce  them  on  the  memory,  and 
expreffed  with  fuch  claflical  elegance,  as  to  charm  the  fcholar  with 
their  rhetorical  brilliancy.  This  is  the  peculiar  happinefs  attached 
to  Mr.  Jefferfon's  literary  performances.  His  Notes  on  Virginia 
are  ftrewed  with  flowers  felected  from  the  parterre  of  the  Belles 
Letters,  while  the  declaration  of  American  Independence 
exhibits  the  fublimity  of  his  fentiments,  and  will  forever  remain  a 
monument  of  the  immenfity  of  his  talents. 

It  muff  be  allowed,  that  the  licentioufnefs  of  the  prefs  has  been 
extended  in  its  utmoft  latitude  in  calumniating  Mr.  Jefferfon  ;  but 
far  from  touching  this  palladium  of  public  liberty,  he  avows  his 
facred  attachment  to  its  freedom.  He  is  not  afraid  to  truft  his 
conduct  to  the  inflection  of  his  fellow- citizens  :  neither  is  he  defi- 
rous  to  wreft  the  pen  from  the  hands  of  freemen,  and  to  rivet 
Jhscieh  in  its  place.     Conscious  rcftitude  preserves  Ji^  confidence.. 


**4  the  Means  to  lessen  Taxes.  No.  XXXI, 

He  readily  fubmits  his  actions  to  uncontroled  inveftigation. 
His  own  bofom  is  the  tribunal,  and  integrity  prefides  as  an  impar- 
tial judge  to  confound  his  accufers. 

This  being  the  real  character  of  Mr.  JefFerfon,  how  mortified 
and  how  abafhed  muft  his  calumniators  be,  if  they  retain  one  fpark 
of  manly  reflection  !  How  muft  thofe  feel,  who  in  private  cauuijfes 
have  vilified  this  exalted  and  virtuous  citizen — who  never  dare 
openly  to  avow  what  they  privately  aflerted — who  have  exerted 
thetnfelves  in  oppofing  the  election  of  Mr.  JefFerfon,  contrary  to 
the  apparent  voice  of  the  people — who  have  fhewn  a  rancour  of 
temper  (unbecoming  even  the  character  of  a  gentleman)  through 
the  whole  progrefs  of  the  late  election—who  have  quitted  the  fair 
ground  of  argument,  and  fcreened  thefnfelves  under  the  mafic  of 
hypocrify — who  have  endeavoured  to  injure  Mr.  JefFerfon,  among 
the  lerious  and  well  difpofed,  when  the  conduct  of  many  of  them 
has  been  difcordant  to  every  principle  of  honour,  religion  and 
morality  !  Such  is  the  fyftem  purfued  againft  every  patriot  who 
has  attempted  to  counteract  the  plans  of  an  inveterate  faction. 
Such  is  the  procefs  againft  Mr.  Gerry  and  General  Heath,  and 
while  this  "  junto"  can  profecute  their  wicked  defigns  with  any 
profpect  of  fuccefs,  they  will  never  "  ceafe  from  troubling," 
neither  will  this  banditti  "  be  at  reft."  Let  the  magnanimity  of 
the  republicans  be  confpicuous  in  the  treatment  of  their  enemies  ; 
but  while  we  exercife  our  benevolence,  let  us  guard  againft  their 
infidious  and  deceptive  ftratagems.  Let  us  fhew  a  fuperiority  over 
thtir  reign  of terror ;  but  inftead  of  trufting  to  their  repentance,  let 
us  put  it  out  of  their  power  to  renew  their  fubtlcties — remember, 
*'  the  tyger  crouches  before  he  leaps." 


No.  XXXI. 

THE    MEANS    TO    LESSEN    TAXES. 

JL  HE  people  of  America  are  peculiarly  attached  to  Liberty  and 
Property.  Perfecuted  in  England  by  the  arm  of  tyranny,  they 
fought  an  afylum  in  this  country  for  the  enjoyment  of  their  polit- 
ical and  religious  principles.  After  experiencing  the  fanguinary 
difpofition  of  the  government  of  Britain,  they  became  tenacious 


No.  XXXI.  The  Means  to  lessen  Taxes.  !  2  e 

of  thofe  rights  which  they  had  acquired  by  their  emigration. 
With  a  laudable  jealoufy  they  watched  over  the  conduct  of  their 
magi  fixates,  and  in  every  initance  were  alive  to  all  thofe  tender 
emotions  which  naturally  arife  in  the  minds  of  men,  who  had  fled 
from  perfecution. 

The  cold,  unfeeling  temper  of  thofe  who  were  in  league  with 
the  Britifh  during  our  revolutionary  conflict  :  the  apathy  of  thofe 
individuals  who  were  within  the  lines  of  the  enemy, — can  fpeak 
with  a  peculiar  indifference  on  the  fears  and  apprehenfions  of  the 
people.  They  can  exprefs  their  furprife,  that  the  citizens  are 
alarmed,  or  that  they  fhould  diftrufl  the  intentions  of  thofe  who 
are  appointed  to  adminifler  the  government  ;  but  from  the  firfl 
fcttlement  of  the  country,  it  has  been  our  misfortune  to  experience 
the  worft  of  evils,  from  the  hands  of  men,  who  made  the  highejl 
profejjions  of  friendship.  Who  would  have  thought  that  Hutchinfon 
was  planning  the  ruin  of  America,  under  that  courtly  mafk  of 
cordiality  which  fo  peculiarly  diftinguifhed  his  character  ?  He 
was  the  idol  of  the  Clergy,  as  hypoerify  was  the  coat  of  mail  under 
which  he  attempted  to  render  himfelf  invulnerable. 

Far  be  it  from  me,  to  cenfure  any  pre-eminent  character  of  our 
late  adminifiration  ;  but  if  we  examine  the  meafurcs  adopted  for 
a  few  years  part,  it  cannot  but  excite  fufpicions  which  are  hard  to 
be  fuppreffed.  Who  are  the  authors  of  our  troubles  I  will  not 
pretend  to  fay,  but  that  we  are  in  difficulties  is  too  evident  to  be 
difputed.  That  there  has  been  a  party,  deviflng  "  ways  and 
means"  to  bring  us  into  a  war  with  France  and  an  alliance  with 
England  is  declared  by  Ariflides.  The  conduct  of  individuals, 
in  too  many  inflances,  has  given  a  fanction  to  fuch  a  declaration. 
Every  aggravation  has  attended  their  reprefentations,  as  they  related 
to  France,  and  every  palliative  as  connected  with  England  ;  while 
we  have  torn  ourfelves  afunder  from  Fiance  by  a  Non-Inter courfe, 
we  have  as  anxioufly  renewed  our  connexion  with  Britain  ;  while 
we  have  refented,  with  all  the  rage  of  malignity,  the  violations 
of  our  commercial  rights  by  the  French,  v.e  have pajjively  furren- 
dered  our  neutral  privileges  to  the  arbitrary  decifions  of  the 
Englijh. 

If  this  country  had  only  experienced  the  effects  of  wrong  judg- 
ment, and  the  mifchiefs  could  be  as  eafily  rectified  as  the  fentiments 
could  be  retracted,  we  might  overlook  the  injudicioufnefs  of  thofe 


126  The  Means  to  lessen  Taxes.  No.  XXXI. 

who  have  been  the  authors  of  our  difficulties  ;  but  a  heavy  debt 
is  contracted,  and  the  prefent  and  future  generations  mull  become 
"  tributary"  to  difcharge  it.  If  we  could  difcharge  our  debt  as 
eafily  as  we  could  difuand  our  army,  the  evil  would  be  remedied 
without  any  efTential  inconvenience.  While  reflecting  on  this 
fubjecl,  remember,  fellow-citizens,  aus  are  to  pay  for  our  folly  ;  every 
dollar  expended  mud  come  from  the  pockets  of  The  People. 

During  the  debates  in  the  convention  on  the  adoption  of  the 
federal  conflitution,  the  duties  arifing  from  impofl  were  thought 
adequate  to  all  the  CiTential  purpofes  of  our  government,  alfo  for 
the  payment  of  our  foreign  and  domeflic  debt.  The  people  were 
led  to.  anticipate  a  cheap  and  energetic  adminiftiation  under  the 
operation  of  this  new  fyflem  ;  but,  flrange  to  relate,  within  about 
twelve  years,  in  a  Jlale  of  peace,  the  moil  powerful  refouregs  of  rev- 
enue are  called  into  action  ;  Impofl,  Excife,  Stamp  Duties,  Land  and 
Houfe  Tax,  and  to  cap  the  climax,  a  Loan  at  the  enormous  premium  of 
eight  per  cent. 

Such  has  been  the  effect  of  the  late  adminiflration  ;  and  can 
any  man  fay  that  profperity  has  attended  this  country,  when  fuch 
an  immenfity  of  taxes  have  arifen  under  its  operation  ?  Who  is 
to  blame,  is  not  c4  prefent  my  inquiry  ;  fome  future  numbers  may 
be  more  explicit  on  this  fubjefl  ;  but  I  can  with  confidence  afk, 
whether  any  man  had  reafpn  to  fuppofe,  that  within  fo  few  years, 
the  debts  of  the  country  would  have  called  for  fuch  financial 
exertions  ?  Every  bafe  fyflem,  of  fpeculation  has  been  profecuted'j 
the  artful  defigning  knave  has  preyed  on  the  diflreffes  of  the  un- 
fortunate ;  and  a  few  men  .have  been  able  to  acquire  a  profufenefs 
of  fortune,  while  the  induflrlous  part  of  the  community  are  bur- 
dened with  exceffive  duties  to  furnifh  their  quarterly  interefl. 

It  is  evident^  that  the  economy  recommended  by  Mr.  Jefferfon 
was  not  fully  practifed  during  the  late  adminiflration  ;  for  if  it  had, 
the  neceffities  of  this  country  could  not  have  demanded  fuch  ex- 
ceffive expenditures.  The  treafury  department  has  been  obfeured 
in  my  fiery  ;  it  is  fo  inexplicable,  that  one  man  will  aflert,  we  have 
lejfened  the  public  debt,  while  another  will  as  confidently  maintain 
that  it  has  increafed  millions  ;  whether  it  has  increafed  or  lejfened  is 
an  important  confideration.  It  might  reafonably  be  expected 
that  the  debt  would  have  been  nearly  extinguifhed  by  the  refpective. 
fburces  of  revenue.     The  people  have  been  paying,  for  a  number 


No.  XXXI.  The  Means  to  lessen  faxes.  12J 

of  years  back,  every  fpecies  of  taxes,  and  yet  they  remain  uncer- 
tain, whether  we  are  not  more  in  delt  than  before  they  made  then* 
payments.  The  extravagance  in  the  expenditures  of  public  money 
is  generally  allowed  to  exceed  even  European  countries  ;  our 
trifling  navy,  it  is  fuppofed,  has  colt  the  United  Stutes  four  times 
as  much  as  the  fame  force  in  any  other  nation  ;  the  army  was  a 
wanton  laviihment  of  public  money,  and  a  mod  egregious  impo- 
fition  on  the  United  States.  Millions  have  thus  been  fported  with 
in  various  channels  ;  Algerine  tribute,  grants  for  carrying  into 
effect  a  Britifh  treaty,  expenfes  of  foreign  mihifters,  and,  above  all, 
that  maufokum  of  folly  and  extravagance  the  Federal  City.  While 
our  money  is  thus  profufely  fquandered  away,  can  we  cxpecT:  to 
difchargc  our  debts,  even  though  our  taxes  fhould  increafe  four- 
fold ?  Through  the  agency  of  perfonal  patronage,  the  benefits 
of  this  extravagance  have  been  confined  within  about  one  hundred 
families  within  the  United  States. 

The  ftate  of  the  treasury  is  of  the  highefl  importance  ;  an 
inveftigation  of  the  financiering  fyftem,  receipts  and  expenditures 
and  the  refpective  items  which  have  exhaufted  the  fupplies  as 
rapidly  as  they  were  furnifhed.  Thefe  are  particulars  which  call 
for  the  critical  eye  of  the  new  adminiftration,  and  if  the  docu- 
ments are  not  burnt,  it  is  hoped  that  a  juft  ftatement  will  be  made  ; 
that  the  people  fhould  be  informed  how  their  money  is  fpent,  and 
what  is  the  remaining  balance  of  their  debts.  A  few  men  have 
enjoyed  the  advantages  of  thefe  extravagances,  but  the  burdens  on 
commerce,  agriculture,  and  manufactures  prefs  hard  on  the  in- 
duftrious  part  of  the  community,  and  begin  to  excite  difagreeable 
fenfations.  Some  other  fources  of  revenue  muft  be  adopted,  for 
it  is  unreafoneble  that  the  whole  weight  of  an  extravagant  fyftem 
of  expenditure  (which  has  principally  enriched  a  particular  clafs 
of  men)  fhould  be  laid  on  the  mercantile,  agricultural,  and  mamifaSur- 
ing  branches.  Let  thofe  who  have  experienced  the  "  bkjfings  of  the 
public  debt,"  bear  their  proportion  of  the  burden  ;  common  fenfe 
requires  an  equalization  of  taxes  ;  the  induftry  of  a  country  ought 
not  to  be  the  fole  object  of  taxation  ;  affluence  and  indolence  have 
as  broad  fhoulders  to  fuftain  the  pondcrancy. 

On  the  eftablifhment  of  peace,  how  are  our  young  men  t» 
acquire  a  mercantile  fubfiftence,  if  commerce  is  cramped  with  ex- 
cefllve  duties  ?      How  are-  the  manufacturing  and  agricultural 


H%  A  publi;h  Debt,  a  publich  Evil.         No.  XXXII. 

branches  to  be  fupported,  if  every  tradefman  and  farmer  are  borne 
down  by  exorbitant  taxes  ?  But  whatever  may  be  the  diftrefTes 
arifing  from  future  taxation,  Mr.  Jefferfon  cannot  be  anfwerable 
for  them,  as  the  debts  for  which  he  is  to  make  appropriation  were 
contracted  during  a  former  adminiftration.  His  economy  would^ 
have  prevented  them  ;  but  the  errors  of  thofe  who  formerly  had 
the  lead  in  the  financial  departments,  have  brought  a  debt  upon 
us,  which  will  require  the  moft  accurate  arrangement  juftly  to 
liquidate. 

The  money  departments  are  the  great  efiential  points,  to 
which  the  prefent  adminiftration  muft  be  directed  ;  an  able  and 
indujirlous  financier  is  the  great  requifite  of  our  government. 
When  the  people  under/land  their  public  accounts,  and  when  econ- 
omy is  pra<5Hfed  in  expending  the  money,  and  each  clafs  of  citizens 
bear  their  proportion,  a  general  confidence  will  pervade  the  com- 
munity ;  but  diftruft  will  ever  fubfift,  while  money  concerns  are 
involved  in  clouds  and  darknefs.  The  Americans  are  ever  ready 
to  fupport  government,  but  they  are  equally  defirous  to  know  how 
their  money  goes. 

Under  Mr.  Jefferfon's  adminiftration,  we  expect  an  open,  ex- 
plicit ftatement  of  all  pecuniary  tranfactions  ;  and  there  is  the 
higheft  expectation,  that  fuch  a  man  will  be  found,  who  will  fur- 
nilh  not  only  the  amount  of  debt,  but  recommend  fuch  "  ways  and 
means"  as  to  put  it  in  the  power  of  die  people,  honourably  and  equi- 
tably to  difcharge  it.  We  wifh  to  pay  our  debts,  but  the  fupport 
of  naval  agents,  with  a  long  train  of  hangers-on,  in  various  depart- 
ments, are  burdens  which  were  never  contemplated  by  the  people* 
on  the  adoption  of  the  federal  eonftitution.  The  conftitution  was 
made  for  the  people,  and  not  the  people  for  the  conftitution  ;  or, 
in  other  words,  it  ought  to  be  adminiftered  in  fuch  a  manner,  as 
that  the  people  fhould  not  be  opprefied  under  it. 


No.  XXXII. 

A    PUBLICK    DEBT,     A     PUBLICK    EVIL. 

X  HE  profperity  of  a  country,  and  the  profperity  of  an  individual 
muft  be  calculated  on  the  fame  principles ;  the  fame  ftandard 


No.  XXXII.  A  publik  Debt,  a  pullick  Evil.  129 

which  determines  the  accuracy  of  one,  equally  decides  the  validity 
of  the  other.  Mankind  are  too  apt  to  confound  their  ideas  in 
judging  on  particular  fubjects  ;  more  efpecially  when  fpeaking  of 
government,  they  foar  into  the  regions  of  myftery,  and  inconfider- 
ately  adopt  the  falfe  doctrines  of  defigning  politicians,  that  it  is  a 
fcience  too  intricate  and  perplexed  for  common  apprehenfion — the 
more  abftrufe  and  unintelligible  the  adminiftration,  the  more  "  ftu- 
pendous  the  fyflcm"  of  wiidom  which  guides  and  directs  thofe  who 
govern. 

But  this  is  falfe  reafoning  ;  upon  this  ground,  the  abfurd  doc- 
trine, that  "  a  public  debt  is  a  public  bleffing,"  is  founded.  It  is 
impoffible,  that  fuch  a  grofs  fentiment  mould  be  inculcated,  if  the 
people  would  exercife  the  fame  common  fenfe  on  this  queflion,  as 
they  do  in  the  general  concerns  of  life.  A  public  debt  mull,  in  its 
conlequences,  create  public  taxes  ;  taxes  mufl  be  collected  from 
the  people,  and  thofe  who  pay  them  muft  inevitably  feel  their  ulti- 
mate tendency  and  pernicious  effects. 

What  can  be  the  difference  between  a  nation  and  an  individu- 
al ?  Do  not  the  fame  conclufions  follow  in  one  cafe  as  in  the 
other  ?  If  a  private  citizen  is  diftrefTed  by  his  debts,  if  he  is  ex- 
pofed  to  many  difficulties  from  the  multiplicity  of  demands  upon 
him,  why  mould  we  fuppofe  thatfa  nation  may  not  equally  expe- 
rience the  operation  of  fuch  embarrafTments  ? 

This  appears  plain  reafoning  ;— but  unfortunately  for  nations, 
an  oppofite  doctrine  is  inculcated  ;  and  even  in  America,  an  at- 
tempt has  been  made  to  inftil  this  abfurdity,  as  the  teft  of  political 
orthodoxy.  It  has  been  fo  far  confidered  as  the  pivot  of  feder- 
alifm,  that  the  man  who  prefumed  to  fpeak  of  the  public  debt, 
or  recommended  economy,  has  been  ftigmatized  a  jacobin,  and 
expofed  to  every  reflection  which  could  injure  his  political  repu- 
tation. In  fhort,  extravagance  in  public  expenditures  appears  to 
have  been  fyftematically  contemplated  as  the  mark  of  national 
happinefs  and  profperity  ;  and  though  this  chimerical  mode  has 
been  fecretly  adopted  by  individuals,  yet  the  project  was  too  ab- 
furd to  be  openly  divulged  ;  for  while  the  plan  was  intended  to 
increafe  the  public  debt,  the  citizens  have  been  flattered  that  it 
was  annually  decreafing.  But  that  the  public  debt  has  increafed, 
cannot  be  controverted  ;  for  if  this  had  not  been  the  fait,  how  is  it 
R 


,  .  &«/.  XXXII. 

pofhble  that   the   augmentation   of  taxes   fliould   fo  rapidly  have* 

taken  place  ?     It  either  proves  that  we  have  expended  our  r. 
ces  needlefsly,  or   that  the  debt  had    kept  pace   with   the  call  for 
The  reafoning  to  be  drawn  from  the  increafe  of  taxes  is, 
that  the   demands  on  the  government  are  equal  to  the  demands 
on  the  people  ;  and  this  being  granted,  it  follows  that  the  or't 
debt  was  within  the  revenue  arifing  rn  m  -  aug- 

mentation requires  an  ercift  .  ,  and  an  t 

per  cent,  loan,  to  cancel  the  arrearag 

We  may  talk  about  the  chcreafe  of  the  public  debt  as  long  as 
we  pleafe  ;    financiering  legerdemain    may  perplex  ments 

from  the  treafury  department  ;  Mr.  Harper  may  write  to  his  con- 
ftitucnts  that  our  pecuniary  affairs  are  in  a  profperous  Situation  ; 
but  when  the  people  find,  that  all  the  refources  of  the  country  are 
,  brought  into  operation,  and  that  our  public  credit  demanded  eight 
per  cent,  to  fupport  it,  they  cannot  be  fo  loft  to  the  eftimation  of 
pounds,  (hillings  and  pence,  as  to  deceive  themfelves  by  fictitious 
calculations.  The  money,  raifed  from  various  fources,  ought  to 
have  diminifhed  the  debt  by  this  time  ;  and  it  is  but  a  poor  confo- 
lation  to  be  told  by  a  few  fpeculators,  that  we  are  not  more  hi  ar- 
rears than  when  we  only  paid  thj^rifling  duties  of  impoft. 

It  would  be  highly  iatisfacto^  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  to  have  laid  before  them  the  whole  revenue,  arifing  from 
the  refpective  taxes  and  loans,  from  the  firft  year  after  die  revenue 
fyftcm  was  eftabliihed',  to  the  3d  of  March,  1801.  Should  this  be 
don:,  I  believe  the  people  would  be  aftonifhed  at  the  magnitude  of 
the  amount.  From  this  ftatement,  the  citizens  would  be  able  to 
judge  what  have  been  their  exertions  in  fupport  of  the  government, 
and  from  this  document  they  could  afecrtain  how  far  the  revenue 
might  have  been  applied  to  difcharge  the  public  debt.  This  ftate- 
ment would  at  once  open  the  eyes  of  the  people  ;  and  when  they 
looked  at  the  amount,  the  object  would  ftrike  them  with  wonder 
and  furprife.  But  the  misfortune  is,  the  treafury  accounts  have 
hitherto  been  involved  in  myftery  ;  there  has  been  fuch  a  perplex- 
ity attending  thefe  communications,  that  but  few  men  knew,  after 
they  had  perufed  them,  the  real  ftatc  of  the  bufmefs.  In  ftiort,  it 
has  been  fo  intricate,  that  in  one  circle,  we  fhould  hear  them  boaft- 
ing  of  the  decreafe  of  our  national  debt,  and  in  another  deploring 
its  augmentation. 


No.  XXXII.  A  p.J:-  :  P  '',  a  fuhYtck  Evil. 


1^1 


But  if  the  whole  revenue  was  explicitly  declared,  and  die 
expenditures  were  as  clearly  Stated,  the  people  at  large  could  as 
accur;  '  paid  and  what  had  Income  of  the  m 

as  the  ableSt  financier  and  the  molt  plodding  negociator  on  the 
continent.  This  would  be  bringing  our  financial  projects  to  a 
clear,  defined  point,  and  the  of  the  country  would  give 

an  evidence  to  the  world,  of  the  immenje  of    the  United 

States  h  the  fuppprt  of  government. 

Mr.  Jefferfon  being  introduced  to  the  chair  of  government, 
by  the  republican  citizens  of  the  United  States,  in  vindication  of  his 
iniftration,  it  is  hoped  that  Such  a  itatement  will  be  made. 
The  people  will  then  fee,  what  lias  hitherto  been  done,  and  if 
their  taxes  continue,  that  it  is  in  confequence  of  previous  engage- 
ments. If  a  debt  is  contracted  by  a  former  administration,  it  is 
not  Mr.  Jefferfon's  fault  ;  but  the  fulfilment  of  former  contracts - 
LS  indiipeniablc  on  his  part.  Thofe,  then,  who  iheeiingly  obierve, 
that  the  republicans  expect  no  taxes  under  Mr.  Jefferfon's  admin- 
istration, are  to  remember  that  the  debt  was  contracted  in  the 
days  of  his  predeceSTor. 

The  citizens  of  America  are  peculiarly  fond  of  knowing  how 
their  money  goes  ;  they  are  ready  to  pay  their  taxes,  but  at  the 
fame  time  arc  anxious  to  pry  into  the  appropriation  of  them. 
Like  honeft  men,  they  are  defirous  to  anfwer  all  necejfary  and  legal 
demands,  but  it  is  a  New-England fqjhion  to  examine  accounts  with 
a  critical  acutenefs.  Millions  of  dollars  are  large  Sums,  and  when 
they  come  from  the  pockets  of  the  people,  they  feel  a  Satisfaction  in 
knowing  their  direction.  If  they  are  fairly  expended,  they  are  not 
difpofed  to  murmur,  but  if  they  go  under  the  idea  that  "  a 
public  debt  is  a  public  bleffing,"  it  is  apt  to  make  them  jealous  of 
the  propriety  of  the  principle.  They  love  their  country,  and  they 
love  their  money  ;  they  arc  not  fond  of  pageantry,  and  not  will- 
ing to  pay  taxes,  juft  to  gratify  the  pride  of  men,  who  vainly  im- 
agine that  the  people  honour  ihemfclves  by  paying  for  their  extrav- 
agances. 

The  economy  recommended  by  Prefident  Jeffcrfon  is  the  key-r 
ftone  of  republicanism  ;  this  is  the  confummation  devoutly  to  be 
wiShed  by  the  republican  citizens  of  the  United  States.  If  this 
principle  had  been  ftri&ly  adhered  to,  I  am  pcrfuaded  the  rev- 
enue already  raifed  would   have  nearly  extinguished  the  publi 


I32  On  the  Abuse  of  Federalism.  No.  XXXIII. 

debt.  But  the  poifon  which  has  been  infufed  into  our  govern* 
ment,  has  given  a  baneful  tendency  to  corrupt  die  vital  organs  of 
the  adminiftration  ;  it  has  raifed  a  few  to  eminence,  and  thrown  a 
heavy  debt  on  the  bulk  of  the  citizens.  A  falfe,  deceptive  ap» 
pearancc  of  profperity  has  bewildered  the  public  mind  ;  but  when 
peace  takes  place,  and  the  immenfe  demands  from  the  banks, 
cuftom-houfes,  &c.  are  cancelled,  thefe  films  which  now  obfcure 
the  fight  will  drop  from  our  eyes,  and  we  fhall  not  only_/ff,  but/«/ 
the  effects  of  our  political  credulity  and  folly. 


No.  XXXIII. 

ON    THE    ABUSE    OF    FEDERALISM. 

AT  is  worthy  of  remark,  to  obferve  the  peculiar  efficacy  of  the 
term  "  ftderalifm,"  as  connected  with  the  ftratagems  and  defigns  of 
a  particular  defcription  of  men.  It  has  for  many  years  pad  been 
*ifed  as  a  charm,  to  fubftantiate  the  piopriety  of  character,  both  as 
it  refpects  religion  and  politics.  It  has  alfo  had  its  operation  in 
the  fafhionable  circles,  being  confidered  as  a  general  paflport  of  good- 
breeding,  and  a  fubftantial  badge  of  virtue  and  politencfs.  Under 
this  delufive  impreffion,  the  young  men  confidered  an  avowal  of 
thefe  principles  as  the  mod  convenient  introduction  to  the  company 
of  the  Ion  ton,  and  inconfiderately  adopted  thofe  political  fenti- 
raents  which  have  a  tendency  to  promote  the  intcrefl  of  Britijh 
fatlors,  to  their  injury  ;  for  if  is  a  fact,  that  the  leading  men,  who 
are  now  in  favour  of  thofe  meafures  which  have  been  pre-eminently 
ftyled  federalifm,  are  the  identical  perfons  who  were  the  moft  boifle- 
rous  fome  years  ago  to  deftroy  the  very  fyftcm  they  are  now  preT 
tending  to  fupport.  If  this  obfervation  is  denied,  a  full  proof  will 
be  given,  and  the  names  of  the  individuals  mentioned.  The 
young  Americans  have  been  egregioufly  impofed  on,  in  this  politi- 
cal controverfy,  and  fome  future  numbers  will  b«  appropriated 
to  undeceive  them. 

This  falfe  defcription  of  federalifm  was  the  tell  even  of  eccleji- 
aflical  orthodoxy.  However  pious,  exemplary,  and  attentive  to 
the  duties  of  his  profeffion,  the  clerical  character  has  too  often 
been  tried  by  the  federal  touchflone.     However  devout  in  the  d,ifr 


No.  XXXIII.         On  the  Abuse  of  FedtrWutk.  133 

charge  of  his  functions  ;  however  kind  and  charitable  in  his  con- 
duct, yet  federalifm  was  "  the  pearl  of  grout  price,"  without  which, 
no  man  could  cxpecT:  the  affettion  of  his  parifhioners,  or  the  eftecm 
of  his  fellow-citizens.  If  the  clergyman  conld  obtain  the  role 
d'equipnge  of  federalifm,  he  might  pals  current  as  a  faint  of  the 
firft  magnitude,  even  though  the  general  tenour  of  his  behaviour 
was  not  ftriflly  conformable  to  that  modeft  deportment,  which  de- 
fignates  the  difciple  of  his  heavenly  Matter.  If  he  neglected  the 
duties  of  his  profeflion  ;  impofed  on  the  credulity  of  his  parilh- 
ioners  ;  published  fermons  containing  the  groffefl  falfehoods  ;  or 
endeavoured  to  palm  on  the  public  the  mod  chimerical  abfurdities, 
yet  federalifm  fhrouded  him  from  thofc  cenfures  which  jultice,  and 
even  Chriftianity  demanded. 

How  many  worthy  characters  have  been  calumniated,  whofe 
life  and  converfation  were  conformable  to  every  moral  principle  I 
whofe  behaviour,  in  the  various  departments  of  life,  has  in  no  in- 
ftance  been  impeached  with  any  fpecific  criminality  !  How  often 
have  we  feen  abufe  and  detraction  heaped  on  them,  as  the  mod 
abandoned  in  fociety,  becaufe  they  exercifed  the  right  of  freemen, 
or  prefumed  to  differ  from  thofe,  who  monopolized  the  appellation 
of  federalifls  !  This  intolerance  has  pervaded  almoft  every  circle  in 
the  community,  and  the  reputation  of  men  has  been  repeatedly 
facrificed,  at  the  ihrine  of  party,  with  tire  mod  wanton  barbarity. 
I  would  not  be  thought  unjuftly  cenforious,  but  the  validity 
of  thefe  remarks  is  fubmitted  to  the  candid  decifion  of  an  en- 
lightened public. 

However  honeft  the  dealings  of  the  merchant  ;  however  punc- 
tual in  the  difcharge  of  his  engagements  ;  however  induftrious  the 
tradefman  in  his  occupation,  yet  his  good  name  was  no  longer  fe- 
cure  from  defamation  than  he  became  the  fycophantic  approver 
of  particular  men  and  meafures,  or  dared  to  think  for  himfelf  in 
any  matters  in  which  the  honour  or  profperity  of  his  country  was 
involved.  Like  the  Jews  of  old,  the  cry  was,  "  away  with  him, 
0<way  with  him — he  is  not  Casfar's  friend." 

Tin's  infatuation  of  the  term  federalifm  was  fo  powerful,  that 
it  nearly  eftablilhcd  an  order  of  nobility  among  us.  Under  this 
title,  the  diflioneft  have  oftentimes  rifen  fuperior  to  die  man  of  in-, 
tcgrity  ;  a  certain  hauteur  prevailed  in  the  deportment  of  fome 
Who  were  dignified  with  this  appellation.     Many,  whole  credit, 


»34  On  tie  Abuse  of  Federalism.  No.  XXXIII, 

would  fcarcely  p.;fs  the  ordcai  of  an  hour,  would  aflume  a  right  to 
incur  a  debt  of  thousands,  and  if  rcquejled  to  difchargc  it,  would 
k  tlieir  pica  ci  fcdcralifm  was  as  prompt  payment,  as  a  check  on 
the  bank.  Some  even  confidered  it  as  an  honour  to  a  jacobin,  to 
have  their  name  on  his  books,  and  the  delay  of  payment  was  often 
conceived  as  an  indulgence  to  prolong  his  refpeclability.  Like 
a  Scotch  laird,  they  thought  it  a  great  condefcenficn  to  be  a  debtor  to 
the  canaille,  or  vulgar. 

In  the  fafnionablc  circles,  fcdcralifm  was  the  Alpha  and  Omega, 
it  was  the  viliting  card  to  the  felf-created  nobles  and  nobleffe  ; 
it  was  the  wardrobe  from  whence  the  habiliments  of  elegance  and 
tafte  were  felected  ;  it  was  the  garment,  which  adorned  the  mo- 
dem Chefterfields,  and  without  which  a  man  was  oftentimes  ex- 
•!  to  be  bound  hand  and  foot,"  and  turned  into  outer  darknefs. 
Thus  the  abufe  of  terms  has  been  rendered  fubfervient  to 
party  purpofes.  The  times  have  been  fuch,  that  a  man  required 
a  ftrength  of  nerves  as  well  as  a  ft  length  of  principles.  The  attack 
of  federalism  has  been  fo  violent  and  outrageous,  that  every  facul- 
ty of  the  human  mind  has  been  afTailed  to  enforce  its  eflablifhment 
— calumny  and  ridicule,  perfonal  aflault  and  private  detraction, 
have  alternately  been  ufed  to  intimidate  and  confound  thofe  who 
exercifed,  not  only  the  light  of  judgment,  but  the  right  of  con- 
fcience.  A  fyftem  of  terror  of  the  moll  malicious  and  vindictive 
nature  has  been  profecutcd,  and  the  freedom  of  citizens  has  nearly 
been  denied  to  every  one,  who  did  not  bow  their  knee  at  this  altar 
of  impofition. 

The  term  federalijm  has  been  grofsly  violated  ;  it  has  been 
made  a  ftepping-ftone  to  promote  an  intereft,  oppofed  in  moil: 
mftances  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  federal  conftitution. 
— Federalifm  has  been  abufed  in  its  real,  appropriate  fignification  ; 
it  has,  as  it  relates  to  many,  been  nothing  more  than  toryifm  in 
mafquerade.  Under  this  deceptive  mafk,  every  enemy  of  our 
revolution  has  rallied  ;  there  is  not  one  old  tory  but  what  has 
ftyled  himfelf  a  fedcralift  ;  in  all  our  political  controveifies,  the 
tories  have  a/Turned  this  infallibility  of  denomination.  If  an  alien- 
ad  was  paifed,  the  tories  approved  the  meafurc — if  the  liberty  of 
the  prefs  was  violated,  the  tories  were  vociferous  for  its  mod;  rigid 
operation — if  a  citizen  was  confined  in  goal,  or  fubje<fted  to  heavy 
ines,  under  the  rigour  of  the  Common  Law  of  England,  the  tories 


No.  XXXIII.  On  the  Muse  of  Federalism.  ?S5 

applauded  the  infliclion — if  a  (landing  army  was  raifed,  the  tories 
recommended  its  continuance — if  the  people  were  burdened  with 
taxes,  the  tories  hailed  the  augmentation  5s  the  wifeft  administra- 
tion of  government — if  Mr.  Jefferfon,  Mr.  Madifon,  Mr.  Gallatin, 
Mr.  Lincoln,  Gen.  Dearborne,  or  even  the  venerable  Samuel 
Adams,  were  calumniated,  the  tories  were  afliduous  in  aggravat- 
ing the  fcurrility — if  an  attempt  was  made  to  involve  us  in  a  war 
with  France,  and  an  alliance  with  England,  the  tories  were  the 
moll  active  to  propagate  every  vain  flory  to  urge  on  die  deftruift- 
ive  fyftem — if  the  Prefident  feat  commiffioners  to  France  to  renew 
our  friendfhip,  the  tories  reprobated  his  conduct  in  terms  the  mod 
degrading  : — in  fhort,  federalifm  was  the  watch-word,  which  op- 
crated  as  the  charm  to  deflroy  all  the  vital  republican  principles 
of  our  conftitution,  and  to  bring  the  United  States  to  the  brink  of 
difunion.  The  abufe  of  federalifm,  therefore,  has  bewildered  the 
people.  The  enemies  of  our  country  have  taken  to  themfelves 
an  appellation,  which  really  and  effentially  belongs  to  thofe  whom 
they  have  ftyled  jacobins.  The  controverfy  is  not  confined  to 
Words,  but  to  principles  ;  the  republicans,  (fiilfely  ftyled  jacobins) 
have  always  been  the  fubftantial  fupporters  of  the  Federal  Conftitu- 
tion ;  they  have  been  anxioufly  difpofed  to  have  it  adminiftered  upon 
thofe  principles  which  firft  gave  it  exiftencc  ;  they  arc  oppofed  to 
every  meafure  which  leads  to  extravagance,  and  which  gives  a  power 
into  the  hands  of  the/tw  to  deprefs  the  many. 

The  fpeech  of  Prefident  Jefferfon,  as  it  relates  to  the  adminiftra- 
tion  of  government,  is  the  political  creed  of  the  republicans  ;  the 
rights  of  the  citizens,  both  in  their  political  and  religious  capacity 
arc  cxprc/Ted  in  language  confonant  to  the  feelings  and  fentiments 
of  a  free  people. 

"While  thus   defcribing   die  pernicious  tendency  of   the  term 

federalifm,    as  operating  for  many  years  paft,  I  would   not  be 

thought  to  explode  the  propriety  of  its  adoption.     Federalifm  is  a 

,  prominent  article   in  die  American  compact  ;    it  is  not  a  decep- 

\  tive  quality  to  anfwer   party  purpofes,  but  a    defined  principle, 

which  mull  ever  invigorate  the  whole  fyftem  of  our  government. 

The  conftitution  lives  and  moves  by  its  vitality — it  is  the  locks  of 

i    the  American  Sampfon  ;    but  while  we  contemplate  its  efficacy, 

let  us  not  be  led  away  by  die  hollow  found  iffuing  through  the 

«avems  from  whence,  during  our  revoludon,  the  hoarfc  murmurs 


136  On  the  Abase  of  Federalism.  No.  XXXI II. 

of  our  enemies  proceeded.  Thcfe  falfc-termed  federalifts  are 
Tapping  the  ground  on  which  our  happinefs  is  placed  ;  tliey  are 
attempting  to  render  the  refpcclive  ftates  jealous  of  each  other  ; 
they  are  trying  their  Ikill  at  dividing  the  Southern  from  the 
Northern  Slates.  The  "  New-EnglanT)  Palladium"  is  brought 
into  view,  as  if  to  rally  the  parties  under  territorial  distinction*-:. 
Publications  have  often  difgraced  thofe  papers  which  afTumtd  the 
federal  title,  to  urge  a  divifion,  and  the  election  of  the  Prefident 
has  been  denounced  as  the  overbearing  preponderancy  of  fouthern 
flaves.  All  thefe  appearances  forbode  fome  deep  project  to  fhake 
the  foundation  of  the  federal  conftitution  ;  they  appear  fyftem- 
ancally  purfued,  and  the  opprobious  epithets  on  our  Executive, 
which  are  daily  publiihed,  we  have  reafon  to  fear  are  precurfors 
to  the  fatal  cataftrophe. 

"  We  are  all  federalifts"  fays  the  Prefident  ;  that  is,  every  real 
friend  to  America  is  in  reality  a  friend  to  the  harmony  and  union 
of  the  refpeftive  ftates.  Let  us,  then,  fellow-citizens,  rally  round 
our  conftitution,  and  maintain  its  federal  features — let  us  fc an  the 
defigns  of  men,  who,  with  fpecious  pretences,  have  courted  the 
fmiles  of  federalifm,  but  who  wifh  to  violate  the  chaftity  of  our 
patronefs  in  their  unhallowed  embraces.  The  real  republicans  are 
the  protectors  of  her  honour,  and  under  the  wife  and  benign  ma- 
nagement of  our  conftituted  authorities,  the  enemies  of  our  future 
profperity,  we  truft  in  God,  will  be  bafHed. 

The  foregoing  obfervations  are  not  made  to  excite  any  unrea- 
fonable  jealousies,  or  to  create  a  fpirit  of  party  animofity  ;  but  in 
order  to  prevent  the  continuance  of  difunion  in  our  public  affairs,  it 
is  neceflary  to  know  the  four -ce-  of divifion.  Th;s  falfe  appropriation 
of  federalifm  is  the  cause  of  all  our  difficulties,  and  the  Eflex 
junto  have  taken  an  undue  advantage  by  ftyling  themfelves  "  ex- 
clusive federalifts"  ;  a  wound  which  had  fo  long  been  feftering, 
ought  to  be  probed  to  the  bottom,  and  when  we  underftand  the 
eaufe  of  complaint,  we  can  eafily  apply  the  remedy. 


No.  XXXIV*  Economy.  137 

No.  XXXIV. 

ECONOMY. 

SPECULATIVE  fubjecls  are  liable  to  endlefs  controvcrfy- 
But  there  are  axioms,  both  in  politics  and  religion,  to  which  the 
mind  admits  o£  no  diflettt — the  mod  prominent  of  which  arc,  the 
adoration  of  the  Supreme  Being,  an  adherence  to  our  Conftitu- 
tions,  and  a  patriotic  attachment  to  the  freedom,  fovcrcignty  and 
independence  of  our  country.  Thcfe  arc  tenets  which  baffle  all 
oppoiition,  and  are  the  unequivocal  tefts  of  religious,  moral,  and 
focial  rectitude. 

In  politics  a  variety  of  opinions  may  be  promulgated  and  en- 
forced ;  honefl  men  may  diifer  as  to  the  particular  mode  of  ad- 
miniflering  the  government,  but  there  is  one  radical  principle,  which 
all  die  fophiftry  of  ftatefmen  can  never  eradicate.  The  principle 
which  I  allude  to,  is  economy.  It  is  the  blood  of  the  body  poli- 
tic— it  is  the  (lamina  which  invigorates  the  focial  OTgans,  and  gives 
animation  to  all  the  movements  by  which  they  are  directed.  It 
is  the  alpha  and  omega  of  a  republican  government,  and  the  war- 
rantee which  fecures  the  welfare  and  happinefs  of  a  people. 

Economy  in  government,  is  like  charity  in  religion.  It  is  the 
cardinal  virtue,  and  while  we  enumerate  all  the  pleafing  charac- 
terillics  of  a  profperous  adminih1  ration,  we  mull:  finally  conclude, 
that  the  great  ejl  of  ihefe  is  ecokomy. 

The  "  modern  philofophy"  that  "  a  public  debt  is  a  public  blef- 
fing,"  is  equally  as  abfurd,  as  if  a  man  mould  fay,  that  "  prn 
vate  vices  are  public  benefits  ;  and  a  magiftrate  ilrould  be  as  re- 
prehenfible  in  endeavoring  to  augment  the  national  debt,  in  order 
to  increafe  the  happinefs  of  the  country,  as  a  minifter  of  the  gofpel 
to  dilfeminate  vice  to  promote  the  caufe  of  chrifiianity. 

Extravagance  in  public  expenditures  is  the  "tare  among  the 
ivheaty'  and  a  farmer  may  as  well  expect  to  reap  a  plentiful  har- 
velf  with  his  foil  overrun  with  noxious  weeds,  as  a  government  to 
hope  for  profperity,  from  a  profufc  lavifhment  of  its  pecuniary  re- 
fources.  The  fame  fimple  principles  are  as  applicable  to  nations 
as  to  individuals  ;  and  though  a  contrary  doctrine  has  been  ad- 
S 


i$3  Ecct.-  No.  XXXIV. 

vanccd  in   England  and  America  by  "  modern  Phi/ofopbers"  yet 
"  common  fenfe"  revolts  at  die  folly  and  tendency  of  the  fentiment. 

From  the  above  plain  pofitions,  I  am  authoriled  to  draw  thefe 
conclufions,  viz.  that  the  finances  of  this  country,  at  this  early 
period,  ought  not  to  extend  to  the  vtntojl  abilities  of  the  people,  but 
iiiould  be  kept  within  thofe  rational  bounds,  which,  in  a  time  of 
peace;  are  adequate  to  an  economical  a  dminijl  ration  of  the  govern- 
ment ;  and  the  accounts  ihould  be  fo  clearly  ftated  to  the  citizens, 
as  that  they  might  know  to  what  purpofe  their  money  has  been 
appropriated.  If  we  had  purfucd  this  method,  is  it  probable  that 
the  ultimate  refourccs  of  this  country  would  have  been  brought 
into  operation,  fo  foon  after  the  adoption  of  the  federal  conftitu- 
tion  ?  Within  about  twelve  years,  we  have  nearly  embraced  the 
extenfive  fyftcm  of  Britiih  taxation — our  import  and  excife  are 
proportionably  burdenfome  with  thofe  of  the  Englifh — (tamp 
duties,  houfe  and  land  taxes,  already  bear  heavy  on  die  yeomanry  j 
but  our  loans  at  eight  per  cent,  exceed  the  laviih  douceurs  of  Britain, 
even  under  all  the  weight  of  war  and  perplexity  of  their  finances. 
In  order  then  to  know  the  amount  of  expenfes,  it  is  proper  that 
the  treafury  department  Ihould  be  fully  inveftigated,  and  that  the 
ftatement  ihould  be  within  the  comprehenfion  of  every  intelligent 
citizen  ;  when  this  is  done,  all  the  financiering  myftery  will  be 
diffipated,  which  has  for  many  yeais  part  clouded  our  fifcal  com- 
munications— arithmetic,  inftead  of  "  inflrumentality"  would  be 
the  table  whereby  we  could  make  our  calculation — debt  and 
credit  would  be  fubftantiated  beyond  the  poffibility  of  deception, 
and  the  balance  would  be  fo  explicit,  that  we  fhould  not  be  puzzled 
to  know  whether  it  was  in,  our  favour  or  againft  us. 

This  fyftem  of  expenditure  is  fo  important,  that  we  catinot 
dwell  too  long  on  the  fubjeft.  The  people  of  the  United  States 
are  generally  indulbious  and  enterprifing  ;  the  property  earned  by 
the  farmer  in  his  field,  by  the  tradefman  in  his  work-fhop,  and  by 
the  merchant  in  his  compting-i  oom,  is  too  facred  to  be  fported 
with,  for  the  emolument  of  others.  The  fweat  of  the  brow  are 
drops  too  precious  to  be  applied  in  fuch  profufion,  as  to  run  down 
(like  the  oil  from  Aaron's  beard)  on  the  fkirts  of  a  few  favourites, 
but,  like  a  valuable  and  coftly  ingredient,  fhould  be  applied  with  a 
medical  fkill  and  accuracy.  That  this  country  is  involved  in  a 
heavy  debt,  cannot  be  denied,  and  that  the  articles  of  taxation. 


No.  XXXIV.  Economy.  139 

have  far  exceeded  every  calculation  which  could  rationally  be 
made,  is  equally  as  evident.  Though  the  inveftigation  of  the 
treafury  department  may  bring  to  view  fuch  particulars  as  may  be 
difgufting  to  fome  individuals,  yet  the  body  of  citizens  would  be 
highly  gratified  by  the  difclofure. 

The  duties  of  impoft,  excife,  &c.  have  been  more  generally  paid 
within  the  United  States  than  in  any  other  country — it  is  true,  a 
few  federal'ijls  have  been  caught  attempting  to  defraud  the  gov- 
ernment. In  England,  fmuggling  is  reduced  to  a  fcience,  and  a 
great  proportion  of  duticd  articles  are  landed  clear  of  the  infpec- 
tion  of  the  cuftom-houfe  ;  notwithstanding  which,  they  are  able  to 
pay  an  intereft  on  a  debt  of  four  hundred  and  fifty-two  millions 
fterling. 

This  being  a  fact,  it  muft  be  granted,  that  an  immenfe  revenue 
has  arifen  from  duties  fince  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Conftitu- 
tion.  The  queftion  then  is,  What  has  become  of  the  money  ? 
This  is  a  very  important  inquiry,  as  it  involves  in  it  the  fecret 
tranfactions  within  the  Treafury  ;  it  brings  into  view  the  expendi- 
tures of  an  Army  and  Navy,  Indian  War,  with  all  the  items  of 
"  mifmanagement  and  neglect,"  Algerine  Negociations,  Treaty 
Appropriations,  Agent  Contracts,  Bank  and  Foreign  Loans,  &c.o 
in  ihort,  the  fandlum  fan&orum  of  fifcal  arrangements  would  be 
laid  open  to  the  infpeclion  of  an  interested  public  :  and,  like  a 
doom's-day  book,  would  decide  on  the  merits  or  demerits  of  thofe 
who  have  had  the  management  of  our  government.  In  this  in- 
quiry, it  is  probable  we  fhould  difcover  the  magic  fource  o/"feder. 
alism — how  far  the  private  intereft  of  individuals  has  been  con- 
nected with  certain  high-toned  meafures  ;  the  blcffings  of  agen- 
cies, contracts,  and  official  appointments,  both  at  home  and  abroad. 
We  might  poffibly  difcover  the  caufe  of  the  violent  oppofition  to  a 
change  of  men  and  meafures — why  Mr.  Jefferfon  has  been  calum- 
niated, and  why  Mr.  Gallatin  is  dreaded.  The  Treafury  depart- 
ment is  fo  involved  in  the  meafures  of  government,  that  it  is  the 
key  by  which  we  may  hope  to  unlock  the  Pandora  Box,  which  con- 
tains tub-plots,  Ocean  majfacres,  and  even  Harper's  famous  "  clues 
to  con/piracies.'"  That  is,  we  may  know  how  far  thefe  alarms  have 
been  connected  with  certain  financiering  projects. 

That  every  dollar  has  not  been  fairly  expended,  I  would  not 
rrefume  to  fuggeft,  but  ioibrrflation  on  this  fubjett  is  necefTary  and 


14©  Economy.  No.  XXXIV. 

proper.  It  would  fcrvc  to  quiet  the  minds  of  thofc  who  are  jeal- 
ous, that  we  have  not  "  woiked  things  right  ;"  but  if  the  expendi- 
tures can  be  juftly  accounted  for,  it  will  Hop  the  clamours  of  fuch 
as  are  cenforious  in  their  remarks. 

The  great  oppofition  made  in  our  federal  papers  againft  the 
appointment  of  Mr.  Gallatin,  as  fecretary  of  the  trcafury,  has  a 
tendency  to  excite  a  fufpicion,  that  this  invefligation  would  ex- 
pofe  particular  tran factions  to  fevere  animadverfion.  Theft  fame 
perfons  are  fitni  friends  to  Mr.  Hamilton,  though  he  is  as  much  a 
foreigner  as  Mr.  Gallatin.  They  pretend  to  object  to  his  appoint- 
ment on  this  ground,  but  his  abilities  and  peculiar  talents  for  this 
bufmefs,  even  his  enemies  cannot  controvert.  The  finances  of 
this  country  have  long  been  his  ftudy,  and  the  accuracy  of  his 
ftatements  cannot  be  denied  by  his  opponents.  His  induftry  and 
integrity  were  never  brought  into  queflion,  and  his  family  con- 
nections and  large  landed,  property  are  pledges  of  his  faithful  ad- 
herence to  the  happinefs  and  profperity  of  the  United  States.  He 
has  been  calumniated  by  thofe  who  have  committed  the  fame  vio- 
lation on  others,  but,  thank  heaven,  calumny  in  the  federal  papers 
is  not  the  evidence  of  a  man's  demeiit  ;  it  rather  qualifies  him  for 
the  confidence  of  every  real  friend  to  America.  Though  calumny 
has  exhaufted  her  venom  againfl  his  political  conduct,  yet  his  hon- 
efty  has  flood  invulnerable  againft  all  the  fiiafts  of  his  opponents. 
If  talents  are  requifite,  he  poffeffes  them  to  as  great  a  degree  as 
any  man — if  morality  is  the  touchftone,  will  Mr.  Gallatin  be  injured 
in  his  reputation  by  a  comparifon  with  otheis  ?  I  will  venture  to 
predict,  that  the  firft  communication  to  Congrefs  from  Mr.  Galla- 
tin, on  the  Mate  of  the  treafury,  will  be  as  univcrfally  applauded, 
as  the  fpeech  of  Prefident  Jefferfon.  Such  light  will  be  thrown 
on  the  dark  rccefTes  of  the  trcafury,  that  each  citizen  will  confider 
the  flatement  among  the  mod  valuable  papers  of  the  government. 

I  have  been  more  particular  in  my  remarks,  as  our  money 
concerns  are  peculiarly  intcrcfling.  In  cafe  of  peace,  it  will  be 
difficult  to  fupport  the  fyftem  of  revenue  under  all  the  embarrafi- 
ments  of  commerce.  The  prefent  ftate  of  the  treafury  is  due  to 
the  adminiftration  of  Mr.  Jefferfon  ;  it  is  the  ground-work  of  his 
future  conduct,  as  the  people  ought  to  know  the  fituation  of  our 
money  concerns  at  the  time  of  his  entrance  into  office.  If  the  lafl. 
adminiftration  left  a  heavy  debt  upon  us — if  an  immenfe  revenue 


No.  XXXV.         Introductory  to  cogent  R.jJecticr.s.  141 

has  been  raifed,  and  it  has  all  been  expended,  certainly  Mr.  Jeffcr- 
fon  is  not  anfwerable  for  the  confequences.  He,  no  doubt,  will 
purfue  a  iyilcm  of  economy,  but  the  debt  hitherto  contracted,  is  a 
burden  which  he  mull  be  obliged  to  difcharge.  His  enemies  are 
aware  of  his  embarfaflments,  and  are  telling  the  people  that  the 
change  is  of  no  conlequence,  as  taxes  will  be  equally  as  high  under 
the  prclent  as  the  laft  adminiftration.  In  order,  therefore,  to  pre- 
vent an  unreafonable  cenfure,-  if  a  jufl  llatement  is  made  of  our 
filcal  concerns,  the  complaint  of  taxes  mull  reft  •  on  thofe  who 
oiiginatcd  the  evil.  His  public  conduct  will  iiand  on  his  individ- 
ual merit,  and  what  may  be  attached  to  it'  in  confequencc  of 
previous  emlnirran'ments  cannot  be  chargeable  to  him. 

I  again  repeat,  that  the  treafury  department  is  of  all  others  the 
mod  intercfling  and  important.  It  is  the  ark  of  our  political  fafe- 
ty,  and  may  the  economical  fyftem  of  Mr.  Jefferfon  convince  the 
people,  that  the  waters  of  extravagance  have  fubfided. 


No.  XXXV. 

INTRODUCTORY   TO    SOME    FUTURE    COGENT    REFLEC- 
TIONS. 

IN  politics  as  in  religion  the  human  mind  is  more  influenced  by 
paffion  than  reafon.  To  effect  this  purpofe,  in  all  controversial 
points  relating  to  church  or  ftate,  certain  technical  terms  are  ufed  by 
partizans  to  gain  an  afcendancy.  The  divine  confounds  his  antag- 
onist with  the  preponderating  charm  of  orthodoxy  ;  if  he  acquires  a 
popular  applanfe  under  this  fafcinating  appellation,  he  is  fure  to 
gain  an  afcendancy  over  every  opponent  ;  for  who  can  ftand  in 
oppofition  to  orthodoxy  ?  But  the  misfortune  is,  that  the  world  is 
not  agreed  in  applying  the  term  to  any  particular  feci:.  In  fome 
countries,  the  infallibility  of  the  Pope,  the  purity  of  Mother 
Church,  tranfubftafttiation,  and  the  efficacy  of  piieftly  benedic- 
tions, are  the  ted  of  orthodoxy.  In  the  reformed  countries,  the 
Right  Reverend  Father  in  God  partakes  in  fome  degree  of  the 
excellencies  and  virtues  of  the  Papal  Hierarchy,  and  the  various 


jj^Z  Introductory  to  cogent  Re/lections.  No.  XXXV. 

grades  ifluing  from  this  evangelical  fount  are  cflimated  in  propor- 
tion as  die  benediction  is  accompanied  with  official  emoluments. 

"  A  Saint  in  craps  is  twice  a  Saint  in   laiun." 

A  firm  belief  in  all  the  paraphernalia  of  this  reformed  eftablifh- 
ment,  is  in  ibme  nations  called  orthodoxy  ;  and  no  man  can  expect 
promotion  or  even  common  credence,  if  he  is  fo  Jacobinical  as  not 
to  fubferibe  to  every  article  promulgated  by  St.  Athanafius.  Or- 
thodoxy is  a  term  which  has  had  a  wonderful  effect  in  fociety — 
the  Calvinift  claims  it  as  his  prerogative — the  Socinian  affumes  a 
right  to  the  appellation — the  Univerfalifl  modeftly  begs  to  be  con- 
fidered  within  the  latitude  of  its  influence  ;  and  every  feet,  however 
differing  in  the  moft  efTential  points,  plume  thcmfclves  as  carrying 
this  flandard. 

Thus,  in  religion,  we  are  led  away  by  a  term  which  in  itfelf  is 
perfectly  right,  provided  we  can  afcertain  the  real  principle  which 
conftitutes  its  authenticity.  The  definition  of  Orthodoxy,  is  true 
belief ;  but  the  fentiment  is  fo  fublimated,  that  we  are  loft  in  the 
application.  One  man's  true  belief  is  another's  evident  error  ; 
various  fpeculative  fubjects  lead  to  different  conclufions,  but  paf- 
fion  often  fo  "  demoralizes"  reafon,  that  men  may  fo  far  adhere  to 
terms  imbibed  by  education,  as  to  anathematize  others  becaufc 
they  affume  a  right  to  exercife  their  judgment  in  deciding  for 
themfelves. 

Thefe  remarks  are  not  made  to  weaken  the  ground  of  ortho- 
doxy as  it  refpects  religion  ;  but  to  fhew,  that  terms,  without  a  de> 
fined  object,  are  more  apt  to  irritate  partizans  than  to  make  con- 
verts. High  church  and  low  church,  illuminati,  jacobinifm, 
anti-federalifm,  modern  philofophy,  demoralizing  principles,  &c.  have 
been  the  common  cant  phrafeology  of  very  formidable  opponents 
for  many  years,  and  it  was  only  to  give  currency  to  the  refpective 
appellations  as  the  parties  acquired  an  afcendancy,  in  order  to 
blaft  the  reputation  of  the  individuals  who  efpoufed  oppofite  opin- 
ions. Reafon  was  buried  in  the  mafs  of  detraction,  and  no  man's 
character  flood  fecure  while  there  were  more  tongues  to  bellow  it 
down,  than  to  reafon  it  up.  In  this  cafe  it  is  like  a  conteft  on  a 
precipice,  the  moft  numerous  could  eafily  croud  over  their  op- 
ponents. 


No.  XXXV.         Introductory  to  cogent  Reflections.  1 43 

At  prefent  I  fhall  be  very  brief  in  making  my  application.— 
The  difpofition,  above  defcribed,  has  too  long  been  the  palladium 
creeled  againft  every  thing  that  looked  like  an  oppofition  to  cer- 
tain eftablifhed  terms  in  politics.  At  the  period  when  our  Confti- 
tution  was  under  the  deliberative  investigation  of  the  ftate  conven- 
tion, the  term s  federal  and  anti-federal  were  the  principlal  weapons 
of  warfare.  The  man  who  hefitated  to  adopt  it  without  amend- 
ments was  cried  down  as  an  anti-fcderalift  ;  federalifm  was  the 
order  of  the  day,  and  the  teft  of  patriotifm  was  an  explicit  avowal 
of  your  belief  in  every  minute  point  of  the  inftrument  fubmitted 
to  the  confideration  of  the  people  ;  the  perfon  who  dared  to  think, 
was  purfued  as  an  enemy  to  his  country.  But,  notwithflanding 
this  fyftcm  of  terror,  the  good  fenfe  of  the  oppofers  rofe  fuperior 
to  perfonal  pcrfecution,  and  at  length  obtained  amendments 
which  are  now  confidered  as  the  mod  valuable  parts  of  the  con- 
ftitution.  Even  after  the  eftablifhment  of  the  government,  thefe 
nominal  difti notions  were  kept  up,  but  evidently  with  this  differ- 
ence as  to  the  objects  of  the  parties,  thofe  <who  meant  to  adminijler  it  on 
the  principles  contemplated  by  the  rcfpetlivc  State  Conventions  were  ftylcd 
cnli-federalijls,  and  thofe  who  attempted  to  deftroy  every  republi- 
can feature  in  its  conftruclion  were  ftyled  federalifts. — As  an  evi- 
dence of  this  remark,  let  any  man  read  the  debates  of  Maflachu- 
fetts,  and  he  will  find  that  thofe  called  anti-federal  in  Congrefs 
have  acted  more  confident  with  the  fentiments  of  the  ftate,  than 
thofe  who  have  aftumed  the  title  of  federalifts.  Mr.  Varnum  has 
fpoken  the  language  of  the  New-England  States,  and  all  his  deci- 
fions  have  been  agreeable  to  the  doctrines  inculcated  in  their  ref- 
pective  conventions,  and  yet  he  has  been  peculiarly  finglcd  out,  as 
a  diforganizcr  and  an  enemy  to  the  conftitution.  The  gentlemen 
from  Virginia  have  been  uniform  in  their  adherence  to  the  origin- 
al principles  of  the  Northern  States.  Mr.  Jefferfon,  in  all  his  mea- 
fures,  has  ftrielly  conformed  to  the  fpirit  which  pervaded  Mafla- 
chufetts,  New-Hampfliire,  Rhodc-Ifland  and  even  Connecticut. — 
Taking  the  debates  in  Convention  as  the  teft  of  federalifm,  I  will 
appeal  to  every  American,  whether  the  oppofition  of  the  pretend- 
ed federalifts  to  particular  characters,  has  not  been  in  proportion 
to  their  attachment  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  conftitu- 
tion, as  contemplated  at  the  period  of  its  adoption  ?  Why  was 
General  Dearborne  calumniated  when  brought  forward  as  a  mem- 


144  Recapitulation.  No.  XXXVL 

ber  for  Congrefs  ?  Was  it  that  he  had  abandoned  the  ground  on 
which  the  government  was  eftabliihed  ? — No — but  the  truth  is  that 
he  adhered  to  all  thole  radical  points  which  gave  energy  to  the 
debates  in  Convention,  and  which  finally  deftroyed  the  force  oi'op- 
pofition  to  its  adoption.  Why  has  Judge  Lincoln  been  oppt. 
is  it  becaufe  he  had  a  difpofition  to  deftroy  government  and  de- 
mordlize  fociety  ? — No — his  integrity  led  him  to  maintain  the  pure 
principles  of  the  Conftitution,  and  when  the  enemies  of  our  nation- 
al happinefs  found  him  tenacious  of  the  rights  of  the  people,  they 
attempted  to  injure  his  reputation  by  (lander  and  defamation.  I 
I  could  go  on  to  mention  individuals,  but  the  catalogue  needs  no 
enumeration. 

Fellow-Citizens — It  is  time  to  recur  to  firil  principles,  and  in 
order  to  aicertain  them,  perufo  the  debates  of  the  lcveral  Co: 
tions,  more  efpecially  Mailachufetts-.  Thcfe  arc  the  touchftones  by 
which  federalifm  mud  be  tried — they  are  the  records  of  public 
opinion  on  the  conftitution,  at  the  all  important  period  of  its 
adoption.  Read  them  attentively,  and  then  judge  between  the 
men  who  are  ftyled  federal  and  anti-federal.  Mr.  Jefferfen  is, 
flrictly  fpeaking,  a  New-England fi  deralj/l,  and  fo  is  every  man  who 
has  been  abufed  by  a  body  of  railers  under  the  deceptive  mafic  of 
friends  to  order  and  good  government. 


No.  XXXVI. 

RECAPITULATION. 
Fellow-Citizens, 

OlNCE  the  days  that  our  forefathers  difembarked  on  the  rock 
at  Plymouth,  the  defigns  of  the  enemies  of  this  country  were 
nerer  more  artfully  purfued  than  within  the  period  of  a  few  years 
paft — "  deep  laid  plots,  well  woven  fnares,"  have  interfered 
almoft  every  footftep  of  the  unfufpecring  citizen.  The  BritiJJj 
treaty  was  the  drama  which  firft  introduced  every  monftrous  defor- 
mity alarming  to  the  neutral  rights  of  America. 

At  this  crifis,  recollect,  fellow-citizens,  with  what  arrogance 
a  "  junto"  erected  their  menacing  front.  Thofe  of  us  who  ven- 
tured to  fpeak,  or  even  modeftly  to  think,  in  oppofition  to  them* 


No.  XXXVI.  Recapitulation.  1 45 

were  threatened  v.Tith  the  full  vengeance  of  political  denunciation. 
During  this  terrific  condemnation,  there  was  almoft  a  paufe  in 
fociety  ;  fcarcely  a  voice  was  heard,  unlefs  to  eulogize  the  authors 
of  our  misfortunes,  and  no  ejaculation  could  be  whifpered,  unlefs 
to  implore  heaven  to  fanction  the  projects  of  thofe  who  were 
threatening  our  ruin. 

But  how  deceptive  was  the  friendfhip  which  fuch  men  pretend- 
ed to  exprefs  !  How  delufive  their  attachment  to  the  permanency 
of  the  federal  Conjliiution  1  As  foon  as  this  treaty  was  completed 
in  all  its  parts,  they  ftepped  forward  and  placed  themfelves  in  an 
undifguifed  pofition.  From  that  moment,  the  conduct  of  the 
enemy  became  open,  vindictive  and  decifive  ;  every  meafure  was 
deviled,  and  even  "  bold  ltrokes"  contemplated  to  involve  us  in  a 
war.  During  this  political  tempeft,  a  fedition  law  rofe  like  a 
malignant  meteor,  and  threatened  to  confume,  in  its  progrefs, 
every  veftige  of  republican  freedom.  An  army  was  raifed  to  act 
with  vigour  and  promptitude,  when  other  accidental  circumftanccs 
fliould  countenance  their  effective  exertions.  Young  men  were 
occafionally  called  together,  (intermixed  with  fome  of  mature  age) 
and  proceffions  formed,  to  hear,  in  the  houfe  of  God,  the  difcor- 
dant  babblings  of  thofe  who  were  appointed  to  officiate.  The 
profperity  and  peace  of  the  country  were  fufpended  by  a  thread 
of  the  moft  delicate  texture,  and  if  heaven  had  not  miraculoufly 
interpofed,  our  ruin  mufl  have  been  inevitable.  Even  fome 
whofe  duty  leads  them  to  pray  for  peace,  were  conftantly  throwing 
combuftibles  on  the  altai,  peculiarly  calculated  to  promote  the 
horrid  cataftrophe  of  war,  and  many  of  the  pulpits  were  converted 
into  roftrums,  to  promulgate  the  dreadful  doctrine  of  carnage  and 
extermination. 

In  the  midfl  of  this  public  inflammation,  a  fignal  was  given, 
under  the  appellation  of  a  cockade,  which  nearly  brought  the  ci- 
tizens to  the  verge  of  a  civil  war.  This  badge  was  carried  to  an 
excefs  which  threatened  the  moft  ferious  confequences.  Thofe 
who  refufed  to  copy  this  fervile  diftinction  were  expofed  to  every 
infult.  They  were  treated  with  the  grofrefl  indignity,  while  the 
moft  obnoxious  during  our  revolution,  were  held  in  rever- 
ence, provided  they  difplayed  this  childifh  trapping  of  fcderalifm. 
T 


146  Recapitulation.  No.  XXX VI. 

An  old  tory,  with  a  cockade,  was  more  refpected  than  an  old  whig 
without  it. 

This  has  been  the  degrading  fituation  of  our  country,  during  a 
reign  of  terror  ;  the  republicans  have  been  bafliled  by  a  faction, 
which  had  acquired  an  afcendancy  by  the  excefs  of  their  effron- 
tery. The  prelfes,  for  the  molt  part,  were  under  their  control, 
and  Corporal  Porcupine  was  the  chief  director  of  this  complicated 
fyftem  of  fraud  and  wickednefs  ;  he  was  the  orb  round  which  die 
federal  fatellites  moved. 

The  republican,  who  dared  to  ftand  between  this  conflict,  was 
placed  in  the  ludicrous  fituation  of  a  man's  body  as  delcribed  in 
an  almanack,  governed  by  Aries,  Taurus,  Gemini,  Leo,  Scorpio, 
Pifces,  Sec.  ;  he  was  befet,  from  head  to  feet,  with  political  dag- 
gers. The  Jlgns  of  terror  were  like  the  twelve  Jigns  of  the  zodiack  ; 
— they  moved  under  different  directions,  and  each  of  them  acquir- 
ed an  influence  under  Federalifm,  Anti-Jacobinifm,  Muminifm, 
Atheifm,  Deifm,  Modern  Phlhfophy,  Demoralizing  Principles,  &c— 
Thus  inflated,  the  public  mind  was  fufceptible  to  every  wrong  im- 
preffion,  and  the  well  difpofed  citizens  were  expofed  to  thofe  hur- 
ricanes of  paffion,  which  political  and  ccclefiaftical  fanaticifm  have 
conjured  from  the  caverns  of  monarchy,  ariflocracy  and  prieft- 
craft. 

At  this  period  of  terror,  the  federal  papers  (falfely  fo  called) 
were  holding  up  the  abettors  of  thefe  perfecuting  meafures  as  ex- 
clufve  friends  to  the  conflltutlon.  But  no  fooner  had  they  accom- 
plished their  purpofes,  than  Porcupine,  Fenno,  &c.  began  their  at- 
tacks upon  this  palladium  of  our  liberties.  The  Constitutions 
were  fatirized  under  the  degrading  fimilitude  of  "  a  fow  with  a 
litter  of  pigs"  ;  an  hereditary  eftablifhment  of  Prefldent  and  Se- 
nate was  promulgated  as  the  defideratum  of  government  ;  a  divi- 
fion  of  the  northern  and  fouthern  States  was  propofed  as  the  molt 
d'.fr.able  object  ;  and  it  is  worthy  of  obfervation,  that  in  propor- 
tion as  the  faction  acquired  an  afcendancy,  under  the  term  feder- 
alifm,  they  became  more  bold  and  affuming  in  degrading  the  prin- 
ciples of  our  conflllutlon.  Porcupine  commenced  his  libellous  re- 
marks on  this  inurument,  while  Fenno  and  the  Farmer's  Mufeum 
reprobated  "  republicanifm  as  a  leprofy."  The  divifion  of  the 
northern  and  fouthern  States  feems  to  be  ferioufly  contemplated  by 
thefe  pretended  federal  papers,  and  ao  one  carries  a  ftronger  evi- 


No.  XXXVI.  Recapitulation,  147 

dence  of  fuch  a  defign  than  the  "  New-England  Palladium"  ;  this 
paper  appears  calculated  to  effect  this  purpole,  as  mod  of  the  par- 
agraphs are  fraught  with  abufe  againlt  almoft  every  State,  foutli 
of  Connecticut.  The  Prelident,  and  all  the  "  conftituted  authori- 
ties," arc  treated  with  that  unbounded  icunility  which  none  but 
diforganizers  and  enemies  to  our  government  can  pretend  to 
approve. 

But,  thanks  to  that  Being  who  has  ever  been  watchful  over 
the  liberties  of  this  country,  the  day  of  terror  is  part,  and  the 
citizens  aftume  their  wonted  dignity.  We  can  now  reafon,  and 
apply  our  arguments  to  the  good  fenfe  of  the  people  ;  we  are  ref- 
tored  to  the  high  ftation  of  republicans  ;  no  degrading  infignia 
defignate  one  citizen  from  another  ;  the  mind,  and  not  the  hat, 
gives  the  evidence  of  patriotifm.  The  man,  who  means  to  injure 
his  country  cannot  fliroud  himfclf  under  falfe  colours  ;  his  decided 
conduct,  and  not  his  tongue-profeffions,  is  the  teR  of  integrity. 

Prefident  Jefferson  has  commenced  his  adminiftration  upon 
the  genuine  principles  of  our  Conflitution  ;  he  feeks  no  afylum 
within  a  fedition  law,  neither  does  he  fcreen  himfclf  under  the  ty- 
rannical construction  of  the  Common  Law  of  England  ;  he  ftands 
on  a  level  with  his  fellow-citizens,  and  to  their  tribunal  he  appeals 
for  an  impartial  verdid.  While  defamation  iffues  from  the  pre- 
tended federal  papers,  he  muft  find  a  confolation  in  the  integrity 
of  his  heart,  and  rectitude  of  his  conduct.  He  feeks  no  protection 
from  declamatory  partizans,  but  ftands,  like  Mofes  on  the  mount, 
with  the  law  for  his  protection.  While  a  few  unprincipled  men 
are  abufmg  him,  (who  have  long  followed  the  federal  government 
folely  for  the  "  loaves  and  fifties"  of  their  office)  yet,  as  he  knows 
the  bafenefs  of  their  hearts,  he  views  their  calumny  with  the  moft. 
confummate  indifference  ;  fuch  men  are  unworthy  the  confidence  of 
any  government,  for  they  would  cry  hofanna,  or  crucify,  for  the  pal- 
try rccompence  of  "  thirty  pieces  of  filver."  Like  Judas,  they 
would  take  a  fop  from  their  mafter,  and  enter  the  next  hour  into 
a  league  with  the  chief  priefls  to  betray  him.  How  inconfiftent, 
then,  are  fuch  people  ;  and  what  can  be  faid  in  their  vindication  ? 
— The  fact  is,  they  are  falfe  and  hollow  in  their  attachment  to  our 
constitution,  and  after  attempting  to  facrifice  Mr.  Adams,  they  are 
now  defirous  to  rally  again  under  his  patronage  ;  but  we  hope  he 
begins  to  difcern  their  duplicity. 


j^S  Executive  Appointments.  No.  XXXVII, 

Mr.  Jefferfon  has  commenced  his  adminiftration  at  a  moft  im- 
portant period  ;  the  republican  fyftem  is  to  be  tried  under  lvs  wif- 
dom  and  dccifion  ;  the  enemy  know  this,  and  are  endeavouring  to 
fow  tares  in  the  political  field.  The  republican  .  ':izens  gave 
him  their  fupport,  and  his  good  fenfe  will  lead  him  not  to  difap- 
point  their  expectations.  The  constitution  is  the  polar  ftar, 
and  while  an  "  EJfcx  faction"  are  attempting  to  divide  and  diiunite, 
the  real  friends  of  our  country  will  rally  round  him  as  their  patron. 
Thus  confolidated  by  our  union,  we  truft  in  God,  that  die  enemies 
of  our  liberties  will  not  be  able  to  prevail  againft  us.  The  tree  of 
American  liberty  has  been  fertilized  by  the  blood  of  republicans, 
and  may  it  never  be  blafted  nor  fuffered  to  decay  by  the  peftif- 
erous  exhalations  of  enemies,  under  the  appellation  of  fcderalifts  ; 
or  Illuminati  hypocrites,  under  the  garb  of  religion. 

Fellow-Citizens — Judge  ye  then  between  Mr.  Jefferson  and 
his  opponents. 


No.  XXXVII. 

QN    EXECUTIVE    APPOINTMENTS. 

J.  HE  ridiculous  pedantic  remarks  of  ignorant  critics  being 
unworthy  notice,  I  mall  not  affront  the  public  by  making  a  reply 
to  their  abfurdities.  If  fuch  infignificant  beings  expect  to  gain  a 
reputation  by  my  condefctnding  to  expafe  their  folly,  they  will  be  dis- 
appointed ;  they  are  a  fpecies  of  infects  too  defpicable  to  be  crufhed 
by  the  fmalleft  weight  which  could  be  applied  for  their  diffolution. 

The  prefent  number  is  particularly  referved  for  the  inveftiga- 
tion  of  a  fubject,  which  has  peculiarly  drawn  forth  the  whole 
artillery  of  the  Effex  faction  againft  Mr.  Jefferfon.  They  have 
expended  in  a  great  meafure  their  fire  of  deiim,  atheifm,  jacobin- 
ifm,  &c. — they  find  themfelves  defeated  in  thefe  attacks  ;  but,  as 
the  laft  refort,  have  rallied  their  whole  force  to  check  him  in  his 
official  appointments. 

The  conftitution  has  wifely  referved,  in  particular  inftances, 
this  right  to  the  executive. — At  the  time  the  conftitution  was 
adopted,  this  prerogative  was  confidered  as  a  high  prefervative  to 


No.  XXXVII.  Executive  Appointments.  1 49 

the  government  ;  for  if  the  Prefident  is  amenable  for  his  conduft, 
he  ought  furely  to  have  officers  in  whole  political  integrity  he  can 
confide.  If  he  adopted  a  particular  fyftem  of  adminiftration,  it 
was  proper  that  all  thofe  with  whom  he  was  connected  mould  be 
friendly  to  his  purpofes,  This  is  an  effentiafl  quality  in  an  derive 
government,  for  as  the  people  have  a  right  to  change  their  public 
fervants,  the  procefs  of  their  adminiftration  ihould  be  uniform  in 
all  its  parts,  in  order  to  afcertain  the  merits  or  demerits  of  the 
plans  adopted  and  profecuted.  If  this  pofition  is  not  admitted, 
how  can  a  Prefident  maintain  a  confiftency  of  conduct  in  the 
various  objefts  contemplated,  while  a  certain  part  of  the  govern- 
ment are  inimical  to  his  proceedings? — fuch  a  difcordancy  of  parts 
would  be  like  a  houfe  divided  againft  itfclf  ;  the  government  muft 
ever  be  in  diforder,  while  there  are  various  wheels  in  the  ma- 
chinery counteracting  the  motions  of  each  other. 

This  mode  of  conduct  generally,  if  not  univerfally,  was  adopt- 
ed by  Mr.  Adams.  He  difplaced  almoft  every  man  oppofed  to 
his  politics,  and  appointed  others  in  whom  he  could  confide  for  an 
adherence  to  all  his  mcafures.  Mr.  Adams  had,  by  thefe  means,  a 
fair  trial  of  his  political  fyftem  ;  as  every  one,  acting  under  him, 
afiifted  to  his  utmoft  ability  to  promote  his  wifhes.  If  this  was 
right  in  Mr.  Adams,  why  fhould  it  be  wrong  in  Mr.  Jefferfon  ? 
Why  fhould  we  not  admit  Mr.  Jefferfon  to  the  fame  privileges 
exercifed  by  Mr.  Adams  ?  The  laft  adminiftration  went  to  the  ut- 
moft extent  of  prclidential  patronage  ;  nearly  every  officer  flood 
ready  to  execute  the  will  of  this  branch  of  the  government. — 
Profccutions  were  commenced,  and  every  perfon  who  dared  to  lifp 
any  thing  againft  the  adminiftration,  immediately  became  the 
objecl  cf  vindictive  refentment.  Every  perfon  muft  allow  that 
Mr.  Adams  had  the  full  fweep  of  executive  influence  ;  and  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Jefferfon  only  require  a  balance  to  reftore  the  gov- 
ernment to  an  equilibrium. 

The  above  obfervations  are  rather  general ;  but  I  am  willing 
to  confider  this  fubjeel  on  the  particular  premifes  admitted  by  the 
oppofers  of  Mr.  Jefferfon.  When  this  gentleman  was  chofen, 
Prefident,  thefe  people  declared  in  every  newfpaper,  that  the  fyjlcm 
of  the  admhujlration  was  to  be  changed.  They  openly  avowed  tkeir 
enmity  to  him,  and  faid  that  jacobin  influence  had  introduced  him 
to  the  government.     If  it  is  thus  granted,  that  a  particular  intereft 


150  Executive  Appointments.  No.  XXXVII. 

fupported  Mr.  Jefferfon's  election  ;  and  if  it  is  further  acknowl- 
edged, that  the  fame  intcrell  was  oppofed  to  Mr.  Adams  ;  the 
confequences  which  follow  are,  that  the  parties  were  at  iflue  on 
the  event  of  the  election. 

The  propriety  of  the  oppofition,  and  the  utility  of  the  change, 
arc  to  be  evidenced  by  the  future  operation  of  the  administration  ; 
but  can  any  reafonable  man  fuppofe  that  Mr.  JefFcrfon  could 
profecute  a  fyftem  analogous  to  his  fentiments,  if  he  kept  in  office 
thofe  men  who  were  diametrically  oppofed  to  him  ?  How  could 
he  move  within  the  fphere  affigned  him,  when  the  greateft  part 
of  his  oiticia.1  agents  were  counteracting  his  meafiir.es  ?  It  was  in 
my  laft  Number  obferved,  that  we  are  now  trying  the  full  extent 
of  a  republican  government,  under  Mr.  Jefferfon  ;  and  if  this  is 
the  cafe,  is  it  not  proper  that  he  lhould  have  thofe  in  government 
who  arc  friendly  to  the  experiment,  who  wifh  to  maintain  the 
lcipectability  of  his  character,  and  who  are  fincere  friends,  and  not 
fycophantic  hypocrites  ? 

Certainly  Mr.  Jefferfon  is  entitled  to  the  fame  indulgence  with 
Mr.  Adams,  and  while  we  allow  him  to  exercife  his  conftitutional 
jights,  the  people  will  be  able  to  judge,  during  his  four  years' 
officiality,  whether  the  change  is  for  the  better  or  for  the  worfe. 
To  judge  candidly  on  this  quenion,  we  mull  allow  him  the  privi- 
lege to  appoint  fuch  men  as  will  act  congenial  with  his  principles. 
If  he  is  wrong  in  his  judgment,  we  mail  foon  fee  the  fallacy  of 
our  confidence,  and  at  the  next  election  endeavour  to  introduce 
fome  other  peribn  to  rectify  his  millakes. 

The  republicans  only  wiih  to  try  Mr.  Jefferfon  by  the  fame 
touchftone  the  federalifts  proved  Mr.  Adams  ;  if  he  fails,  we  are 
willing  to  relinqnilh  him,  and  bring  forward  fome  other  perfon 
more  adequate  to  the  purpofe.  Republicans  are  not  attached  to 
men,  but  principles.  At  piefent,  we  place  our  confidence  in  Mr. 
Jefferfon,  and  in  order  that  this  gentleman  fhould  have  a.  fair  trial, 
we  think  he  is  perfectly  right  in  appointing  fuch  perfons  as  will 
promote  the  general  fyftem  of  his  adminiftration.  If,  from  a  falfe 
delicacy,  or  from  fear  of  the  clamours  of  his  enemies,  he  keeps  a 
majority  of  his  opponents  in  office,  how  can  he  expect  to  maintain 
the  government  upon  that  ground  which  he  has  uniformly  advo- 
cated ?  If  he  was  in  oppofition  to  the  extravagant  conduct  of  the 
hft  administration,  how  can  he  adopt  a  plan  of  economy  while  he 


No.  XXX Vll.  Executive  Appointments.  1 5 1 

retain^  a  majority  of  officers  who  were  acling  under  an  oppofits 
regimen  ? 

The  fad:  is,  as  Mr.  Jefferfon  is  now  Prefident  of  the  United  States, 
he  muft  have  officers  who  are  friendly  to  his  operations  ;  other- 
wife  the  bufinefs  of  government  will  move  under  a  preffure,  which 
will  baffle  all  his  ikill  to  remove.  Thofe  perfons  who  are  jealous 
of  his  admhiiftration,  and  yet  expect  him  to  retain  all  the  former 
officers,  are  as  unreasonable  as  the  Egyptians,  in  forcing  the  Jews 
to  make  brick  without  ftraw.  Ke  muft  have  republican  mate- 
rials, if  he  is  to  effjtf  republican  purpofes  ; — in  an  aimy,  a  general 
muft  have  officers  on  whole  friendihip  he  can  rely,  to  luccced  in 
any  expedition. 

Who  are  the  particular  individuals  in  office,  or  who  are  out,  are 
but  fmall  queftions  among  the  people.  If  honeft,  uniform  re- 
publicans are  appointed,  and  the  government  is  adminiftered  on 
conftitutional  principles — if  economy  is  praclifed  in  the  expendi- 
ture of  public  money — if  the  liberties  of  the  country  are  maintain- 
ed— if  our  property  is  fecure,  our  perfons  protected,  and  peace 
and  harmony  prevail,  "  We,  the  People"  are  perfectly  willing 
that  Mr.  Jefferfon  mould  exercife  his  conftitutional  right,  in  put- 
ting down  one  who  might  oppofe  thefe  falutary  purpofes,  and 
fetting  up  another  who  might  promote  them. 

We  have  no  partiality  for  men,  otherwife  than  as  firm  friends 
to  their  country  ; — we  do  conceive,  however,  that  thofe  who 
are  partially  attached  to  Britain,  and  in  all  inftances  endeavour 
to  open  a  breach  between  France  and  America,  are  the  greater!: 
enemies  to  the  happinefs  and  profperity  of  this  country  ;  fuch  men 
ought  to  be  avoided,  and  never  fuffered  to  partake  of  the  official 
emoluments  of  government. 

Why  fliould  a  removal  from  office  be  confidered  an  "  intolerant 
fpirit"  ?  Rotation  is  rather  a  republican  principle — no  man  has 
fuch  a  claim  on  government  as  to  demand  a  conftant  fupport  from 
it.  If  the  officers  under  the  former  administration  have  for  many 
years  experienced  the  emoluments  of  their  appointments,  why  are 
they  diflatisfied  that  feme  others  fhould  have  equal  advantages  ? 
The  pecuniary  benefits  of  the  government  ought  to  be  diffufive, 
and  no  family  or  particular  individuals  have  realbn  to  find  fault, 
if  fome  odier  citizens  are  provided  for,  equally  as  deferving  as 
themielves.     The  "  iutelerant  fpirit"  ariies,  not  from  the  conduct 


*5^  Executive  Appoinlmcnis*  No.  XXXV1L 

of  Mr.  Jefferfon,  but  from  his  opponents.  As  fuprcme  executive, 
the  constitution  gives  him  a  right  to  confer  offices  of  txuft  and 
profit,  and  while  exercifmg  this  prerogative,  is  it  not  unreafonable 
that  thofe  who  have  heretofore  enjoyed  tliem,  fnould  murmur  and 
calumniate  him  for  distributing  his  favours  ? 

His  constitutional  right  cannot  be  difputed,  and  certainly  his 
appointments  ought  to  be  appropriate  to  the  fyftem  which  he  con- 
templates. If  he  means  to  purfue  a  line  of  economy,  he  would 
be  very  unwiie  to  keep  thofe  in  office,  whom  he  has  reafon  to 
think  have  been  lavifli  of  the  public  money  in  their  refpective  de- 
partments. If  he  means  to  profecute  meafures  on  the  pure  prin- 
ciples of  republicanifm,  he  muft  be  juflified  in  placing  fuch  men 
in  government,  as  have  given  the  higheit  proofs  of  their  attach- 
ment to  it.  If  he  has  reafon  to  think  that  many  have  not  acted 
ftrictly  conformable  to  thofe  principles,  common  prudence  will 
dictate  the  neceffity  of  a  change.  The  queftion  is,  can  a  repub- 
lican fyftem  be  carried  on  with  alacrity,  while  many  of  die  officers 
of  government  have  a  ftrong  predilection  for  an  ariftocracy  ?  Can 
the  government  be  kept  in  a  ftate  of  quietude,  while  a  great  pro- 
portion of  the  officers  are  in  heart  oppofed  to  the  man,  under 
whom  the  executive  part  of  the  adminiitration  is  conducted  ? 

Thefe  perfons  are  often  quoting  thofe  words  of  Mr.  Jefferfon's 
fpeech,  "  We  are  all  fedcralijls,  we  are  all  republicans"  and  draw  a 
conclufion  in  their  own  favour,  that,  as  fuch  they  ought  to  continue  in 
office.  However,  if  we  arc  all  federalifts  and  republicans,  let  us 
practife  on  the  acknowledged  principle  of  republicanifm,  viz.  rota- 
tion ;  but  thefe  men  claim  an  exclufive  right  to  the  title  and  fay, 
none  are  federalljls  but  we  and  our  party  ;  and  they  claim  "  all  the 
religion,  all  the  morality"  all  the  palrlotlfm,  and  of  courfe  ought  to 
hold  all  the  lucrative  offices  in  government  ;  nobody  can  be  trufted 
but  they  and  their  friends,  and  all  the  citizens  who  advocated  Mr. 
Jefferfon,  ought  to  be  reprobated  by  him.  If  we  are  "  all  federal- 
ifts, all  republicans,"  why  fhould  not  Mr.  Jefferfon's  friends  be 
rewarded  by  fome  appointments,  as  well  as  Mr.  Adams's  adhe- 
rents ?  They  feem  to  diink  that  the  government  was  made  for 
them,  and  unleis  they  have  an  exclufive  right,  they  are  juflified  in 
calumniating  the  conftituted  authorities,  and  even  convulfing  fo- 
ciety.     They  are  the  political  horfe-leaches,  crying,  give,  give. 


No.  XXXVIII.  On  Intolerance.  I £3 


No.  XXXVIII. 

ON    THE    FALLACY  OF   CHARGING  THE    REPUBLICANS 
WITH    INTOLERANCE. 

X  HOSE  of  the  faclion  who  complain  of  an  "  intolerant  fpirit" 
on  the  part  of  Prefidcnt  Jefferlbn,  if  they  are  ferious  in  their  lam- 
entations, muft  be  very  deficient  in  the  intellect  of  memory.  If  we 
deliberately  reflect  on  their  ecndufl,  during  the  laft  adminiftration, 
it  muft  bring  to  remembrance  a  long  train  of  circumftances,  which 
are  diftreffing  at  this  period  even  to  contemplate.  Never  could 
it  have  been  thought  poflihle,  that  any  party  fliould  obtain  fuch 
an  afcendancy  in  this  country,  as  to  intimidate  the  free  citizens  of 
America  from  fpeaking  their  minds  on  public  meafures,  or  acquire 
fuch  a  preponderancy  as  to  imprefs  them  with  fear  while  exercifing 
their  conftitutional  fufFrages  ;  but  this  cruel  deprivation  of  rights 
have  been  experienced  under  a  fyftem  of  terror,  which  nearly 
pervaded  not  only  every  diftrict,  but  almoft  every  family  through- 
out the  United  States  ;  the  operation  in  many  inftances  has  been 
fo  effectual,  that  elections  have  been  decided  under  the  dreaded 
apprchenfions  of  this  vindictive  influence.  Threats  and  menaces 
have  been  the  irrefiftible  arguments,  and  votes  have  often  been 
obtained  by  the  arbitrary  interference  of  men,  whofe  hardened 
hearts  exulted  at  the  profpect  of  inflicting  penury  on  thofe  who 
dared  to  counteract  their  defigns.  This  mode  of  conduct  was 
ftriking  at  the  foundation  of  a  republican  government,  as  the 
ban's  of  its  conftruction  is  immediately  connected  with  the  free 
and  unbiafTed  principles  of  each  individual  infociety.  Private  opin- 
ion in  the  aggregate  muft  form  the  public  fentimen/,  for  while  ev- 
ery citizen  has  a  right  to  judge  on  the  conduct  of  public  officers,  and 
to  vote  in  mod  cafes  in  their  election,  the  ultimate  decifion  depends 
on  the  majority  of  electors  acting  in  their  individual  capacity. 
This  freedom  of  inveft igation  and  action  are  the  privileges  guaran- 
teed by  the  conftitution,  and  no  man  ought  to  be  intimidated 
from  the  full  excrcife  of  thefe  rights,  or  denounced  as  an  enemy  to 
his  country,  while  difcharging  in  a  legal  manner  (with  the  fpirit  of 
candour  and  moderation)  this  important  duty. 

u 


154  On  Intolerance*  No.  XXXVIII. 

The  republicans  are  willing  to  take  this  broad  ground  as  it 
relates  to  Mr.  JefTerfon  ;  they  do  not  wifh  to  check  the  mod 
fubtle  animadverfions  on  his  meafuies  ;  his  enemies  have  an  un- 
controled  right  to  offer  their  remarks  on  all  his  proceedings.  If 
they  pleafe,  they  may  cenfure  his  plans,  or  propofe  others  ;  but, 
if  this  freedom  is  allowed  them,  and,  if  in  fact  they  improve  it  to 
the  utmoft  latitude,  let  them  only  l?e  fo  candid,  as  not  to  charge 
the  republicans  with  cxeiciiing  an  unrelenting  fpirit  of  perfecution 
towards  them. 

It  is  truly  laughable  to  fee  in  the  jacobin  papers,  fuch  as  the 
CcnlinJ,  Palladium,  Commercial  Gazette,  Port  Folio,  &c.  the  mod 
intolerable  abufe  on  the  Prefident,  and  all  the  conftituted  au- 
thorities ;  and  yet,  while  they  are  permitted  to  continue  their 
billingfgate  without  any  check  by  profecutions,  or  pcrfonal  infult, 
are  crying  in  the  moft  lamentable  drains  againft  the  intolerant  and 
perfecuting  fpirit  of  republicans.  I  would  aik  thefe  flanderers, 
in  what  inftance  this  vindictive  fpirit  has  prevailed  ?  Are  any  of 
their  friends  imprifoned  for  their  libels  ?  Or  are  any  under  the 
lafh  of  the  fedition  law  ?  Why  do  they  complain  of  perfecution, 
when  they  are  fuffered  to  vent  the  utmoft  malignancy  of  their  fpleen, 
arrogance,  and  refentment  ?  Do  they  not  purfue  their  courfes 
of  defamation  as  rapidly  as  the  prelfcs  can  difgorge  them,  or  the 
fcvcral  pofts  can  circulate  them  ?  Every  day  in  the  week  they 
are  handed  to  the  public — almoft  every  houfe  is  fupplied  with 
them — colleges,  academies,  and  fchools  are  liberally  furnifhed 
with  "  line  upon  line,  and  precept  upon  precept,"  here  a  little  and 
there  a  good  deal.  What  then,  in  the  name  of  common  fenfe  would 
thefe  infuriated  jacobins  want  ?  Nobody  molefts  them,  they  fpeak 
as  they  pleafe,  write  as  they  pleafe,  and  publifh  what  they  pleafe, 
and  yet  they  are  fo  unreafonablc  as  to  complain  of  a  rigid  fpirit  of 
perfecution. 

If  thefe  high-toned  jacobins  will  fay  what  will  be  fatisfactory  to 
them,  if  it  is  not  too  unreafonable,  pofGbly  they  may  be  indulged 
in  their  requeft.  But  the  facl:  is,  they  want  Mr.  Jefferfon  to  iffue 
a  proclamation,  declaring  that  his  enemies  poflefs  all  the  religiont 
all  the  morality,  all  the  'virtue,  all  the  property,  all  the  patriotifm,  all  the 
nvifdom  and  all  the  honejly  in  the  country — and  that  his  friends  are 
a  body  of  mifcreants,  deftitute  of  religion,  morality,  honefty,  &c. 
and  as  fuch)  were  umvorthy  of  his  confidence.     Nay,  they  wifh  him 


No.  XXXV I II.  On  Intolerance  155 

to  go  further,  and  denounce  every  man  who  voted  for  him  or  /poke 
in  his  favour,  as  a  dil'organizer,  deift,  and  robber.  I  would  alk 
thefe  modejl  gentlemen,  whether  this  declaration  would  fatisry  them  ? 
Whether  this  humble  acknowledgment  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
fon  would  remove  their  complaints  againft  him  ?  Would  they 
ceafe  abufing  him,  if  he  lhould  give  it  under  his  hand  and  feal,  that 
every  office  in  government  lhould  be  filled  by  his  moft  inveterate 
opponents  ?  That  diey  lhould  have  the  exclufive  patronage  of 
government,  and  ftill  have  it  in  their  power  to  treat  with  the 
grofleft  indignity  every  man  who  was  friendly  to  his  election  ? 

As  the  controverfy  now  (lands,  I  do  not  fee  that  any  thing 
fhort  of  fiich  a  manifelto  will  fuit  them.  For  they  are  permitted  to 
fpeak  in  the  public  papers  a-  language  fomewhat  fimilar  to  this — 
they  conftandy  vilify  the  PrefkLnt,  and  call  his  adherents  plund- 
erers and  villains — they  are  fuffered  without  moleftation  to  ufe 
epithets  the  moft  degrading  ;  notwithftanding  which,  diey  keep 
up  a  conftant  cry  about  the  intolerant  fpirit  of  the  republicans. 
Permit  me,  modtjl  gentlemen,  again  to  afk,  who  among  you  is  perfe- 
cuted  ?  In  general  you  ftrut  about  the  ftreets  with  your  ufual 
hauteur,  though  in  fome  particulars  a  little  more  cautious  in  your 
perfonal  infult  ;  none  of  you  are  under  bonds  to  appear  at  the 
Diftrict  Courts  to  anfwer  for  libels.  Your  funds  have  rifen 
rapidly  fmcc  the  election  of  Mr.  JefFcrfon,  and  every  thing  appears 
perfectly  fecure  within  the  alcoves  of  the  federal  infurance  offices. 
The  refpedable  corps  of  negotiators  are  as  bufy  in  their  fpeculations 
as  ufual,  and  each  of  them  fits  within  his  little  fnug  department  in 
State-Street,  like  Patience  on  a  monument,  having  none  to  make 
him  afraid.  Where  then,  modeft  gentlemen,  is  the  danger  ? 
Wherein  are  you  injured  ?  Be  calm,  be  compofed,  there  is  no 
danger  but  what  arifes  within  your  own  diftempered  pericranium. 

For  the  fake  of  argument,  let  thefe  perfons  be  placed  in  the 
fituation  which  was  experienced  by  the  republicans,  about  three 
years  back.  If  the  fame  fpirit  had  now  prevailed  againjl  them,  as 
was  exercifed  by  them,  during  thofe  periods,  they  would  be  juftified 
,in  reprobating  the  fpirit  of  perfecution.  Suppofe  the  republicans 
had  adopted  a  black  infignia  under  the  appellation  of  a  Cockade  ; 
threatened  to  fend  every  one  who  rcfufed  to  wear  it  within  the 
lines  of  the  enemy  ;  pointed  the  "  finger  of  fcorn"  at  thofe  who 
had  refolution  qnough  to  withftand  their  threats  and  infolence  ; 


I5<5  On  Intolerance.  No.  XXXVIII. 

and  had  employed  a  number  of  bullying  editors  to  traduce  the 
characters  of  fuch  as  would  not  fubmit  to  the  impofition  :  Suppofe 
further,  that  the  republicans  had  employed  a  number  of  hireling 
priefts  to  anathematize  in  the  pulpit,  while  they  were  defaming  in 
the  papers — to  propagate  falfchoods  on  Fall  and  Thankfgiving 
days,  under  the  deceptive  mafk  of  fermons  and  pious  difcourfes ; 
Admit  further,  that  the  judges  were  fulminating  their  common 
law  againft  the  Centinel,  Palladium,  &c.  as  they  formerly  did 
againft  the  Chronicle,  Aurora,  &c. — that  the  editors  were  imprif- 
oned  and  fined  for  their  attempts  to  bring  the  "  Prefident  into  con- 
tempt" :  Suppofe  that  a  member  of  the  legiflature  fhould  have 
the  impudence  to  anticipate  a  decifion  of  that  body,  by  declaring 
his  opponents  "  a  contemptible  minority"  :  Admit  further,  that  the 
republicans  fotced  thcmfclves  into  all  focial  circles,  and  erected 
the  ftandard  of  perfecution  even  amidft  inftitutions,  cftabliflied  on 
the  broad  bafis  of  benevolence  and  "  relief  in  c&Jtrefs" — that  the 
wicked  fpirit  of  intolerance  fhould  poifon  the  ftreams  of  friendfliip 
and  mutual  fafety — that  fycophants  iliould  become  fo  bale  and 
deftitute  of  principle,  as  to  difturb  in  fuch  meetings  that  order  and 
fraternity  which  ever  chara<5teiifed  the  citizens  of  Bofton.  The 
ignominy  of  fuch  conduct  muft  be  forever  reprobated,  while 
honour  and  urbanity  are  efteemed  effential  requilites  to  defignate 
the  reputation  of  gentlemen. 

A  review  of  pafl  times  is  requifite,  in  order  to  exhibit  a  por- 
trait which  mult  llcken  thofe  who  gave  the  finifhing  ftrokes  to  the 
picture.  Federalilm  was  diltorted,  and  difplaycd  the  features  of 
a  monfter  ;  inftead  of  the  pleafmg  deportment  of  good  fellowship 
tmd  brotherly  affe&ion,  it  more  nearly  allumed  the  hollile  attitude 
of  an  aflaflin,  and  its  terrific  menaces  were  the  powerful  weapon 
which  profelyted  its  votaries.  The  mod  abandoned  of  our  citizens 
balked  in  fome  inftances  under  the  patronage  of  its  title,  and 
fcreened  themielves  while  practifing  their  villany  under  the  fpe- 
cious  garb  of  fcderalifm.  The  honeft  man  often  fuffered  by  die 
appellation  of  jacobinifm,  and  the  rogue  as  often  matured  his 
projects  by  tl\e  impofing  term  of  fcderalifm. — Thank  God,  the 
public  mind  is  now  at  reft,  and  principle,  and  not  terror  is  the 
order  of  the  dav. 


No.  XXXIX.  To  CU-B,icL  157 

No.  XXXIX. 

TO    "  OLD-BRICK." 

JL  HE  high  estimation  in  which  I  hold  the  religious  fociety  under 
the  appellation  of  the  "  Old-Brich"  led  me  to  perufe  your  addrefs 
in  the  Commercial  Gazette  with  peculiar  attention.  The  venerable 
and  rcfpe&able  characters  which  have  officiated  in  that  ecclefiafti- 
cal  department,  naturally  excited  an  idea,  that  whoever  affumed 
this  fignature  would  claim  a  particular  refpect,  not  only  from  the 
force  of  his  arguments,  but  the  decency  with  which  they  were 
communicated.  The  names  of  a  Chauncy  and  a  Clark  will  be 
ever  eftcemed,  while  energy  of  reafening  and  purity  of  compofi- 
tion  are  confidered  as  prominent  chara&eriftics  to  defignate  the 
fcholar  and  gentleman. 

But,  fir,  how  great  was  my  difappointment  in  finding  you  fo 
deficient  in  every  point  which  could  imprefs  that  veneration  which 
I  anticipated  in  your  addrefs.  Inftead  of  that  perfection  of  erudi- 
tion and  propriety  of  expreffion,  which  ever  gave  the  "  Firft 
Church"  the  frjl  reputation  in  the  literary  world,  the  moll;  fordid 
vulgarity  and  the  moft  fuperficial  reafoning  difgrace  the  publica- 
tion. As  a  friend  to  that  religious  fociety,  I  feel  mortified  in  ob- 
ferving  fuch  billingfgate  language  attached  to  fo  refpectablc  a  fig- 
nature.  Since  the  corner-ftone  of  that  ancient  building  was  laid, 
it  is  the  firft  time  that  the  Old-Brich  was  difgraced  with  calumny 
inftead  of  argument,  or  fcurrility  inftead  of  decency. 

As  a  proof  of  my  observations,  I  will  quote  a  few  of  your  re- 
marks, and,  if  you  are  not  deftitute  of  fenfibility,  die  flagvancy  of 
your  infult  on  the  Prefidcnt  will  be  fufficient  to  excite  in  your 
mind  an  abhorrence  of  your  late  publication.  You  fay — "  I  wifli 
to  cover  the  defects  of  the  pnfent,  under  the  merits  of  the  lajl,  ad- 
min'Jf ration  ;  but  this  (you  add)  is  impoffible  ;  for  we  might  as 
well  endeavour  to  affimilateWafhington  with  Robefpierre,  as  Adams 
with  Jefferfon."  Now,  Sir,  paufe  a  moment  on  the  inference  na- 
turally drawn  by  this  ungenerous  remark  on  Mr.  Jefferfon — You 
place  him  in  a  character  analogous  to  Robefpierre  ;  the  burden  of 
proof  therefore  lies  on  you,  to  produce  any  fimilitude  between  the 
two  characters.     The  cruelty  and  inhumanity  of  one  has  become 


158  T6  Old-Brick  No.  XXXIX. 

proverbial  ;  but  in  what  inftance  has  Mr.  Jefferfon  fhewn  a  difpo- 
fition  in  any  refpect  fo  fanguinary  and  vindictive  ?  Has  he  dis- 
played a  temper  in  any  degree  fimilar  to  Robcfpierre  ?  Has  he 
erected  a  guillotine,  or  puriucd  his  enemies  jnxh  that  unrelenting 
fpirit  which  marked  the  footfteps  of  this  tyrant  ?  Even  if  we  quit 
the  deteftable  character  of  Robefpierre,  and  compare  Mr,  Jefferfon 
with  Mr.  Adams,  the  magnanimity  of  his  conduct  is  not  depre- 
ciated. Has  he,  amidft  the  torrent  of  abufe  heaped  upon  him  in 
the  papers,  ordered  any  profeeutions  againft  the  authors,  or  are 
any  of  the  editors  prcfented  in  the  federal  courts  to  anfwer  for 
their  defamation  ?  Even  you,  Sir,  feel  a  fecurity  in  the  lenity  of 
his  ad  mi  nil!  ration  ; — for,  let  me  afk  you,  whether  you  would 
have  dared  to  write  in  the  fame  drain  againft  Mr.  Adams ;  as  you 
have  done  againft  Mr.  Jefferfon  ?  Would  you  have  had  the  im- 
pudence and  aifurance  to  aliert,  as  you  now  do,  "  that  Mr.  Jeffer- 
fon, after  a  few  years  trial,  like  fome  impure  metal,  will  melt  away, 
and  nothing  but  the  drofs  remain"  ? 

Is  this,  Sir,  a  language  which  you  ought  to  ufe  towards  the 
Supreme  Executive  of  the  United  States  ?  Have  you  a  right  to 
arraign  his  adminiftration,  and  denounce  him  at  this  early  period 
of  his  political  exiftence  ?  Will  the  removal  of  a  few  officers  juftify 
fuch  a  fevere  condemnation  of  his  future  conduct  ?  Hav^  you  die 
effrontery  to  place  the  happinefs  and  profperity  of  this  country 
on  the  patronage  beftowed  on  a  felect  body  of  men,  who  have 
hitherto  been  employed  in  the  lucrative  functions  of  the  govern- 
ment ?  Or  will  you  prefurne  to  declare,  that  Mr.  Jefferfon  will 
"  melt  away  and  become  as  di-ofs"  !  becaufe  he  has  exercifed  his 
prerogative  in  giving  the  principle  of  rotation  its  proper  opera- 
tion ?  Pray,  Sir,  examine  the  characters  who  now  hold  offices, 
and  let  me  afk  you,  whether  they  are  not  men  equally  entitled  to 
prcfidcntial  patronage,  as  thofe  who  have  heretofore  enjoyed  it  ? 
From  poverty,  have  not  many  of  them  rifen  to  affluence  ?  Why 
then,  Sir,  let  me  afk  you,  fhould  other  citizens  be  excluded  from 
equal  benefits  ? 

If,  Sir,  you  had  written  fuch  a  pointed  libel  on  Mr.  Adams,  as 
you  have  againft  Mr.  Jefferfon,  you  would  have  been  arraigned  be- 
fore the  judiciary  tribunal,  and  nothing  fhort  of  your  ears  would 
have  atoned  for  the  criminality  of  your  allegations.  In  fhort,  per- 
mit mc  to  tell  you,  Old-Brick,  the  publications  of  fuch  infuriated 


No.  XXXIX.  Td  Old-Brick.  1^9 

jacobins  as  yourfelf  are  full  proofs  of  the  mildnefs  of  Mr.  JefTer- 
fon's  adminiflration  ;  and,  with  confidence  I  will  further  fay,  that 
you  are  fo  completely  deftitute  of  common  civility,  and  at  the  fame 
time  fo  fraught  with  ignorance,  that  you  take  an  advantage  of  his 
lenity  in  propagating  your  diforganizing  principles.  Your  party 
are  not  capable  of  diflinguilhing  between  the  mildnefs  of  the  pref- 
ent,  and  the  feverity  of  the  laft,  adminini  ation.  If  Mr.  Jefferfon 
fhould  purfue  them  in  the  fame  manner  as  was  formerly  pra<ftiied, 
their  perfonal  cowardice  would  be  a  Sufficient  "  gag-aft"  to  check 
their  infolence.  Their  caufe  is  fo  infamous,  that  they  would  not 
have  refolution  enough  openly  to  avow  their  fentiments  before  a 
judiciary  tribunal,  though  they  may  under  the  prefent  fyjlctn  of 
moderation  have  temerity  fufficient  to  declare  the  wickednefsof  their 
intentions.  It  is  a  happy  circumilance,  that  the  fedition  law  \s  re- 
pealed, as  we  can  now  judge  how  far  their  evil  defigns  extend,  and 
to  what  lengths  they  contemplated  their  meafures,  to  overturn  the 
republican  principles  of  our  country. 

However,  Sir,  I  will  if  poflible  endeavour  to  bring  your  re- 
marks into  fome  argumentative  order,  (though  they  are  fo  de- 
ranged it  is  difficult  to  place  them  in  any  accurate  form.)  You 
fay,  that  "  reafonabk  men  did  fuppofe  from  Mr.  Jefferfon's  fpeech, 
that  he  w^uld  purfue  a  fyftem  friendly  to  the  good  of  the  commu- 
nity, but  we  find  the  reverie  has  been  die  cafe,  and  from  all  prefent 
appearances,  is  likely  to  be  fo."  Now,  Sir,  I  would  aflt  you, 
wherein  he  has  purfued  a  fyftem  unfriendly  to  the  community  ?  It 
is  true  he  has  diiplaced  fome  men,  and  put  others  in  their  room. 
If  this  is  the  cafe,  it  does  not  follow,  that  the  former  were  the 
moll  worthy,  and  the  latter  the  moft  unworthy.  If  you  afiert, 
that  "  his  fyftem  is  unfriendly  to  the  community,"  it  lies  with  you 
to  prove  it.  Bring  forward  your  characters,  and  let  us  try  them 
by  the  touchftone  of  rectitude  and  ability.  Is  difplacing  the  naval 
agent  in  Bofton  unfriendly  to  the  community  ?  Is  reftoring 
Melfrs.  Whipple  and  Gardner  attended  with  difagreeable  confe- 
quences  ?  Is  fuperceding  the  diftrid  attorney  a  matter  of  public 
lamentation,  as  it  refpects  integrity  or  talents  ?  Is  the  appoint- 
ment of  Meifrs.  Madifon,  Lincoln,  Dearborne,  and  Gallatin,  at  the 
head  of  their  refpe&ive  departments,  unfriendly  to  the  community  ? 
Is  forwarding  the  treaty  to  France,  in  the  moft  expeditious  and  dig- 
nified manner,  injurious  to  the  commercial  intereft  of  the  United 


\6o  To  Old-Brief.  No.  XXXIX. 

States  ?  Is  the  fyftem  of  economy,  propofed  by  him,  definitive 
to  the  general  happinefs  ?  Or  will  the  faving  of  twenty  thoufand 
dollars  annually,  by  abolifhing  the  office  of  infpectors,  "  jpeedily 
fink  us  into  the  gulph  of  anarchy"  ?  If  he  has  done  any  thing 
worthy  of  cenfure,  point  it  out  in  fpecifc  terms,  and  do  not,  as  a 
'  friend  to  order,'  ftigmatize  his  conduct  by  general  charges,  with- 
out one  evidence  to  fupport  them. 

1  I  am  aware  that  you  will  anfwer,  that  Mr.  Gallatin's  appoint- 
ment was  injurious  to  the  community.  But,  Sir,  don't  be  too 
hafty  in  this  particular  ;  you  are  not  yet  competent  to  jud^e  on  this 
qucftion.  Time  will  difcover  the  propriety  of  Mr.  Jefferfon's  con- 
duct, in  this  inftance  ;  wait  at  lead  till  the  meeting  of  Congrefs, 
and  I  believe  that  his  communications  on  the  Aibject  of  revenue, 
will  convince  "  The  People"  of  the  wifdom  of  the  executive,  in 
feledting  that  gentleman  for  this  department.  The  appointment 
of  Mr.  Bifhop,  you  may  fay,  is  injurious  to  the  community ;  but 
I  am  well  informed,  that  the  office  of  Collector  in  the  port  of 
New-Haven,  has  never  been  more  regularly  and  honeftly  conduct- 
ed than  fince  his  officiality. 

Now,  fir,  as  you  have  prcfumed  to  come  forward  and  charge 
Mr.  Jefferfon  "  as  purfuing  a  fyftem  injurious  to  the  community," 
I  challenge  you  to  produce  your  fpecific  charges.  It  is  needlefs  to 
alarm  the  public  with  vague  declarations.  If  you  have  any  thing 
to  allege,  place  yourfelf  in  the  pofition  of  an  honejl  man,  and  give 
the  citizens  the  charges  of  crimination  in  detail*  In  this  cafe,  I 
am  willing  to  meet  you  ;  but  while  you  deal  in  fcurrility  and 
defamation,  notwithftanding  you  take  the  refpectable  fignature  of 
"  Old-Brici,"  yet,  Sir,  as  I  refpect  truth  rather  than  names,  your 
lucubrations  (while  they  bear  their  prefent  afperity)  will  be  ever 
eftimated  by  me  as  the  malignant  effufions  of  a  difappointed,  mor- 
tified, diforganizing  partizan.  Your  fuggeftions  are  unfounded, 
your  charges  are  falfe,  and  nothing  but  the  mildnefs  of  the  man 
whom  you  calumniate,  gives  you  confidence  to  purfue  your  fcur- 
rility and  invective.  If  you  have  any  modefty  erafe  your  fig- 
nature,  and  no  longer  difgrace  the  Old-Brick  with  your  uncandid 
and  indecent  publications. 


No.  XL.  On  the  Carrying  Trade.'  \6i 

No.  XL. 

ON    THE    CARRYING    TRADE. 

"  'lis  from  experience  that  <we   reafon    bejl" 

ilS  the  great  commercial  privilege  of  the  carrying  trade  is 
ridiculed,  and  almoft  reprobated  by  our  modern  fedcralijls,  it  is  pro- 
per while  contemplating  this  fubjccl,  that  we  produce  fuch  evi- 
dence as  will  fubftantiate  the  fentiments  of  the  republicans,  in  oppo- 
sition to  a  doctrine  fo  deftructive  to  the  intereft  of  the  United 
States.  It  is  a  happy  circumftance,  while  confidering  this  impor- 
tant queftion,  that  wc  can  appeal  to  thofe  who  formerly  came  for- 
ward in  fupport  of  our  commercial  rights  ;  and  though  a  few  may 
have  apoflatized  from  their  avowed  principles,  yet  it  is  hoped  that 
a  majority  of  the  citizens  retain  their  old  opinions,  unbiased  either 
by  the  (miles  or  frowns  of  their  opponents.  Freemen  examine  the 
propriety  of  things,  and  fcorn  to  be  influenced  by  the  low,  contemp- 
tible paflion  of  private  interejl. 

Being  in  poffeflion  of  documents  which  cannot  be  controverted, 
I  (hall  purfue  a  courfe  of  inquiry,  founded  on  the  fentiments  of  thofe 
individuals  who  took  a  lead  in  our  commercial  controverfy  with 
England,  in  the  year  1785.  If  I  am  oppdfed  by  the  modern 
federalills,  it  is  incumbent  on  the  gentlemen  who  wrote  *he  fol- 
lowing Circular  Letter,  to  vindicate  my  obfervations,  if  they  are  de- 
fnous  to  fubftantiate  a  reputation  for  political  confiftency  and 
integrity.  Their  letter  conveys  a  ftrong  idea  of  the  importance 
of  the  carrying  trade  ;  it  portrays  the  pernicious  tendency  of 
Britifh  refidents,  and  expre/Fes,  in  the  molt  forcible  language,  an 
abhorrence  of  thofe  reftrietions  which  expofed  the  commerce  of 
America  to  the  uncontroled  impofitions  of  the  Britifh  nation. 
While  examining  this  fubjccT,  I  mail  pay  due  refpecf  to  the  char- 
after  of  each  individual ;  but,  at  the  fame  time,  as  principle  is  my 
object,  I  fhall  clofe  with  fuch  obfervations  as  will  oblige  fome  of 
them  to  acknowledge,  either  that  they  were  wrong  in  1785,  or 
that  I  am  right  in  1801. 
W 


s 


l62  On  the   Carrying  Trade.  No.  XL. 

This  fubjedt  is  impoitant  as  it  relates  to  the  young  American 
merchant,  (rade/man,  and  manufaflnrcr,  and  as  their  intereft  is  fo 
immediately  concerned  in  the  queflion,  I  muft  requeft  their  par- 
ticular attention  to  the  numbers  which  may  be  appropriated  to  its* 
coniideration. 

As  introductory  to  my  remarks,  I  fliall  infert  the  following 
Letter,  written  to  the  feveral  ltales  in  the  year  1785,  «>n  the  ar- 
rival of  a  few  Britiih  merchants  in  die  town  of  B-.  fton.  The  a- 
larm  excited  at  that  period  among  the  American  merchants,  will 
convince  the  young  men  that  the  monopoly  of  our  trade  was  con- 
fidered  as  the  inevitable  confequencc  of  permitting  Brkifli  refidents 
to  enjoy  equal  advantages  with  our  own  citizens.  The  agitation 
which  prevailed  at  that  time  on  the  reftridlions  of  our  commerce, 
will  fully  ihew  how  far  the  carrying  trade  was  contemplated  as 
tbe  palladium  of  our  commerce,  agriculture  and  manufadlures. 

IGIRQULAtW} 

"Boston,  April   22d,   1785. 
**  Gentlemen; 

"  WE  being  appointed  by  the  merchants,  traders  and  others, 
citizens  of  this  town,  to  write  to  die  merchants  of  the  feveral  fea- 
ports  throughout  the  United  States,  on  the  alarming  iituation  of 
our  commercial  intercourfe  with  Great-Britain,  do,  in  their  names 
addrefs  you  on  the  fubject  ;  which,  we  doubt  not,  you  will  think- 
with  us>  requires  mature  deliberation,  as  well  as  the  mnjlfpirited  and 
vigorous  exertions  to  be  properly  arranged. 

"  Happy  fhould  we  be,  if  we  could  devife  fome  plan  which 
would  effectually  produce,  and  laftingly  cement,  that  union  of  fen- 
timent,  on  which  lb  effectually  depend  the  advantage  and  liability 
of  the  commerce  of  this  country  :  we  do  not,  however,  prefume  to 
dictate  what  is  beft  to  be  done  in  this  critical  fituation  of  our 
affairs  ;  but  conceive  it  highly  neceffary  to  have  a  free  communi- 
cation of  the  fentiments  of  the  mercantile  intereft  ;  as  on  meafures 
which  may  be  adopted  in  confequence  of  this  correfpondence, 
fome  permanent  and  beneficial  purpofes  may  be  effected. 

"  The  CARRYING  TRADE,  fo  important  to  this  country, 
is  alfo  effentially  affected  ;  and  Great-Britain  is  endeavouring,  by 
every  means  in  her  power,  to  annihilate  it — by  prohibiting  the 
©atry  of  our  fhips  in  her  Weft-India  colonies — difcouraging,  and 


No.  XL.  On  the  Carrying  Trade.  !OJ 

(by  rtrtnours  which  are  generally  exaggerated)  preventing  her 
own  manufactures,  intended  for  our  confirm  ption,  from  being 
ihipped  in  American  bottoms,  unlefs  burthened  with  an  extra 
charge — by  employing  her  vcflels — by  depriving  our  fhips  of  the 
privilege  of  carrying  the  produce  of  our  own  country  to  Quebec, 
Newfoundland,  <xc. — and,  by  re  finding  the  fale  of  them  in  any 
part  of  the  Britifh  domains,  confifcating  the  property  in  fome  in- 
ftances,  and  fubjectiftg  it  to  duties  equal  to  a  prohibition  in  others  j 
while  the  fubjects  of  that  nation  are  permitted  to  fend  their  veffels 
to  any  part  of  the  continent  for  bread,  flour,  tobacco,  rice,  &c. 
— and  to  (hip  them  from  moll  of  the  Mates,  upon  the  fame  terms 
with  our  owrj  citizens,  and  from  others,  with  but  a  trifling  dis- 
crimination. A  trade,  the  balance  of  which  is  fo  effentiallf 
againfl  us,  mull,  if  not  fpeedily  checked,  inevitably  ruin  us. 

11  Feelingly  impfeffed,  therefore,  with  the  neccjfity  of  an  imme» 
diate  attention  to  a  fubject,  fo  important  to  the  people  of  America, 
the  mere!:,:, its,  traders,  and  others,  citizens  of  this  town,  have  held  a 
general  melting,  to  confult  upon  meafures  necefTary  to  be 
adopted  on  this  occafion  ;  the  inclofed  refolutions  will  acquaint 
you  with  the  refult  of  their  deliberations  ;  fome  of  the  expedients 
there  ufed  are  meant  only  as  temporary  remedies,  and  intended 
folely  to  retard  the  ruin  which  threatens  us,  until  a  general  fyftem 
of  relief  can  be  adopted. 

"  Perfuaded,  however,  that  the  exertions  of  individual  cities, 
or  even  Mates,  without  the  fupport  of  the  whole  confederacy,  will 
be  inefficacious,  or  at  moft  can  opeiate  only  as  a  partial  relief, 
and  that  nothing  fhort  of  veiling  Congrefs  with  full  powers  to 
regulate  the  internal,  as  well  as  external  commerce  of  all  the 
States,  can  reach  the  mifchiefs  we  complain  of,  we  would,  agree- 
ably to  the  directions  of  the  inclofed  proceedings,  earneflly  recom- 
mend to  you  an  immediate  application  to  the  Legiflature  of  your 
State  to  veil  fuch  powers  in  Congrefs  (if  they  have  not  already 
done  it)  as  fhall  be  competent  to  the  great  and  interefling  pur- 
pole  of  placing  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  upon  the  footing  of  per* 
feci  equality  with  every  other  nation  ;  and  to  requefl  you  alfo  to  peti- 
tion Congrefs  (when  they  fhall  be  thus  clothed  with  authority) 
to  make  fuch  internal  regulations  as  fhall  have  that  happy  effect, 
encourage  an  attention  to  our  manufactures,  and  remove  the 
ernbarrafTments  under  which  our  trade  at  prefent  labours. 


164  On  the  Carrying  Trade.  No.  XL. 

"  Were  not  the  embarrafTments  on  our  trade,  by  fatal  expe- 
rience, too  well  known  to  yon  to  require  a  particular  ftatement, 
it  would  be  eafy  to  prove  the  neccftity  of  adopting  this,  or  a 
fimilar  conduct,  by  a  detail  of  facts,  and  a  train  of  arguments  not 
fairly  to  be  controverted,  it  being  evident  on  the  mod  curfory 
view,   that   the  neceflary   effect   of  the  Reftrictions  in  queflion  is, 

DESTRUCTION    TO   OUR   SwiP   BUILDING,   FISHERIES,  NAVIGATION, 

and  Commerce  in  all  its  branches,  and  confequently  to  the 
property  and  support  of  the  merchant,  hulbandman,  and  me- 
chanic. 

"  Your  cheerful  concurrence  we  may  therefore  in  return  ex- 
pect ;  not  doubting  the  fuccefs  of  fuch  meafures  as  are  founded 
on  the  principles  of  juftice  and  found  policy,  and  fupported  by  the 
united  and  fpirited  exertions  of  a  free  people. 

"  To  add  to  thefe  evils  already  fufficicnt  to  excite  our  utmofl 
difquietudc,  the  late  intervention  of  BRITISH  FACTORS, 
threatens  a  monopoly  of  our  trade,  and  haftens  the  rapid  decreafe 
of  our  circulating  medium.  Unlefs  the  trade  and  exports  of  thefe 
flates  are  contravened  by  fimilar  expedients  on  our  part,  the  com- 
merce of  this  country,  and  of  confequence  its  wealth,  power,  and 
perhaps  the  Union  itfelf,  muft  become  victims  to  the  artifice  of  a 
nation,  whofe  arms  have  been  in  vain  exerted  to  accom  pi  it'll  the 
ruin  of  America. 

"  We  are,  Gentlemen,  with  every  fentiment  of  refpecT:  and* 
rflxem,  your  friends  and  brethren  in  a  common  caufe. 

John  Hancoih.  Jonathan   L.   Auf.in. 

Samuel  A.   Otis.  Charles    Jarvis. 

Samuel  Brcck.  William  Tudor. 

John    C.  Jones.  Stephen  Higginfon. 

Samuel  Barrett.  Jrf'ph  Barrel!. 

Edward  Payne.  Perez   Morton. 

Caleb  Davis.  Jofeph  Rufell,  jun." 

Thomas  RuJJell. 


The  foregoing  letter  is  a  text,  which  will  furnifh  a  number 
of  discourses  through  the  fall  and  •winter  months.  As  I  write  on- 
ly at  my  leifure,  I  fhall  purfue  my  obfervations  with  as  much  de7 
libeiation  as  fome  clergymen  perform  their  facerdotal  functions. 
Old  fermens  are  fometimes  delivered,  and  probably  old  remarks  may 


No.  XLI.  On  tie  Carrying  Track.  l6e 

occafionally  f\irnifh  a  fpeculative  number.  Having  produced  the 
document  from  whence  my  conclulions  -will  be  drawn,  (accompa- 
nied with  the  foregoing  vcipeclable  fignatures)  I  lhall  feel  perfect- 
ly at  eai'e  while  Jd'canting  on  the  .patriotic  principles  contained  in  die 
above  Letter,  and  the  conftjlcncy  of  the  refpeclive  individuals  who 
fubferibed  to  its  authenticity. 


ON     THE    CARRYIN 

To  thofe  Genttem  /  //v  Cir* 

cular  Letter  in   17  Britifh  7 

and  who  ;;•  re  in  favour  of  the  Ur'uijlo  Treaty  :r.  1  79C. 

Gentlemen, 

W 

V\  HILL  reading  your  important  Letter,  (which  was  commu- 
nicated 10  the  citizens  in  every  commercial  town  throughout  the 
United  States)  on  the  alarming  fituation  of  the  American  trade, 
and  obferving  the  name  of  Hancock  among  the  fubferibers,  I  can- 
not but  drop  a  tear  of  condolence  for  our  country  that  this  patriot 
is  no  more.  His  fpirit  has  afcended  to  the  heavenly  regions,  and 
we  truft  receives  thofe  rewards  peculiarly  afligned  to  the  philan- 
thropift  and  patriot.  He  was  always  foremoft  in  the  caufe  of  his 
country  ;  he  ever  Mood  confpicuous  as  a  friend  to  the  rights  of 
man  ;  in  every  inftance  he  placed  himfelf  in  a  refponfible  fituation, 
when  the  welfare  of  America  demanded  it: — but  alas,  the  peo- 
ple loft  a  friend,  when  the  death  of  Hancock  was  announced.  In 
him  every  patriotic  heart  was  united,  and  he  continued  to  his  laft 
breath,  uniform  in  an  adherence  to  his  principles.  In  honour  to  his 
memory  be  it  fpoken,  he  never  advocated  a  political  meafure,  which 
his  real  friends,  during  the  revolution,  reprobated  ;  neither  was  he 
reduced  in  any  part  of  his  adminiftration,  to  look  to  the  old  enemies 
oi  his  country  for  approbation.  The  patriot  Hancock  lived  re- 
vered by  his  friends,  and  during  the  period  of  his  exiftence,  only 
the  invenomed  pen  of  a  Laco  dared  to  impeach  his  integrity. — 
The  fidelity  of  Hancock  was  rewarded  by  the  univerfal  detefta-. 
tion  of  his  defamer. 


1 66  On  the  C,  fradt.  No.  XLI. 

Your  Circular  Letter,  gentlemen,  in    1785,  is  honoured  'with 

the  name  of  our  deceafed  friend  ;  and  no  doubt,,  was  he  now  alive, 

he  would  be  active  in  vindicating  the  fentiments  to  which  he  then 

his  fignature.     His  heart  and  his  hand  ever  beat  and  moved 

:   He  was  in  no  iv.il. race  the  dupe  of  a  party,  and  never 

foolifhly  trufixd  to  the  fupport  of  men,  who  were  planning  mea- 

fures  to  fuperfede  him  in  his  official  capacity.     He  had  i'uehfaga- 

lld  have  defeated  the  dcligns  of  his  enemies,  if  under  the 

garb  of  flattery,  d  forward  a  rival  to  mar 

his  political  rep 

Thy  political  1  :oc!        ill  ever  be  revered  by  the 

republican  citizens  of  A]  I       '■  ill  live,  iUuJlrious  fpirit,  in 

the  hearts  of  thy  coi  liberty  and  the  rights  of 

thy  country  are  duly  eftimated,  thy  name  will  be  held  in  grateful 
remembrance  !  The  prescription  of  George  the  Third  is  a  "  mauso. 
hum"  to  thy  memory,  which  will  furvive  a  ponderous  monument 
qi  marble  ! 

Your  Circular  Letter  of  1785,  contains  five  principles — lit,  that 
the  carrying  trade  is  important  to  the  United  States — 2d,  that 
the  impof'tions  of  Britain  are  intolerable  and  grievous — 3d,  that  the 
balance  of  trade  with  Britain  is  greatly  againfl  us — 4th,  an  earned 
recommendation  to  Gongrefs,  to  place  the  commeicc  of  America 
upon  a  footing  of  equality  with  every  other  nation — 5th,  that  British 
F&CV0R6  arc  ruinous  to  the  commerce  of  our  own  citizens. 

Upon  thefe  feveral  particulars  I  fhall  occafiorially  addrefs  you. 
me  of  you  were  Jlrong  advocates  for  the  Britifh  treaty,  and  as 
this  indrument,  is  now  brought  forward  in  our  t^ry  papers  as  the 
tcit  of  fedrralifm,  I  now  call  upon  you  candidly  to  aniwer  the  fol- 
lowing queftions.  As  truth,  and  a  fair  ftatement  of  the  fubjecl  be- 
fore the  public,  are  my  fole  objects,  if  you  are  right,  and  I  am 
vSrong,  I  will  readily  make  an  acknowledgment  of  my  error. 

If  the  carrying  trad-  is  important  in  your  mind,  does  not  the 
Britifh  treaty  effentially  injure  it  ?  Does  it  not,  by  extending  the  con- 
traband articles,  annihilate  a  large  portion  of  this  branch  of  com- 
merce ?  Does  it  not,  by  depriving  us  of  our  freighting  hufinefs  in  the 
Eajl-Jndies  (whicli  we  enjoyed  before  the  treaty  without  any  ob- 
it,ruc"ti ■:-,')  greatly  leffen  this  profitable  part  of  our  trade  ?  Does 
not  fubjecYtirg  our  veffels  to  be  fearched  by  the  Britifh,  and  being 
liable  to  be  fent  into  their  ports  upon  bare  ffpicion,  embarrafs  us  in 


No.  XLI.  On  the  Cmvymx  &*&  ^1 

almoft  all  our  foreign  mercantile  connexions  ?    Docs  not  adrt, 
prov'tfiens  to  become  a  contraband   article  cffentially  deftroy  that 
valuable  part  of  our  exports,  and  expofe  the  produce  of  America 
:o  the  rapacity  of  Britilh  cruifcrs  ? 

In  ihbvt,  Gentlemen,  if  you  are  now  in  favour  of  the  Britifh 
treaty,  you  cannot  hold  the  fame /entiments  you  did  in  1785.  To 
be  confident  with  your  Circular  letter,  you  cannot  now  fay,  that 
the  carrying  trade  is  of  the  utmoft  importance  to  this  country  ; 
if  you  are  in  favour  of  the  treaty,  you  mull  be  obliged  to  change 
your  language,  and  fay,  that  the  carrying  trade,  inftead  of  being 
of  the  "  utmoft  importance,"  is  but  of  little  confequence  to  our 
commerce.  If  Britilh  impositions  were  then  thought  grievous, 
furely  the  wanton  captures  and  arbitrary  deciilons  on  our  veflels 
fince  the  treaty,  muft  convince  you,  that  Britain  lias  not  relaxed 
in  her  feverities,  fince  the  adoption  of  it. — What  boon  have  you 
obtained,  gentlemen,  by  the  treaty  ?  Some  of  you  came  forward 
in  the  Old- South,  as  the  champions  of  our  national  honour  ;  the  af- 
tonifhed  multitude  clapped  with  the  utmoft  vehemence  your  enthufi- 
aftic  fpeeches  ;  ihefa/e/Iites,  within  your  influence,  fancied  they  had 
got  their  depredation  money  in  their  pockets  the  moment  the  Mod' 
eralor  declared  the  vote  in  favour  of  the  treaty  appropriations. 
The  individuals  who  had  the  refoiution  to  oppofe  the  meafurc,  were 
derided  by  thofe  whofe  folly  led  them  to  fancy  that  Pitt  had  all 
the  money  counted  out  in  the  exchequer,  as  foon  as  Mr.  Gore 
fhould  appear  in  England  to  receive  it.  They  fancied  that  our 
orators  would  terrify  the  whole  Britilh  government,  and  their  pretty 
fpeeches  would  either  footh  or  intimidate  the  nation  to  cancel  our 
claims. 

To  return,  gentlemen,  if  you  approve  of  die  Britilh  treaty,  you 
muft  difapprove  of  your  former  conduct  ;  for  the  inftrument  agreed 
to  by  Mr.  Jay  deftroys  every  principle  on  which  you  predicated 
your  Circular  Letter  in  1785.  At  that  time, you  were  alarmed  at 
the  arrival  of  a  few  Britifh  faclors  and  a^-.nfs  ;  you  reprefented 
them  as  "  deftruftive  and  ruinous  to  the  American  commerce,"  as 
having  a  "  tendency  to  monopolize  our  whole  trade."  But  the 
treaty  admits  fuch  perfons  to  greater  privileges  than  at  the  period 
you  were  oppofed  to  them — and  yet,  furprifing  as  it  may  feem,  you 
became  boifterous  againft  them  at  that  time,  and  now  with  die 
moft  fubmifiive  complacency  accede  to  their  admiftlon. 


l6S  On  the   Carrying  Trade.  No.  Xl.f. 

This  reverfe  of  conduct  requires  fome  explanation.  I  would 
aik  you,  gentlemen,  why  the  Carrying  Trade  was  not  in  the  year 
1795,  (when  the  treaty  was  adopted)  equally  important  as  in 
1785,  when  you  wrote  your  Circular  Letter?  Did  not  fome  of 
you  flatter  the  tradefmen,  that  upon  the  ratification  of  the  treaty 
die  Carrying  Trade  would  be  extended  ?  But  fince  the  treaty  has 
been  ratified,  has  not  this  important  branch  of  eommeree  become 
fubject  to  innumerable  reftriclions  ?  If  the  decifions  in  Britilh 
Courts  of  Admiralty  are  the  fuprcme  law  of  the  land,  will  not  the 
navigation  of  the  United  States  in  a  few  years  fall  a  facrifice  to 
Britilh  policy  ?  Will  not  our  harbours  and  wharves,  inftead  of 
being  filled  with  American  Ihips  freighted  on  our  own  accounts, 
be  thronged  with  Britilh  manufactures,  configned  to  Englifli  agents 
and  Scotch  factors,  refiding  in  our  feaports  for  this  purpoie  ? 

The  next  article,  gentlemen,  in  your  Letter  is,  that  the  Britijlj 
trade  is  againji  us.  If  this  was  the  cafe  in  1785,  why  not  in  1801  : 
If  it  was  againfl  us  at  that  period,  is  it  not  more  againfl.  us  fince 
we  have  fubmitted  to  the  ti-eaty  ?  As  by  it,  we  allow  greater 
privileges  to  the  Britilh  than  we  did  before — we  rather  entourage 
Britilh  fubjects  to  carry  on  this  pernicious  trade — we  give  them  a 
right  to  pui chafe  Aores,  wharves,  warehoules,  &c.  without  limita- 
tion of  time,  and  to  purfue  their  bafmefs  to  the  injury  of  every 
young  American. 

Some  of  you,  gentlemen,  may  pofllbly  think,  that  you  are 
now  beyond  the  deflxuetive  influence  of  thefe  Biitilh  refidents  and 
itinerants,  by  placing  your  property  in  the  banks  or  funds.  But 
reflect,  firs,  how  many  young  men,  now  comfortably  fituated  in  bu- 
finefs,  and  whofe  wives  and  children  depend  on  their  indultry,  mult 
feel  the  effects  of  a  treaty,  which  gives  refidencc  to  a  body  of 
aliens,  to  profecute  bufinefs  in  every  part  of  the  United  States  to 
the  injury  of  our  own  citizens.  In  a  few  years  this  will  be  expe- 
rienced, and  the  young  men  will  have  reafon  to  1  ue  the  day  that 
they  atlended  to  the  artful  defigns  of  men,  who  have  placed  the 
principal  part  of  their  property  in  the  banks  and  funds,  or  turn- 
ed their  bufinefs  into  ether  channels.  On  thefe  things  let  our 
young  men  think,  and  reflect. 


No.  XLII.  Non-Intercourse  ivith  France.  1 69 


No.  XLII. 

NON-INTERCOURSE    WITH    FRANCE. 

X  HE  Circular-Letter  from  the  merchants  in  the  town  of  Bofton, 
fubfcribed  by  fome  of  thofe  who  now  emphatically  ftyle  them- 
felves  federalifis,  conveys  in  the  ftrongefl  terms  their  difapprobation 
of  the  Britiih  government,  in  violating  the  commercial  privileges 
of  the  United  States.  The  fcntiments  inculcated  at  that  period 
by  thofe  high-toned  fcderaliits,  are  now  denounced  as  jacobinifm. 
I  would  not  hurt  the  feelings  of  the  gentlemen  by  mentioning 
them  individually,  as  any  man  by  reading  over  the  names  of  the 
Committee,  can  eafily  defignate  the  friends  to  the  treaty. 

If  the  merchants,  tradefmen,  and  others,  in  the  town  of  Bof- 
ton,  were  justifiable  in  their  proceedings,  at  the  time  they  for- 
warded their  Circular-Letter,  we  muft  Certainly  conclude,  that  the 
advocates  for  the  Britiih  treaty  were  blameuble  in  every  particular 
— for  this  inftrrment  baffled  every  principle  contemplated  by  that 
meafure.  We  gave  up,  by  its  adoption,  every  right,  as  it  refpect- 
cd  our  neutrality,  and  fubmitted  to  the  moft  humiliating  degrada- 
tion. Our  Carrying  Trade  we  laid  proftrate,  at  the  feet  of  Britain, 
and  as  to  Br'ihjli  faclors,  we  have,  in  the  mo/l  humble  attitude, 
courted  them  to  our  embraces.  We  have  placed  our  own  cit- 
izens at  the  footftool  of  aliens,  and  fuffeved  our  young  men  to 
become  dependant  on  their  clemency. 

To  cftimate  our  European  connexions,  let  us  attend  to  the 
following  ftatement,  as  fubmitted  to  Congrefs,  in  1794  : 

Our  trade  with  Spain  was  1,670,797  in  our  favour. 

Portugal  1,687,696  do. 

Netherlands  791,182  do. 

Sweden  932»^35  do. 

France  2,630,387  do. 

Denmark  126,000    againff.  us. 

G.  Britain  5,923,912     againft  us. 

Thcfe  documents  are  authentic,  and  yet  fuch  has  been  our 
infatuation,  that  every  meafure  has  been  taken  to  a  (lift  the  nation 

X 


170  Non-Intercourse  with  F,  Nb.  XL  1 1. 

whofe  trade  was  ngainfi  us,  and  injure  thofe  whofe  trade  was  in  our 
favour. 

When  we  talked  of  a  non-intercourfe  with  England,  the  par- 
tf/ans  of  Britain  exclaimed  that  it  would  lead  to  a  war  ;  but  when 
a  proportion  was  made  to  annihilate  our  trade  with  France,  thefe 
fame  men  acceded  to  the  meafurc  with  the  moft  fervent  compla- 
cency— that  is,  they  were  anxious  to  continue  in  connexion  with 
a  nation,  the  balance  of  whole  trade  was  upwards  of  Jive  millions 
agaiujl  us,  and  break  off  every  intercouric  with  thofe,  whofe 
balance  was  upwards  of  two  millions  in  our  favour.  They  were 
willing  further  to  hazard  in  the  controverfy,  Spain,  the  Nether- 
lands, Sweden,  &c.  (whofe  balance  alfo  were  in  our  favour)  in 
order  to  form  an  alliance  offenfive  and  defenfire  with  Britain. 
What  a  degree  of  infatuation  mult  have  pofTefled  the  minds  of 
thofe  projectors  !  .r 

The  non-intercourfe  with  France  was  fuch  2  favourite  object, 
(notwithstanding  our  trade  with  her  was  fo  advantageous)  that 
the  young  men  were  called  upon  to  celebrate  the  period  of  its 
adoption — -prayers  were  offered  to  heaven  for  its  continuance — 
the  prieft  paraded  our  flreets  arrayed  in  his  canonicals — the 
meeting-houfc  'u  as  thronged* — the  young  men  were  fummoned  to 
attend  the  folemn  mockery  of  the  Supreme  Being — a  poetic 
orator  was  feletfed  to  celebrate  the  bleffings  of  a  controverfy  with 
a  nation,  whofe  balance  of  trade  was  nearly  three  millions  in  our 
favour. — Myfterious !  unexampled  !  !  incomprehenfible  !  !  ! 

This  was  the  day  of  political  madnefs.  A  few  deceived  old 
men  countenanced  a  train  of.  mifguided  youths,  to  celebrate  the  moft 
impolitic  meafure  that  ever  took  place  in  our  country. 

Young  men  are  not  always  to  blame  for  imprudences,  as  ex- 
perience will  naturally  mature  their  judgment.  Time  will  ripen 
their  decifions.  Thofe  whom  they  have  heretofore  confidered  as 
their  enemies,  will  ere  long  be  known  as  their  friends  ;  thofe  whom 
they  have  reprobated  as  inimical  to  their  intereft,  will  foon  bt 
conf  dered  by  them  as  the  moft  attached  to  its  promotion. 

Mr.  Jefferfon,  Mr.  Madifon,  Gen.  Dearborne,  Judge  Lincoln,  &c. 
are  the  uniform  fupporters  of  the  real  liberties  of  this  country,  as 
they  relate  to  commerce,  agriculture,  and  manufactures. — The  abufe 
thrown  on  them,  is  the  laft  defperate  effort  of  a  junto,  which 
now  ficken  at  the  profpecl:  of  our  real  national  independence, 


No.  XLIII.  To  the  Toutig  Men.  j;i 

While  fuch  people  confidcred  America  as  tending  to  a  war  with 
France,  and  an  alliance  with  Britain,  the  higheft  encomiums  were 
pa/Ted  upon  our  government  ;  but  now  they  find  their  projects 
are  fruftrated,  they  are  endeavouring  to 'deftroy  our  confidence 
in  the  administration  ;  but,  we  trull  in  God,  their  mifchievous 
defigns  will  be  baffled,  and  the  United  States  rife  fuperior  to  their 
machinations. 


No.   XLIII. 

TO    THE    YOUNG    MEN. 

JL  HE  good  fenfe  which  fo  peculiarly  characterizes  the  young  re- 
publican citizens  of  the  United  States  is  a  happy  omen  that  reafon,  in- 
ftead  of  deception,  will  eventually  terminate  their  decifions.  The 
author  of  thefe  Numbers  would  not  wifh  to  impofe  on  their  creduli- 
ty, but  is  defirous  rather  to  appeal  to  their  judgment.  The  young 
men  are  materially  interefted  in  the  great  political  quellons 
which  arreft  the  attention  of  the  refpeclive  individuals  within  the 
United  States.  Their  future  profperity  depends  on  the  rectitude 
of  their  determinations,  for' while  the  aged  patriots  are  daily  con- 
llgned  to  the  tombs  of  their  predecefTors,  the  ri/ing  generation  are  to 
experience  the  bleffings  or  misfortunes  attendant  on  their  public 
conduct.  The  young  American  is  deeply  involved  in  the  confequen- 
ces  rcfulting  from  right  or  wrong  meaiures.  The  direction  will  ei- 
ther advance  his  happinefs  or  involve  him  in  difficulties.  Being 
thus  interefted  in  our  political  decifions,  it  is  a  duty  incumbent  on 
them  to  read  and  judge  for  themielves. 

The  revolutionary  events  in  Europe  are  more  connected  with 
their  future  welfare  than  is  generally  imagined.  It  is  a  revolu- 
tion, on  the  iffue  of  which  are  fufpended  the  political  and  commer- 
cial rights  of  foeiety.  Although  it  thus  involves  the  fate  of  ages, 
yet  the  enemies  to  the  real  liberties  of  the  people  endeavour  to  in- 
culcate an  indifference  in  the  minds  of  young  men,  on  the  prefent 
fubject  of  politics.  This  apathy  is  often  excited  by  men,  who,  from 
peculiar  good  fortune  in  their  fpeculations,  are  quarterly  fucklcd 
with  maternal  indulgence,  from  the  breafts  of  the  funds.  While 
enjoying  the  copious  bounties  of  theie  pecuniary  eftablifhments, 


172  To  the  Young  Men.  No.  XLIII. 

they  vehemently  exclaim  againft  every  inveftigation  of  tliofe  mea- 
fures  which  railed  them  to  their  pre-eminent  fituation.  Such  men 
are  defirous  to  diflipate  the  public  mind,  and  artfully  attempt  t» 
make  it  difreputable  for  a  young  wan  to  concern  himfelf  with  the  af- 
fairs of  government.  They  would  confine  his  reflections  within 
the  narrow  compafs  of  the  counter,  and  endeavour  to  perfuade  him 
that  if  he  is  capable  of  felling  a  yard  of  Englijh  broadcloth,  or  aflratu 
hat,  and  make  a  regular  ftatement  to  the  Cuftom-houfe  of  the  duties 
arifing  on  them,  his  qualifications  are  fufficicntly  adequate  to  his 
employment  in  life.  Thus  thefe  people  are  zealoufly  difpofed  to 
ftifle  the  manly  energies  of  youth,  and  render  them  fubfervient  to 
the  ftratagems  of  thofe  who  fludy  to  impofe  on  them. 

By  this  falfe  mode  of  reafoning,  an  afcendancy  iz  acquired  over 
the  well-informed  young  men  in  the  commercial,  agricultural  and 
manufacturing  occupations.  A  partial,  monied  intereft  is  confid- 
ered  as  the  only  proper  director,  both  in  church  and  ffate,  and 
oftentimes  the  flippancy  of  fome  within  the  bar  bears  down  all  the 
natural  good  fenfe  of  the  other  profeflions.  A  preponderancy  of 
influence  is  gained  in  the  community  by  thefe  factitious  means, 
while  the  prominent  features  of  our  government  are  obliterated,  by 
the  modejl  diffidence  of  thofe  who  follow  the  beneficial  employments 
of  commerce,  agriculture  and  manufactures. 

Every  private  citizen  is  the  gnardian  of  his  own  and  his  coun- 
try's honour — it  is  therefore  a  degrading  idea,  to  imagine  that  the 
glory,  profperity  and  freedom  of  America,  depend  on  the  boafted 
wifdom,  patriotifm,  fuperior  abilities  or  integrity  of  any  one  clafs  of 
citizens.  The  people,  in  their  individual  capacity,  are  the  pledged 
truftees  of  the  facred  treafures  of  the  Confutation.  They  are  the 
threfhold  through  which  the  focial  compact  was  ufhered  into  the 
fanhedrim  of  the  nation  ;  the  firft  paragraph  announces  this  author- 
ity, by  the  powerful  declaration  of  "  We  the  people."  The  peo- 
ple are  the  ark  in  which  the  rights  of  fociety  are  deposited,  and, 
whoever  violates  their  prerogatiA'e,  mull  expect  to  meet  the  fate  of 
him  who  facrilegioufly  trefpafled  on  the  holy  building,  while  mov- 
ing under  the  immediate  aufpices  of  the  Supreme  Being.  Vox 
Populi,  Vox  Dei,  more  immediately  applies  to  the  American  re- 
public. 

Thefe  are  the  fentiments  which  eught  to  invigorate  every  clafs 
sf  American  youth,  as  their  education  untitles  them  to  a  full  pre- 


No.  XLIIi.  To  the  Young  Men.  173 

ponderancy  in  our  political  concerns.  They  fhould  rife  fuperior 
to  the  mere  infpeclor  of  an  account  current)  and  fhould  ftudy  the 
principles  of  the  Conftitution,  as  well  as  thofe  political  and  com- 
meicial  rights  contemplated  .on  its  adoption.  Thus  informed,  they 
would  be  enabled  to  /peak  avid  act  on  fubjects  relating  to  its  eftab- 
lifhmcnt.  Not  that  the  Young  Men  fhould  negled  their  private  con- 
cerns,  and  bccc<<-  nis  politicians,  but  there  is  a  dignity  attach- 

ed to  every  man's  Ration  in  fociety,  which  lhould  render  him  com- 
petent to  judge  on  the  utility  ot  public  meafures.  It  is  degrading 
to  an  American  to  take  every  thing  on  truft,  and  even  the  young 
farmer  and  tradefman  lhould  fcorn  to  furrender  their  right  of 
judging  either  to  lawyers  or  prlefls  ;  theie  profeffions  ought  to  be 
duly  estimated,  but  no  man  lhould  fo  humble  himfelf  as  to  depend 
altogether  on  their  infallibility. 

If  the  federal  conftitution  was  avowedly  adopted  to  enlarge  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States,  the  queftion  is,  whether  the  fur- 
render  made  to  the  Englifh  by  the  treaty,  was  calculated  for  this 
purpofe  ?  To  determine  this  point,  I  ilia.ll  compare  the  fentiments 
of  our  delegates  in  Convention  and  the  principles  promulgated  by 
the  merchants  in  their  Circular-Letter,  with  certain  articles  of  the 
Britifh  treaty.  How  far  they  are  analogous  will  then  appear  ; 
and  whether  the  furrender  of  our  commercial  rights,  in  this  inilru- 
ment,  will  not  ultimately  have  the  moft  baneful  operation  on  every 
American  citizen.  The  principal  object  will  be,  to  prove  the  inccn- 
fijltncy  of  men,  in  advocating  a  treaty  which  counteracted  every 
principle  they  formerly  efpoufed. 

While  confidering  this  fubjecl,  I  (hall  not  aim  at  roufmg  your 
paffions,  but  ihall  attempt  to  convince  your  judgment.  If  the 
pernicious  tendency  of  admitting  Englifh  fubjects  to  an  equal  par- 
ticipation of  our  trade  Avas  deprecated  by  the  gentlemen  who  for- 
warded the  circular-letter,  let  me  conjure  you,  my  young  friends, 
to  reflect  whether  the  confequenccs  are  not  now-  equally  fatal  ?  If 
a  hawking  Briton,  cr  Scotchman,  can,  by  a  parfhnonious  fyftem  of 
living,  underfell  you  in  your  importations,  how  can  you  expect  to 
acquire  a  competency  for  the  maintenance  of  your  wives  and  chil- 
dren, in  your  commercial  connexion  with  Britain  ?  The  late  trca- 
•  ty  between  Ruffia  and  Sweden  is  a  document  vaftly  apropos  to 
tnis  fubjee;  :  it  exprefsly  ftipulates,  that  "  travelling  merchants  and 
lets  of  both  nations  ihall  not  be  fuftered,  but  confidered  as 


1 


I  -Af  To  the  Young  Men.  No.  XLIV. 

Smugglers."  If  this  article  was  neceifary  between  Ruflia  and  Swe- 
den, how  much  more  fo  between  Britain  and  America  ? 

To  illuflrate  this  queilion,  I  fhall  appropriate  a  few  Numbers 
to  confider  die  fubjeft.  If"  the  Young  Men  finally  fay,  that  my 
pica  is  erroneous,  I  mull  acquiefce  in  their  decifion.  I  have  no 
other  object  than  their  intereft  ;  for  whether  Humphrey  Clinker  as  a 
Scotchman,  or  John  Bull  as  an  Englifhman,  enjoy  equal  benefits 
with  American  citizens,  in  vending  Britifh  manufactures,  cannoj 
elfentially  affecT:  me.  The  only  queilion  is,  whether  the  friends  to 
the  treaty,  or  the  oppofers  of  it,  acted  mod  confident  with  the 
commercial  interejl  of  the  country  ? 

The  moil  illiberal  reflections  have  been  thrown  on  die  individ- 
uals, who  dared  to  come  forward  in  oppofition  to  its  adoption  ; 
let  then  the  young  citizens  (who  are  deeply  interested  in  its  opera- 
tion) judge  between  die  friends  and  enemies  of  this  derogatory 
inftrument. 

I  am  aware  of  the  artful  plea  made  by  fome  of  the  Anglo- 
fgderalifts,  that,  as  the  treaty  is  made,  it  is  needlefs  to  remark  on 
its  inutility.  This,  however,  is  but  a  poor  confolation.  It  is  pro- 
per that  we  fhould  know  the  folly  of  our  conduct,  even  if  we  can- 
not immediately  remedy  the  evil.  It  ferves  at  leail  to  bring  to 
remembrance  the  ftrolling  Street-Committee,  with  their  pen,  ink, 
and  paper,  threatening  every  one  widi  vengeance  who  would  not 
fubmit  to  their  demands.  It  will  ferve  to  make  the  Young  Men 
cautious  how  they  trull  to  thofe  who  have  thus  far  deceived  them. 


No.   XLIV. 

TO    THE  YOUNG   MEN. 

jDY  the  mofl  unaccountable  fatality,  thofe,  who  aiTumed  the 
name  of  federalifls,  acquired  an  influence  over  the  minds  of  the 
young  American  citizens.  A  fyflem  of  terror  was  fo  generally 
edabliflied,  ihdt  fear  operated  too  powerfully  for  reflraint.  Po- 
litical queftions  were  not  confidered  upon  the  ground  of  difquifi- 
tion,  but  the  adoption  of  particular  tenets  was  enforced  with  a 
fpecies  of  inquifitorial  intolerance.  If  a  young  man  dared  to 
exercifc  his  judgment,  or  to  liefitate  in  fubferibing  to  the  infalli- 


No.  XLIV.  To  the  Young  Men.  175 

bility  of  certain  dogmas,  he  was  denounced  under  all  that  feverity 
attached  to  the  character  of  a  diforganizer  and  jacobin.  He  was 
purfued  in  every  direction  with  a  malignity  of  temper,  which 
threatened  his  ruin  in  bufinefs  and  perfonal  reputation.  An  im- 
placability of  difpofition  was  encouraged  between  citizens,  and 
even  the  focial  intercourfe  was  diffolved  wherever  a  difference  in 
political  fentiments  prevailed. 

In  this  ftate  of  controvcrfy,  we  cannot  be  furprized  that  the 
young  men  were  borne  down  by  the  deluge  of  their  opponents.  To 
flem  the  torrent,  required  not  only  an  energy  of  mind,  but  firmnefs 
of  nerve.  Perioral  fafety  in  fome  inftances  was  connected  with 
political  belief,  as  the  bully  would  oftentimes  become  the  oracle 
of  public  opinion  ;  the  brawny  arm  of  a  defperado  would  threaten 
to  level  an  antagomft,  when  the  voice  of  rcafon  would  make  but 
little  impreflion. 

But,  thank  heaven,  the  clouds  of  delufion  are  diflipating  :  the 
period  has  arrived  when  each  clafs  of  men  can  exercife  their  rca- 
fon, and  be  guided  by  their  unbiafTed  judgment.  We  can  now 
fpeak  unawed  by  the  threats  of  a  junto,  who  have  too  long  claim- 
ed a  prerogative  to  control  both  public  and  private  opinion  ;  we 
are  reftored  to  our  ancient  privileges,  and  each  citizen  ftands  in 
that  dignified  attitude  peculiarly  adapted  to  his  fituation  in  a 
republican  government.  We  are  now  "  all  republicans,"  we  are 
now  "  all  federal  ills,"  as  the  fyfiem  in  which  we  move  gives  every 
man  an  equal  right  in  fociety  ;  there  are  no  exclufrve  republicans  or 
federalifls,  as  it  refpects  the  privilege  of  judging  :  nor  any  partial 
law  to  arraign  one  fet  of  opinions  before  the  tribunal  of  vindictive 
judges. — There  remains  however  a  fmall  convulfion  (excited  by 
the  infuriated  paflions  of  fome  difappointed  men)  ;  but,  as  it  relates 
to  the  community  at  large,  the  hurricane  has  fubfided,  though 
from  its  tail  a  few  gufts  occafionally  explode. 

I  have,  in  a  previous  Number,  reminded  you,  my  young  friend's, 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  merchants  of  Bofton,  on  the  arrival  of  a 
few  Britifh  factors,  in  the  year  1785.  At  their  meeting,  they  fol- 
cmnly  declared,  that  "  the  rcfidence  of  fucli  factors  threatened  an 
intirc  monopoly  of  all  Britifh  importations  in  the  hands  of  fuch 
agents,  and  would  eventually  deprive  the  indujlrious  American  trader 
of  every  benefit  of  our  commerce."  If,  at  this  period,  the  intro- 
duction of  Britifh  factors  was  fo  deflructire  to  the  commerce  of 


it6  To  the  Young  ALm  No.  XLIV. 

this  country,  what  may  be  your  apprehenfions  under  die  Britilb 
treaty  i  [f  it  was  then  confidered  "  ruinous  to  the  American 
trade1'  that  fuch  factors  fliould  refide  among  us,  what  mull  be  the 
ace  when  they  have  a  right  by  treaty  not  only  to  refide, 
bu:  "  to  purchafe  ftores,  houfes,  and  lhops"  ;  to  "  remain  without 
•Ion  of  time"  ;  to  continue  among  us  fhould  we  even  be 
"  in  open  rupture  with  England"  ;  and,  to  complete  the  whole, 
provided  their  conduct  fhould  be  fuch  as  to  render  them  "  fufpechd 
as  being  enemies  to  the  country,"  have  a  right  by  treaty  to  remain 
"  twelve  months"  before  they  can  be  removed,  and,  during  this  pe- 
riod of  their  enmity,  are  to  enjoy  every  commercial  privilege  and 
advantage,  equally  with  oar  own  citizens  ?  As  a  proof  of  this, 
examine  the  14th  and  26th  articles  of  die  Britifh  treaty. 

If  thefe  are  facts,  let  us  paufe  for  a  moment,  and  reflect  on 
the  ftrange  conduit  of  men,  who  deprecated  the  temporary  reii- 
dence  of  fuch  factors  in  17S5,  and,  at  the  time  of  the  treaty  in 
1795,  were  difpofed  to  give  thefe  fame  perfons  fuch  an  uncon- 
troled  monopoly  of  our  commerce  !  Ten  years,  it  is  fufpedted, 
have  as  effectually  changed  their  fentiments  as  they  lefpefl  their 
private  interejt,  as  their  prefent  fituation  has  altered  the  objecls  by 
which  it  is  promoted.  They  were  then  attentive  to  commerce,  they 
are  now  defirous  of  revenue  ;  they  were  then  living  on  trade,  they 
are  noiv  living  on  banks  and  funds.  It  makes  no  odds  to  them, 
whether  a  ftrolling  Scotchman  or  Englifhman  fupports  them,  or 
an  induftrious  young  citizen  of  Bofton.  They  care  not,  whether 
a  fellow-citizen  is  the  importer,  (who  has  paid  hundreds  in  taxes  to- 
wards, the  maintenance  of  die  town,)  or  an  alien,  who  never  paid 
a  farthing.  Whether  the  young  American  is  the  f weeper,  or  a 
Briton  the  mq/ler  of  a  (lore,  is  but  of  little  confeoiuence  to  them  ; — 
give   them  their  quarterly  payments,  and  they  are  perfectly  fatisfied. 

The  foregoing  obfervations  are  the  true  ftate  of  this  bufmefs, 
and  though  they  may  at  prefent  be  unnoticed,  depend  on  it  a  few 
years  will  evidence  the  fact.  Our  young  men  will  feel  the  effects  of 
their  duplicity,  and  thofe  who  have  injured  them  will  hereafter 
"  mock  at  their  calamity,  and  laugh  when  their  fear  cometh." 

This  cataftrophe  will  lenfibly  touch  the  tender  feelings  of  the  Ame- 
rican ladies,  when  they  find  temporary  refidents  undermining  the  oc- 
cupations of  their  hufbands,  and  obliging  them  to  retract  their  ex- 
penfes  within  the  narrow  compafs  of  a  factor  ;  when  they  find  fuch 


No.  XLIV.  To  the  Toting  Men.  1 77 

venders  hiring  a  (lore,  prcvioufly  occupied  by  an  American,  and 
living  in  the  garret  in  the  moft  penurious  manner,  while  retailing 
thofe  commodities,  on  the  fale  of  which  many  of  our  own  citizens 
depend  for  a  maintenance.  Such  perfons  are  an  injury  even  to  the 
purchasers  ; — for  though  they  may  for  the  prefent  fell  cheaper 
than  our  own  merchants,  yet  after  they  have  monopolized  the 
whole  bufmefs  by  impoverifhing  others,  and  difcouraged  them 
from  importing  Britiih  manufactures,  will  finally  take  advantage 
of  their  exclnfive  trade,  by  an  advance  of  10  or  20  per  cent. 

Viewing  this  bufmefs  even  as  it  refpecis  the  revenue,  it  is  greatly 
againit  the  government  of  the  United  States.  A  man  who  is  a 
ilranger,  may  not  be  governed  by  thofe  cautionary  principles  in  his 
entries  at  the  cuilom-houfe,  as  generally  influence  our  own  citi- 
zens ;  a  "  point  of  honour"  as  it  refpefts  their  private  reputation, 
will  naturally  lead  the  latter  to  a  juft  eftimate  of  their  invoice  ; 
but  the  former,  knowing  that  his  refidence  is  but  temporary*  cal- 
culates more  upon  die  benefit  he  may  obtain  by  defrauding  the 
revenue,  than  the  character  he  may  fuftain  in  confequence  of 
paying  the  duties. 

The  foregoing  obfervations  are  plain  truths,  though  the  manner 
of  exprcfling  them  may  be  confidered  as  uncourtly.  If  property 
is  eflential  to  refpeclability,  certain  it  is,  that  a  fubjecr  which  con- 
templates the  tendency  of  Britiih  faftors  in  America,  is  worthy 
the  attention  of  thofe  who  are  immediately  involved  in  its  confe- 
quences. 

As  the  Britifh  advocates  in  America  exult  at  the  pretended 
advantages  gained  by  England  over  Ruflia  (as  an  apology  for  our 
treaty)  I  (hall,  in  my  next  Number,  compare  the  treaty  between 
thofe  two  nations,  with  that  between  America  and  Britain.  The 
comparifon  will  (hew  the  fallacy  of  federal  reafuning,  both  as  it 
refpecls  America  and  Ruflia  ;  for  the  fadt  is,  Ruflia  has  obtained 
every  advantage  over  England  in  the  late  controverfy  ;  while 
the  United  States  have  facrificed  every  neutral  privilege  by  that 
injudicious  deed  emphatically  called  the  Britiih  treaty. 


17s  Britain.  No.  XLV. 

No.  XLV. 

THE    OMNIPOTENCE    OJ  Utf. 

t 

L  HE  omnipotence  of  the  Britiih  nation  has  been  i'o  long  a 
fuhject  of  exultation,  and  from  political  motives  fo  generally  ad- 
mitted, that  an  attempt  to  place  America  in  an  attitude  of  oppo- 
sition to  her  marine  mandates,  is  confidered  by  feme,  as  the  height 
©f  arrogance*  if  not  of  madnefs.  But  no  country  has  been  more 
overrated  in  its  real  commercial  ftrength,  provided  other  nations 
would  exerciie  thofe  natural  advantages  which  they  polTcfs.  The 
United  States,  by  exaggerating  the  poorer  of  Britain,  and  leffienmg 
their  ozun  energies,  have  originated  the  errors  they  have  committed, 
and  fubftantiatcd  the  benefits;  obtained  by  England  in  our  commer- 
cial negociations.  The  fears-,  excited  by  the  friends  of  the  Britifh 
treaty,  that  war  would-be  the  confequence  of  refuftng  I',  were  derog- 
atory to  our  national  character,  as  it  exhibited  a  pufillanimity  on 
our  part,  which  ftimulated  Britain  to  further  excefles.  The  de- 
claration of  our  apprehenfions  of  her  refentment,  and  the  dread 
we  difplayed  at  her  prowefs,  led  the  government  to  purfue  a  fyftem 
of  depredation,  unawed  by  any  mcafures  of  retaliation  from  the 
American  adminiftration.  Our  language  on  that  occalion  was 
that  of  timidity  ;  we  became  fupplicants  to  their  clemency  ;  we 
openly  crouched  to  the  treaty,  though  we  fecrctly  detefted  its  prin- 
ciples ;  and  thus  governed  by  fear,  we  unfortunately  furrendcied 
every  neutral  right  to  the  uncontroled  management  of  an  expen- 
five  EnglHh  judiciary,. 

So  far  from  confidering  Britain  as  omnipotent  either  in  her 
marine,  commercial,  or  manufacturing  flation,  I  believe  there  is  no 
power  in  Europe  more  completely  dependant,  as  they  relate  to 
thefe  particulars.  Ifer  marine  depends  greatly  on  Ruflia,  and  her 
commercial  and  manufacturing  intcrefts  are  principally  fupported  by 
her  connexion  with  America.  The  iinmenfc  cmantity  of  manu- 
factures yearly  imported  into  the  United  States,  together  with  the 
export  of  our  ftaple  articles  to  the  Weft-Indies,  and  within  her 
own  dominions,  give  fuch  a  balance  of  trade,  in  the  various  direc- 
tions of  her  commerce,  as  would  (if  for  a  fhort  time  flopped) 
ftrike  a  fatal  blow  to  the  revenue  and  mercantile  truafactions  of 


No.  XLV.  The  Omnipotence  cf  Br':!  l?(j 

that  country.  The  benefits,  arifing  from  our  commerce  with 
England,   are   allowed  the   authors  who  liave  written  on 

the  fubjeclt,  and  the  dread  exeked  duiin.g  the  fhort  period  ct  our 
embargo,  proves  die  propriety  of  its  estimation  in  the  American 
fcale.  Our  ea  bargo  threw  the  whole  exchange  of  London  into 
confternation. 

This  principle  was  ftnoaglf  urged  in  the  State  Conventions  oil 
the  question  of  the  conllitution  ;  it  was  ever  confidered  the  palladium 
of  our  national  importance.  Mr.  John  Adams,  (the  late  Preft- 
dent)  when  in  England,  alferted,  in  my  hearing,  that  the  com- 
merce of  America  was  the  moft  powerful  weapon  to  attack 
Britain  :  and  further  declared,  that  if  the  United  States  would 
r/ni/e  in  a  navigation  act,  that  we  could  force  the  miniftry  to  our 
<Wm  terms.  Thefe  are  fentiments  which  that  gentleman  vindi- 
cated when  refiding  at  the  Court  of  St.  James  ;  he  regretted 
that  no  Commercial  Syiiern  was  adopted  by  the  American  States, 
and  often  (poke  with  a  degree  of  enthufiaJHc  confidence  on  the  power 
of  this  country  to  control  the  infolence  of  Britain. 

England,  inftead  of  being  omnipotent,  is  in  the  power  of  Ruffia 
and  America,  who  could  (in  alliar.ee)  enforce  their  demands,  upon 
the  moft  extenuve  principles.  Thefe  two  countries  are  the  locks 
which  invigorate  the  ftrength  of  this  vindictive  Sampfon  ;  a  vig- 
orous determination  to  maintain  their  neutral  rights,  wouli 
operate  too  powerfully  on  the  funds,  the  manufafturers.,  and  the 
people  at  large,  to  be  treated  with  levity.  It  would  prefs  with  a 
ponderancy  which  conld  not  eafdy  be  fhaken  off,  and  the  various 
interests  of  the  Britifh  nation  would  experience  fuch  a  convulfion, 
as  to  alarm  the  miniftry  for  the  political  and  commercial  exiftence 
of  the  government. 

The  treaty,  lately  concluded  between  England  and  Ruffia, 
fufficiently  evinces  the  appreheniions  of  England  on  the  Northern 
Confederacy.  Ruffia  being  the  principal  nation  dreaded  by 
Britain,  the  terms  concluded  on  are  highly  favourable  to  the 
neutral  pofition  of  that  country.  It  is  founded  on  liberal  prin- 
ciples, and  brings  the  bufmefs  refpefting  the  navigation  of  their 
refpeclive  fubjecls  to  a  precife  explanation  ;  it  determines  without 
any  equivocation,  the  fpecilic  articles  of  contraband  ;  it  declares  in 
the  moft  exprefs  manner,  what  characterizes  a  blockaded  port  ;  that 
their  veflels  fliall  not  be  ftopped  but  upon  jufl:  caufe,  and  evident 


I  So  The  Omnipotence  of  Britain.  No.  XLV. 

faff  ;  that  the  right  of  fcarch  fhall  be  confined  folely  bojbips  rf  war, 
and  fhall  never  extend  to  privateers,  or  any  other  vefTcls,  tliough 
armed  for  the  purpofe  of  war.  Every  precaution  is  taken  to  pre- 
vent any  ill  confequences  by  the  meeting  of  their  rcipe&ive  fhips 
of  war  ;  they  fhall  keep  out  of  the  reach  of  cannon  (hot,  and  the 
commander  of  the  belligerent  veffel  fhall  fend  a  boat  on  board  the 
convoying  fhip,  and  the  utmoft  order  and  regularity  are  provided 
in  proceeding  on  the  examination.  If  there  appears  a  reafonable 
fufpicion  for  fearch,  the  commander  of  the  convoy  has  a  privilege 
to  nominate  and  appoint  one  or  move  officers  to  affile  in  fearching, 
which  fhall  be  done  in  his  prefence,  conjointly  with  one  or  more 
officers  named  by  the  commander  of  the  veffel  of  the  belligerent 
party.  If  juft  and  fufficient  reafon  appear  for  detention,  the 
commander  of  the  convoying  fhip  fhall  have  power  to  order  an 
officer  to  remain  on  board  during  its  legal  inveftigation,  which 
fhall  take  place  in  the  nearefl  and  mojl  convenient  port,  and  proceeded 
to  with  all  pofllble  difpatch.  If,  upon  further  examination,  it 
fhall  appear  that  the  faid  veffel  was  detained  without  juft  and 
fufficient  caufe,  the  commander  fhall  be  accountable  not  only  to 
the  owners  of  the  Jhip  and  cargo  for  a  full  and  fatisfatfory  com- 
pensation for  all  loffes,  charges,  damagts,  and  expenfes,  occafioned  by 
fuch  detention,  but  fhall  be  liable  to  punijhment  for  all  aBt  of  -violence 
or  any  other  fault,  which  he  may  have  committed. 

Thefe  are  the  principal  outlines  of  the  Ruffian  and  Britifh 
treaty.  The  parties  are  fecured  in  their  property  by  the  moft 
minute  detail  in  all  their  procedure  ;  the  contraband  are  fpecified  ; 
the  fearch  limited  ;  the  term  blockade  accurately  defined  ;  and 
to  prevent  a  wanton  detention,  the  captors  are  liable  to  coft, 
damages,  and  punifhment. 

Where  now  is  the  boaft  of  the  Anglo-Fedcralifts  in  the  United 
States  ?  In  what  particular  has  England  gained  an  advantage 
over  Ruffia  ?  Their  trade  is  admitted  upon  the  moft  cxtenfive 
principles,  as  it  relates  to  the  property  of  its  own  fubje&s  ;  noth- 
ing is  left  to  chance  in  a  court  of  law,  nor  depends  on  vague 
authorities,  promulgated  by  interefted  judges.  The  treaty  frauds; 
on  a  permanent  bafis,  and  the  fubje&s  of  both  countries  know- 
how  far  to  purfue  their  commerce,  by  an  inviolable  guarantee,  a§ 
to  the  articles  of  condemnation. 


No.  XLV.  The  Omnipotence  of  Britain.  tSt 

Thefe  Anglo-Federalifts,  while  exulting  at  die  advantages 
gained  by  Britain  over  RufTia,  abfurdly  eulogize  the  bleffings  of 
our  treaty  -zvith  England.  If  RuiTia  is  impofed  on,  what  mutl  be 
our  fituation  ?  If  their  negotiation  has  mcreafed  the  power  of 
England  over  the  fea,  what  muff:  be  the  extent  of  our  £urrender  ? 
Nearly  every  point  which  is  explicitly  laid  down  in  one,  is  omitted 
in  the  other  ;    cur  i  Us  arc  extended  ;    the  term  : 

ade  is  undefined  ;  our  trade  is  expofed  not  only  to  (hips  of  war, 
bat  privateers  ;  and  to  complete  the  whole,  even  if  the  capture 
is  unjuft,  the  poor  American  is  obliged  to  pry  cojls  off/if.  In  fhort, 
to  compare  the  Rufiian  treaty  with  the  American,  will  give  UI 
the   ftrongeft  abhorrence  of  this  infhument. 

We  have  not  only  furrendercd  thofe  neutral  rights  guaranteed 
to  RufTia,  but  we  have  expofed  ourfelves  to  innumerable  < 
cultics,  attached  to  other  articles  in  this  compact.  We  have  re- 
trained ourfelves  from  laying  any  further  duties  on  their  man- 
ufactures, without  countervailing  ones  on  their  part  ;  we  have 
'ted  ourfelves  to  heavy  demands  for  old  debts,  contracted  by 
private  merchants  ;  we  have  placed  Englilh  factors  and  tempo- 
rary relidents  on  a  footing  with  our  own  merchants.  We  have, 
in  fact,  not  only  facrificed  our  neutral  commerce,  but  have  fore- 
clofed  ourfelves  from  ufing  thofe  means,  which  the  commercial 
refourccs  of  this  country  abundantly  furnifh  in  cafe  of  future 
emergencies. — The  truth  is,  we  have  given  up  all  and  gained  nothing  ; 
we  have  eftablifhed  a  pretended  legal  plea,  which  operates  juft 
as  the  judges  fee  fit  to  ufe  it.  The  treaty  is  the  doom's-d<y-booky 
by  which  we  are  judged,  and  its  terrors  are  denounced  in  almoft 
every  tranfaclion  fince  its  adoption. 

The  fubject  is  fo  mortifying,  that  it  is  wounding  to  the  feelings 
of  an  American  to  contemplate  it  ;  yet,  as  it  has  produced  conie- 
quenecs  fo  fatal,  it  is  our  duty  to  lament  over  them,  even  though 
the  reflections  are  pcignards  to  our  bofoms.  It  is  a  curfe  en- 
tailed on  us  and  our  children,  and  pofterity  will  execrate  its  ro 
membrance. 


1 


J  82  The  Rainbtiu  and  Scalping. Knife.  No.  XLVL 


No.  XLVL 

Ci   THE    RAINBOW,    AND    SCALP1NG-KNIFE." 

ixFTER  the  Britifti  treaty  was  read  in  the  Boilon  town-meet- 
ing, a  rcipediable  and  venerable  citizen  inquired  of  the  moderator, 
"  whether  that  was  the  whole  of  it  ?"  On  being  anfwered  in  the  af- 
firmative, he  made  this  fhrewd  reply  :  that  "  what  he  had  heard 
was  altogether  in  favour  of  the  Brit/Jh,  and  he  was  in  hopes  of 
finding  fomething  in  favour  oi  America." 

It  is  espefted  that  Mr.  Gallatin,  in  his  report  to  Congrefs  on 
the  (late  of  the  treafury,  will  give  a  fpecific  ftatement  of  the  expen'fes 
attending  the  Britiih  treaty  ;  how  much  money  has  been  appro- 
priated, and  how  much  expended.  We  ihould  be  glad  to  hear 
particularly  the  iffue  of  Mr.  Gore's  embaiTy.  He  went  to  Eng- 
land at  the  earlieft  period  of  the  treaty,  and  under  the  mod  fan- 
guine  expectation  of  fuccefs  ;  he  returned  to  America,  and  has 
made  a  fecond  voyage  on  this  important  bufinefs.  To  know  the 
real  bleflings  of  this  inftrument,  which  was  fo  ftrongly  advocated 
by  certain  individuals,  it  would  be  a  gratification  to  ftate  the  debt 
and  credit  on  this  whole  tranfaction.  If  there  has  been  any  benefit 
we  would  wilh  to  know  it  ;  if  the  balance  is  in  favour  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  or  if  the  merchants  have  received  any  compenfatien 
adequate  to  the  advances  of  government,  we  lhall  readily  pay  the 
mod:  profound  refpect  to  the  judgment  of  thofe  gentlemen.  Till 
this  is  done,  every  citizen  has  a  right  to  judge  for  himfelf,  and  a 
few  publications,  fuppofed  to  be  written  by  Engliflimcn,  will  never 
perfuade  the  people  that  the  treaty  is  not,  piecifely,  what  the  ven- 
erable Samuel  Adams  declared  it  to  be,  i.  e.  "pregnant  with  evil." 
The  political  forefight  of  this  aged  patriot  will  excite  the  plaudit 
of  the  hiilorian  ;  while  the  contracted,  defpicable  policy  of  its  ad- 
vocates will  equally  roufe  his  indignation. 

As  a  proof  of  its  deficiency  (as  it  refpecTs  the  anticipations  of 
the  merchants)  we  need  only  refer  to  the  unfettled  flate  of  their 
claims,  and. the  innumerable  captures  made  of  their  property 
fmce  its  adoption.  At  the  Old  South  Meeting-houfe,  the  friends 
of  the  treaty  urged  its  adoption  as  the  immediate  remedy  for  their 
griewnces  ;    give  us  the  treaty,  (faid  they)  and  you  give  us  our 


No.  XLVl.  The  Rainbow  and   Scalping- Knife.  lt$ 

money.  They  placed  the  qucftion,  not  as  it  related  to  a  national 
concern,  but  as  a  controverfy  between  the  merchants  of  America 
and  the  Britifh  government  ;  the  treaty  and  their  demands  were  io 
connected,  that  they  confidered  the  opposition  to  one,  equally  an 
oppofition  to  the  other.  When  they  had  obtained  the  vote, 
they  viewed  it  as  a  complete  check  on  the  bank  of  England  for 
the  full  amount  of  their  depredations,  and  the  huzzas  attending 
the  deciiion  were  nearly  equivalent  to  "  golden  guineas"  from  the 
Exchequer. 

This  is  not  an  exaggerated  Statement  of  the  expectations  of  the 
treaty-advocates,  as  I  accompanied  on  that  day  many  of  them  to 
the  Exchange  ;  and  their  mutual  congratulations  on  their  fucceis, 
were  proofs  fufiicient  to  juftify  my  observations;  Nay,  fome  of 
them  condefcended  to  fpeak  to  me  on  the  fubjecl,  and  wondered  that 
I  mould  be  fo  oppofed  to  their  intcrejl  ;  that  I  fhould  be  fo  cruel  as  to 
wiih  to  deprive  them  of  fo  many  thousands  of  dollars,  which  they 
fhould  now  certainly  obtain.  I  could  not,  even  at  this  zenith  of 
exultation,  but  pity  their  folly  and  imile  at  their  credulity. 

But  the  moil  curious  part  of  this  force,  was  the  fullime  fpeech 
of  Mr.  Ames,  in  Congrefs.  He  rofe  in  that  auguSt  aSTembly,  ap- 
parently under  all  the  infirmities  of  a  man  in  the  hi  ft  Stages  of  dif- 
folution  ;  he  introduced  his  observations  as  the  dying  legacy  of  a 
departing  patriot  ;  fatigued  and  almoft.  expiring  under  the  weight 
of  his  obfervations,  he  was  obliged  to  flop  at  proper  periods,  and 
renew  his  ftrength  by  the  aSfiilance  of 'a  fnielling-bottlc.  Under  thefe 
impreffions  he  ran  through  the  horrid  detail  of  "  Indian  fcalping- 
knives  ;"  he  portrayed  with  pathetic  energy,  the  defolation  of  our 
fields,  the  conflagrated  cities,  the  cries  of  frantic  mothers  and 
helplefs  orphans.  He  almoft  fhook  the  fun  in  its  Stationary  pofi- 
tion,  and  nearly  arrefted  the  moon  and  flars  in  their  career  ;  after 
exhaufting  his  poetic  fire,  he  at  length  vented  his  pathos  on  the  rain- 
low,  whofe  thoufand  tints  were  to  expire  under  the  agonizing 
expulfion  of  the  Britifh  treaty.  Such  a  complication  of  natural 
diforders  to  arife  from  a  political  caufe,  were  unparalleled  in  the 
pages  of  hiftory.  No  wonder  that  the  citizens  were  alarmed  ; 
if  the  Britifh.  treaty  convulfed  the  fyftem  of  nature,  we  cannot  be 
furprifed  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  globe  were  intereited  in  its 
adoption.  If  the  fun  was  to  be  darkened,  and  the  moon  and  ftws 
'.▼ere  not  to  fhed  their  light  ;    if  the  rainbow  (the  aufpicious  har- 


>?4  The  Rah.'  Scalping-Knifc.  No.  XLVL 

binder  of  Supreme  Benevolence)  was  to  lofe  its  radiancy,  the  con* 
(equences  were  too  fatal  to  be  fported  with  :  If  a  weak,  infirm 
man,  juft  tottering  over  the  grave,  thus  prognosticated  fuch  direful 
event.s  from  the  rejection  of  the  treaty  ;  or.  like  a  fecond  Noah* 
prepared  it  as  the  only  alternative  for  the  falv'ation  of  his  fcllow- 
eitizens,  the  fully  of  our  decifion  can  be  no  other-wife  apologized 
for,  than  the  credulity  attached  to  his  infallibility. 

But,  fellow-citizens,  at  this  age  of  reaion,  do  we  fuppofc  the 
luminaries  of  heaven  would  have  ftrayed  from  their  orbits  ?  Do 
we  apprehend  that  the  planetary  fyftem  would  have  been  de: 
cd  in  its  revolution  ?  Do  we  think  that  the  milky  way  would  have 
confounded  its  brilliant  pavement  into  chaos  ?  Or  can  we  fuppcfe, 
that  the  rainbow  would  have  turned  into  a  cloud  of  fmoke,  and 
all  the  variety  of  its  magnificent  texture  be  reduced  to  a  huge 
mafs  of  opaque  atoms  ? 

This  portrait  may  be  confidered  as  a  ftrortg  colouring  :  but  if 
we  revert  to  the  period  of  the  treaty,  we  fhall  find  it  perfectly 
within  the  original.  As  a  proof  of  which,  read  Mr.  Ames's  fa- 
mous fpeech  ;  read  the  debates  in  the  Old-South  Meeting-Houfe  ; 
recur  to  die  documents  of  that  day  in  the  Centinel  and  other  fed- 
eral papers  ;  and  though  we  may  now  laugh  at  the  idea  thoij:-. 
ed,  yet  you  will  find  them  portrayed  in  all  the  publications  which 
advocated  the  adoption  of  the  treaty.  Our  judgment  was  not 
then  the  criterion  of  decifion,  but  our  fears,  and  a  itrange  frenzy 
and  political  fanaticifm  pervaded  every  part  of  the  community. 
If  a  man  talked  about  die  moon's  being  turned  into  blood,  or  the 
rainbow  perverted  into  an  omen  of  terror,  we  were  led  to  adopt 
the  wildnefs  and  extravagance  of  his  fancy.  The  treaty  !  the 
treaty  !  was  all  the  cry,  and  none  were  even  Chrijiians,  but  fuch 
as  admitted  its  efficacy  ;  the  pulpit,  on  many  oecafions,  was  the 
ecclefiaftical  drum,  to  rally  difciples,  apoftles,  and  adherents.  In 
fhort,  the  ratification  was  fo  interesting,  that  circular-letters  were 
forwarded  to  be  read  after  divine  fervice. 

The  treaty,  federal  gentlemen,  you  have  obtained  ;  the  republi- 
cans oppofed  it  ;  and  now,  firs,  it  is  your  duty  to  point  out  its  util- 
ity. You  laid  that  compensation  would  be  made  for  Britilh  depre- 
dations ;  let  me  candidly  afk  you,  whether  you  have  received  as 
much  as  you  expected  ?  You  faid  that  our  commerce  would  be  more 
refpedted  ;    pleafe  to  tell  us  wherein.     Have  not  American  veffelt 


No.  XLVI.  The  Rainbow  atid  Scalping-Knife.  lB$ 

been  taken  and  condemned  fincc,  and  upon  as  unreasonable  pleas 
as  before  ?  Have  not  our  iailors  been  imprefTed  ?  Has  not  every 
impofition  been  equally  praclifed  in  the  Britifh  courts  of  admiralty  ? 
„Tell  ns,  federal  gentlemen,  what  remittances  Mr.  Gore  has  made 
you,  and  what  account  he  gives  of  his  cmbafTy  ;  whether  he  is 
now  in  a  way  to  liquidate  your  claims,  and  whether  you  foon  ex- 
peft  him  with  bills  of  exchange,  for  the  detention  of  your  property  ? 
Let  us  know  what  advice  you  have  received  from  Mr.  King,  and 
whether  Pitt  and  Grcnvillc  are  obliged  to  Mr.  Ames  for  fecuring 
the  luftre  of  the  rainbow,  by  our  adopting  the  treaty  ? 

If  inch  favourable  events  have  taken  place,  we  arc  defirous  to 
know  them,  and  Ave  arc  willing  to  participate  in  your  good  for- 
tune, by  reciprocating  our  congratulations.  But  believe  me,  feder- 
al gentlemen,  when  I  tell  you  that  the  whole  is  a  delufion,  and  that 
you  will  find  a  party  has  deceived  you.  Time  will  convince 
you,  that  the  oppofers  of  die  treaty  have  been,  and  noiv  are  your 
beft  friends.  Mr.  Jeiferfon's  and  Mr.  Madifon's  political  princi- 
ples would  have  helped  you,  but  a  junto  led  you  to  fpurn  their 
proffered  friendship.  If  you  do  not  get  compenfation,  you  mud 
blame  the  laft  administration. 

I  did  propofe,  in  this  Number,  to  point  out  the  impofitions  on 
our  neutrality  by  Mr.  Jay's  treaty,  but  finding  them  fo  innumera- 
ble, I  have  thought   beft  to  call   on  its  advocates  to  declare  the 
commercial  benefits  they  fo  confidently  contemplated,  and  even 
pledged  themfelves  Avould  arifc.     If  they  are  filcnt  on  this  head, 
we  are  to  prefume  they  have  never  realized  their  expectations,  that 
the  whole  was  a  feries    of  federal    deception,    and  folely  calculat- 
ed to  root  out,  by  means  of  agents  and  factors,  every  advantage  of 
commerce,   heretofore    enjoyed    by    our     citizens.      The    United 
-   have  been  at  a  vail  expenfe  to  fulfil   their  engagements, 
whils   w    have  reafon  to  think  that  the  money  expended  has  been 
bed  in  parade  and  diplomatic  ceremonies. 
v    uld  not  fugged  that  Mr.  Gore  and  others  have  not  done 
'r  power  to  gain  the  (\vq  millions  faid  to  be  captured  ; 
I         ;;e  qucftion  is,  what  proportion  of  this  fum  has  bona  fids  been 
•  cd. 


it 


lS6  Intrigues  of  the  Jttntc.  No.  XLVII, 

No.  XLVII. 

INTRIGUES    OF    THE    JUNTO. 

/lLTHOUGH  the  faction  in  this  country  exclaim  againft  the 
©bfervations  on  the  Britiili  treaty  (as  being  unnueffory  Jince  its  a/lop- 
tion)  yet  the  tendency  of  its  opci anion  ought  ever  to  be  held  up 
with  dete/lation  and  abhorrence.  This  inftrument  has  been  the 
fatal  engine  to  dellroy  every  benefit  Contemplated  on  the  fuccefs 
of  our  revolution.  We  flattered  ourfclves  on  the  declaration  of 
our  independence,  that  our  commerce  would  not  hereafter  be 
controled  by  Britain  ;  we  then  denied  their  right  to  lay  even  a 
three-penny  duty  on  tea,  and  yet,  within  a  few  years  after,  have 
concluded  a  treaty  fubjecting  our  commercial  property  to  their 
deciiions.  We  are,  if  poflible,  in  a  worfe  iituation  now  (as  it 
relates  to  their  marine  mandates)  than  when  we  were  colonies — 
we  then  fought  for  our  commercial  rights,  and,  in  alliance  with 
France,  obtained  them  ;  but  we  have  fince  furrendered  the  prin- 
cipal part  of  them,  through  the  medium  of  an  injudicious  and 
impolitic  negociation. 

To  fay  that  we  ought  now  to  let  the  treaty  {lumber  in  filence, 
or  that  it  is  an  oldjlory,  and  therefore  it  is  beft  to  drop  it,  are  fen- 
timents  which  may  be  peculiarly  pleafing  to  the  feelings  of  its 
authors  and  promoters,  but  "  the  people"  of  die  United  States* 
who  will  have  to  pay  thoufands  to  cancel  Britiili  demands,  fhould 
keep  it  in  remembrance,  while  the  "  tablet  of  their  memory"  can 
retain  an  impreffion,  or  their  minds  are  iufceptible  of  indignation. 
It  is  fo  involved  in  our  political  and  commercial  concerns,  that 
its  mifchievous  properties  will  enfeeble  the  energy  and  vigour 
of  our  government.  It  palfies  our  exertions,  and  like  a  poifonous 
ingredient,  contaminates  the  vital  principles  of  our  political  and 
commercial  exiltence. 

To  fay  that  we  ought  to  forget  it,  is  to  fay,  that  we  ought  to 
forget  the  fall  of  ovrjirjl-  parents  ;  for  if  it  is  not  original  Jin,  it  is 
actual  Iranfgrejjwn. 

It  is  worthy  of  obfervation,  that  two  of  the  greateft  revolution- 
ary characters  in  the  United  States  expreffed  their  difapprobation 
®f    the    Britiili  treaty,  nearly  in    hmilar  language  : — Prefident 


No.  XLVII.  Intrigues  of  the  Junto.  187 

Wafhington  faid   il  ant  with  events"  and  Govern  out 

Adams  declared  il  to  be  *  pregnant  with  evils.'-     The  illuilrious 
Wafhington,  in  the  earli  s  of  the  bufmefs,  was  oppofed  to 

its  rati  he  exertions  and  machinations  of 

the  friends  to  Britain,  that  we  have  reafon  to  think  this  great  and 
good  man  v.  !  into  the  meafure.     lie  was  encompafled 

by  a  boft  of  partisans  ;  though  their  importunities  were  prefting 
and  urgent,  vet  he  refuied  for  fome  time  his  atfent.  At  length, 
after  intercepting  a  letter  to  Mr.  Fauchet,  under  all  the  aggrava- 
tion which  their  almolt  blafted  hopes  excited,  they  inftilled  into 
the  Prefideai:  a  fufpici  n  and  refenttnent  which  led  him  to  fign'it  in 
a  ha/ly  manner.  It  is  generally  believed,  that  Prefident  Wath- 
ington  would  never  have  eonlented  to  its  ratification  if  he  had 
been  left  folely  to  his  own  judgment  ;  but  the  whole  power  of 
the  part\  was  Lent  to  this  purpofe  ;  he  was  furrounded  with  fo 
formidable  a  phalanx,  that  he  mud  have  been  more  than  a  man  to 
have  withflood  their  combined  efforts.  They  rallied  round  him 
as  their  lad  defperatc  hop:,  and  by  intreaties,  deception  and  hy- 
pocrify,  it  is  ftrongly  fufpc.cted,  that  this  patriot  yielded,  though 
reluctantly,  to  patronize  this  inftrument. 

The  foregoing  fuggeftior.s  may  be  conjectural,  but  it  has  been 
obferved  by  many  who  vifited  General  Waftiington  after  his  re- 
tirement, that  he  declined  converfing  on  all  politcal  fubjecls,  and 
that  he  appeared  wholly  dilpofed  for  folitude  and  retirement. — 
The  lajl  will  of  the  General  is  a  prefumptive  evidence  of  his  difap- 
probation  of  the  treaty  ;  for,  though  the  integrity  of  his  mind 
would  not  fuffer  him  to  violate  it,  after  it  was  ratified,  yet  he  feem- 
cd  to  dread  the  expofure  of  his  fucceffor  to  the  intrigues  of  a  par- 
ty, in  futuic  diplomatic  proceedings  pf  a  fimilar  nature.  The 
fentiments  he  advanced  in  that  inftrument,  were  in  many  inftances 
in  oppofition  to  the  treaty,  as  the  peace  and  profperity  of  die  Unit- 
ed States  were  in  his  opinion  folcly  dependant  on  their  own  na- 
tional energies,  unfliackled  by  any  foreign  interference  to  control 
their  political  or  commercial  tranfacfions.  If  he  was  thus  againfl 
any  connexion  which  tended  to  weaken  this  ilrength,  it  is  a  ftrong 
prefumption  that  he  was  not  in  favour  of  the  Britifh  treaty. 

"  The  conclufion  of  this  whole  matter  is," — a  pretended  federal  par- 
ty have,  by  various  means,  indeed  fome  to  accede  to  their  in- 
triguing ichemes,  to  bring  this  country  into  an  alliance  offenfivc 


l8S  Intrigues  of  the  Junto.  No.  XLVII. 

and  defenfive  with  Britain,  and  thereby  aid  them  in  their  projects 
agamic  France.  They  have  exaggerated  every  tranfadtion  of  the 
French,  and  extenuated  every  action  of  the  Britifh  ;  they  have  af- 
firmed the  garb  of  federalism,  and  been  foremoft  to  refent  the  con- 
duct of  the  French,  and  to  footh  the  paffions  as  it  refpecled  the  Eng- 
lish ;  they  pretended  that  the  Englilh  government  was  fiiendly  to 
our  commerce  and  independence,  and  often  exprefTed  a  concern 
for  our  happinefs  and  profperity.  They  were  ever  bufy  in  our 
town-meetings,  foremoft  on  all  public  occaiions,  and  when  the 
cockade  was  the  emblem  of  federalifm,  generally  difplayed  a 
much  larger  fignal  than  their  biethren  of  this  black  order.  But 
can  any  man  fuppofe  that  fuch  men  were  really  friendly  to  the 
freedom,  lovereignty  and  independence  of  America  ?  Can  we  fup- 
pofe that  fuch  men  were  fincere  in  their  attachment  to  General 
Wafhington  ?  Is  it  probable  that  all  their  former  prejudice  againft 
him,  as  the  commander  of  our  army  had  fubfided  ?  that  they  had 
become  real  Americans,  when  many  of  them  were  receiving  pay 
from  the  Britifh  government,  as  oppofers  of  our  revolution  ?  Can 
any  man  thin):,  that  the  whole  body  of  refugees  had  been  convert- 
ed to  the  caufe  of  American  independence,  and  that  they  viewed 
their  confifcated  eftates  as  lawful  facrifices  for  its  obtainment  ? 
Could  Prefident  Adams,  when  efcorted  through  the  country,  or 
into  Bofton,  confole  himfelf  with  a  confidence  in  their  integrity, 
when  fuch  a  large  number  of  the  retinue  were  formerly  his  moft 
implacable  perfecutors  ?  Adams  and  a  body  of  tories  were  an 
unnatural  affociation  ?  they  might  cry  hofanna,  or  even  ftrew  the 
way  with  palm  trees,  yet  when  it  was  in  their  power  they  would 
carry  him  out  of  the  city  and  crucify  him  ;  they  might  drink  his 
health  in  bumpers,  but,  like  Judas,  they  would  betray  him  under 
the  courtly  fa.utation  of  a  kifs.  This  difplay  of  friendfhip  was 
never  lincere ;  but  was  intended  as  a  lure  to  facriiice  him  after 
they  had  obtained  his  confidence  and  efteem. 

This  deceptive  conduct,  on  their  part,  has  been  amply  fhewn  in 
the  late  election  for  Prefident.  Mr.  Adams's  pretended  friends 
were  planning  his  overthrow,  even  while  they  were  exalting  his  po- 
litical reputation.  Some  who  weic  apparently  the  moft  zealous  in 
his  favour,  were  in  league  with  thofe  who  were  infidioufly  under- 
mining his  popularity.  Thcfe  fame  men  would  entertain  Hamil- 
ton and  eulogize  his  virtues,  when  at  the  fame  time  they  knew  his 


Nd.  XLVII1.  The  Folly  of  clerical  Alarms.  1S9 

defigns  to  turn  out  Adams  and  introduce  Pinckney  to  the  prefix 
dency.  It  is  fupriting  how  Mr.  Adams  fhould  be  deceived  in  filch 
characters,  when  he  had  inch  conftant  evidences  of  their  attach- 
ment to  a  man  who  had  calumniated  him  in  epithets  the  motl  de- 
grading. If  the  charges  of  Hamilton  were  true,  the  hypocrify  of 
this  party  was  the  more  glaring  ;  if  they  were  falfe,  the  infult  was 
doubly  aggravating  to  Mr.  Adams — and  yet  amidrt  this  inconfill- 
ency,  Mr.  Adams  appeared  totally  unapprehenhve  of  their  defigns, 
but  in  the  laft  Rages  of  his  adminiftration  appointed  a  great  pro- 
portion of  thefe  perfons  to  important  offices.  They  may  thank 
him  for  his  civility  to  them,  but  even  this  kindnefs  would  not  fe- 
cure  their  affection  to  him. 

Thus,  fellow-citizens,  have  our  patiiots  been  deceived  by  a 
faction,  and  by  others  well  known  by  the  appellation  of  an  "  EJfex 
junto"  who  have  induflrioufly  purfued  their  plans,  by  claiming  the 
prerogative  of  exclufivc  federalifts.  Wafhington  we  have  reafon 
to  think  discovered  their  plots  when  it  was  too  late  to  defeat  them. 
His  lajl  -will'is  a  legacy  which  ought  to  accompany  Prcfident  Jeffisr- 
fon's  inaugural  fpeech.  In  that  initrument  he  fpeaks  like  himfelf, 
uncontroled  by  any  intriguing  intruders.  It  is  his  death-bed  ad- 
monition, when  no  furrounding  miniens  and  hypocrites  difturbed 
his  mind.  It  is  an  appeal  to  God,  and  his  confidence,  and  not  in- 
tended to  be  made  public,  till  he  was  in  the  fruition  cf  heavenly 
happinefs. 

It  is  a  melancholy  reflection  that  the  arts  of  this  facfion  have 
lb  far  involved  our  country  in  difficulties.  They  have  tarniihed 
the  fame  of  many  refpeclable  patriots.  Eut  we  trull  in  that 
Being  who  often  relieved  us  when  in  trouble,  and  wc  confole  our- 
felves  that  he  has  railed  a  Jeffcrfon,  who  like  Jofhua  will  conducT 
us  to  the  promifed  land. 


No.  XL VIII. 


THE    FOLLY   OF    CLERICAL    ALARMS;    OR    THE    PLOTS 


DISCOVERED 


I   I 


X  HE  various  means  ufed  to  effecT:  fuch  purpofes,  as  would  af- 
nft  the  faction  in  their  defigns  to  Involve  this  country  in  a  war  with 


f£G  Tie  FcLy  oj  Alarms;  No.  XLVIII. 

France,  are  too  numerous  to  be  particularly  recited  at  this  period. 
Their  aim  was  not  confined  merely  to  this  object,  but  every  mea- 
i  was  taken  to  raife  a  jcalouly  again II  certain  republican 
characters  who  orpofed  their  conduct-  For  this  purpofe  the 
public  mind  was  conflantly  upon  the  idea  of  an  invafion 

from  Trance.  Conspiracies  were  daily  announced  ;  tailor-plots, 
tub-plots,  and  even  lady-plots,  followed  in  rapid  fucceffion.  Mr. 
Harper  went  fo  far  as  to  pledge  himfelf  on  the  difcovery  of  fome 
terrific  plan,  which  had  nearly  arrived  to  a  completion  ;    he  laid 

•:fs,  that   he    had    the  "  clues,"    and  promifed    foon  to 
difclofe   all   the   mylle;ies   of  a  treafonable   combination.       The 

went  on  from  one  fpecies  of  alarm  to  another,  till  at  lei 
the  cry  of  danger  became   fo  familiar,  that  the   people  conlidered 
mere   chimera  of    a  dillcmpered  brain.     Finding   thefe 
is  would  not  anfwer  their  purpofes,  recourfe   was   at  length 
had  to  the  all-pow<  on  of    religion.     This  facred  caufe  was 

brought  into  operation  ;  the  people  were  told,  that  all  honour, 
hone  fry  and  morality  were  to  be  annihilated  ;  that  deifm,  atheifra 
and  impiety  of  every  kind  were  to  predominate  ;  and  to  favour 
the  deception,  a  few  clergymen  conjured  up  the  exploded  publi- 
cations of  Robifon  and  Barruel,  to  forward  their  iyftem  of  fanat- 
icifm.  Trie  illumina'.i  was  the  ivatch-iuord  of  the  party  ;  but  the 
principal  light  anting  from  the  fubjecl,  ferved  only  to  make  a 
certain  Reverend  Doctor  appear  more  confpicuoufly  ridiculous, 
Sermons  were  publiihed  on  this  occafion,  and  marginal  notes 
introduced,  with  the  horrid  ftory  of  a  defpeiate  combination  in 
Europe  and  America  to  overturn  all  that  is  called  godly. 

The  illuminati-influcnza  killed'  about  eighteen  month*,  and 
at  length  expired  with  a  few  ftruggles,  under  the  injudicious 
management  of  this  clerical  operator. — Thus  have  this  party  run 

'.he  feveral  parts  of  their  political  drama,  and  now  are 
brought  to  their  ne  plus  ultra,  which  is,  that  the  Prefident  is  an 
!,  and  does  not  believe  in  tbr  Chrifiian  religion. 
This  is  the  only  ground  on  which  the  party  now  (land,  and 
while  they  think  the  people  believe  them,  they  take  the  greater 
liberty  in  their  calumny  and  detraction  ;  they  alternately  call  him 
deift,  infidel,  and  atheift  ;  they  reprefent  him  as  having  a  defign 
upon  the  religious  eftablimments  of  our  country,  and  fome  are  fo 
fooliih  as  to  believe,  that  all  the  mceting-houfes  will  foon  be  razed, 


No.  XLV11I.  or  the  Plots  tfi/rm Set 

the  minifters   difcarded,  and  carnage  and  plunder  become   the 
«'  order  of  the  day."  , 

At  this  enlightened  age,  it  is  almoft  an  affront  upon  the  good  \  ( 
fenfe  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  Slates,  to  reply  to  the  many 
ablurditics  written  againft  the  Prefi dent  on  this  lubjevt-  li'  Mr. 
Jefferfon  is  deftitute  of  thofe  virtues  which  cbnftitute  a  Chriftian, 
or  a  citizen,  where  is  the  man  who  is  polTcfied  of  them  ?  If  hon- 
efty,  integrity,  forbearance,  humanity,  benevolence  and  patriotilm' 
are  the  prominent  features  which  defignate  a  Chriftian,  certainly 
no  man  within  the  United  States  ftands  more  confpicuoufly  em- 
inent. So  far  from  having  no  religion,  he  is  a  friend  to  all  ;  and 
inftead  of  contracting  its  influence,  lie  is  defirous  of  giving  every 
citizen  a  right  to  woifhip  Gou  in  his  own  Way  ;  he  is  not  a  per-  • 
fecutor  of  any  feet  ;  he  is  not  a  defamer  of  any  particular  mode 
of  worfhip  ;  he  is  not  a  fanatic,  to  fcourge  thofe  who  do  not  believe 
in  his  tenets  ;  he  leaves  every  confeience  to  its  own  bias,  and 
inftead  of  controling  men  as  the  arbiter  of  revelation,  he  is 
anxious  to  place  the  adoration  of  the  Supreme  Being  and  his 
attributes,  on  that  balls  of  the  human  mind,  on  which  alone  it 
can  or  ought  to  be  erc&cd. 

If  this  is  the  character  of  the  Prefident,  why  is  he  attacked 
with  fuch  feverity  and  indecency  ?  Why  is  he  held  up  as  the 
fubverter  of  religion  when  he  gives  fuch  ample  fcope  to  every 
principle  connected  with  its  eftabbihment  ?  If  he  injures  no  man 
in  his  religion,  why  fhould  others  injure  him  in  his  reputation  ?  if 
he  is  an  immoral  man,  point  out  his  immoralities  ;  if  he  is  defti- 
tute of  the  Chriftian  virtues,  let  them  be  fpecified  in  fuch  a  manner 
as  the  people  may  judge  of  his  criminality  ;  if  he  has  deftroyed 
any  houfes  of  worlhip,  or  difturbed  any  pious  affembly,  let  the 
eircumftances  be  related  ;  if  he  is  profane,  let  the  inftances 
appear.  This  mode  of  procedure  would  be  candid  ;  but  to 
defame  the  chief  magiftratc  under  the  vague  appellations  of  deift, 
atheift,  and  infidel,  is  unbecoming  the  character  either  of  a  Chrift- 
ian, gentleman,  or  citizen. 

If  fome  of  the  clergy  are  oppoft.1  to  him,  it  would  be  more 
honourable  to  ftate  their  charges.  If  he  has  violated  the  laws 
of  fociety,  why  do  they  not  come  forward  in  an  explicit  manner, 
and  give  the  public  a  narrative  of  the  whole  tranfaclion  ?  This 
Tine  of  conduct  would  appear  more  manly  than  to  attempt  to 


The  Folly  of  clerical  Alarms  ;  No.  XLVIIa. 

weaken  the  confidence  of  the  citizens  in  his  adminillration  by 
invidious  furmifes. 

The  conduct  of  Mr.  Jefferfon  through  life  has  been  peculiarly 
amiable  :  His  writings  are  fraught  with  benevolence,  and  folely 
intended  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  mankind,  and  to  lead  them 
to  an  improvement  of  all  thofe  faculties  with  which  heaven  has 
ble.Ted  the  human  fpecies.  His  character,  in  Europe,  flands  in 
the  mod  elevated  pofition,  and  it  is  degrading  to  our  country  to 
find  men,  who  aflame  the  reputation  of  "  the  learned,"  demean 
themfelves  by  fuch  grofs  reflections  as  are  daily  publifhed  in  the 
Palladium,  Centinel,  and  other  papers. 

If  the  clergy  are  alarmed^Ut  the  decay  of  religion,  can  it  have 
any  falutary  effect  to  represent  Mr.  Jefferfon  as  the  oppofer  of  the 
chrillian  fyilem  ?  Will  it  perfuade  people  to  embrace  the  gofpel, 
by  telling  them  that  Mr.  Jefferfon  rejects  it  ?  It  rather  appears  to 
me,  that  it  has  a  contrary  tendency — no  man  will  believe  merely 
becaufc  Mr.  Jefferfon  cl'ijbel'ieves.  His  character  as  a.Jlholar,  philofc- 
pher,  and  reafoner,  gives  him  a  reputation  too  high  to  be  made  the 
negative  of  a  principle,  either  of  religion  or  any  other  fubject.  If 
the  people  are  told,  that  the  Prcfident  does  not  believe  the  Chrif- 
tian  religion,  it  may  lead  many  to  conclude,  that  be  htwivs  more 
than  they,  and  that  he  has  good  1  onions  for  his  disbelief.  This  kind 
of  argument  maybe  fatisfactory  to  fome,  and  thus,  inftead  of  help- 
ing the  caufe  of  religion,  it  may  have  a  very  unfalutary  effect.  The 
clergy  in  this  particular  are  doing  an  injury  to  the  caufe  they  are 
attempting  to  fupport,  and  it  is  the  height  of  folly  to  expect  to  gain 
profelytes  by  propagating  with  fo  much  avidity  the  infidelity  of 
Mr.  Jefferfon. 

As  Prcfident  of  the  United  States,  he  is  not  called  on  to  make 
a  declaration  of  his  religious  creed  ;  if  he  was,  I  am  perfuaded  the 
moft  orthodox  would  not  condemn  it.  General  Walhington  was 
peculiarly  careful  in  this  particular  ;  among  thg  variety  of  his 
publications  we  find  but  little  to  lead  us  to  a  conclusion  of  his  re- 
ligious tenets  ;  and  as  the  confutation  does  not  even  fuggeil 
test  of  this  kind,  it  is  proper  that  the  Prefident  fhould  not  h 
himfelf  forward  in  any  point  of  view  on  this  ground.  He  is  not 
called  on  to  administer  any  religious  ordinances,  and  while  he 
intermeddles  with  no  particular  feet,  and  promotes  the  rights  of 


No.  XLV1II.  or  the  Plots  difcovered.  193 

all,  neither  the  clergy  nor  other  individuals  have  a  right  to  cenfure 
him  for  his  own  fentiments. 

Suppofe  the  President  fhbuld  make  a  declaration  of  his  firm 
perfuafion  of  the  truth  of  the  gofpel,  ftill  a  difficulty  would  remain 
among  his  oppolers  as  to  the  particular  tenets  he  maintained  ;  fome 
would  fay,  that  he  was  a  Roman  Catholic,  others  that  he  was  an 
Armenian  ;  fome  a  Calvinifl — in  (hort,  Socinians,  Quakers,  Bap-« 
tills,  Univerfalifts,  Swedcnbourgians,  and  Sandemanians,  would  be 
clamorous  to  know  to  what  doflrine  he  adhered.  His  declaration, 
therefore,  as  to  his  belief  in  the  Scriptures,  would  not  remedy  the 
evil,  for  points  of  faith  are  as  often  contended  for,  as  the  avowal  of 
a  general  principle.  If  religion  is  to  be  brought  forward  in  this 
controvcrfy,  the  Prelident  is  perfectly  right  in  keeping  his  creed  to 
himfelf. 

Part  why  is  this  apprehenfion  excited,  that  Mr.  JefFerfon  is  op- 
pofed  to  the  Chriftian  fyllem  ?  No  part  of  his  adminiflration  has 
had  the  mod  diftant  tendency  to  injure  it  ;  fince  his  election  "  all 
things  remain  as  they  were"  as  it  relates  to  the  church  ;  we  go  to 
meeting  with  as  much  order  as  ufual,  and  return  home  without 
the  lead  moleflatron  ;  our  fabbaths  are  equally  hallowed  ;  the  frfl 
zndfecotid  bells  ring  with  as  much  folemnity  and  regularity  as  for- 
merly ;  we  baptize  our  children  with  as  much  reverence  as  ever  ; 
the  clergy  are  as  much  refpecled,  as  well  paid,  dine  out  as 
frequently,  and  in  mod  inftances  frolic  as  often  as  under  the  late  ad- 
minillration  ;  ordinations  are  announced  in  our  papers  with  their 
ufual  reverence,  and  there  is  as  much  good  cheer  on  fuch  occafions  as 
in  days  of  old.  Where  then  is  the  mifchicf  ?  Where  the  danger, 
when  nothing  has  taken  place  to  difcompofe  die  moft  devout  in 
their  religious  exercifes  ?  If  we  are  difpofed  to  religious  duties,  Mr. 
JefFerfon  will  not  dillurb  us  ;  only  let  the  clergy  mind  their  bufi- 
nefs,  and  I  doubt  not  he  will  mind  his.  If  fome  of  them  do  not 
choofe  to  pray  for  him,  it  would  be  decent  not  to  bray  at  him.  The 
bleflings  of  Providence  are  not  partial,  and  though  the  enemies  of 
the  Prefident  may  not  think  proper  to  remember  him  at  the  Throne 
of  Grace,  yet  we  truft  he  is  not  dependant  on  their  clemency, 
(though  clothed  in  facerdotals)  but  on  the  benevolence  of  the 
Supreme  Being.  To  him  we  commit  him,  and  it  does  not  require 
A  a 


to^.  On  Thanksgiving.  No.  XLIX. 

the  benediction  of  his  advcrfaries  to  fecure  him  a  continuance  in 
His  holy  keeping. 

While  fpeaking  of  the  clergy,  I  do  not  mean  to  include  the 
order,  as  being  thus  oppofed  to  the  Prefident  ;  a  large  propor- 
tion of  them,  I  am  perfuaded,  reprobate  the  indecent  publications 
which  Lave  appeared  againfl:  him.  As  an  order  in  fociety  I  fhalr 
•ever  respect  them  ;  but  there  are  a  few  who  have  acted  a  part, 
which  upon  ferious  reflection  they  cannot  juilify  to  God,  nor  their 
own  confeiences.  If  fuch  men  would  be  more  circumfptci  in  their 
own  conduct,  and  attend  more  to  the  duties  of  their  own  profeffion, 
the  caufe  of  religion  would  be  more  effectually  fupported,  than  by 
their  calumny  againfl  the  Prefident.  When  he  is  as  inattentive  to 
his  duty  as  Prefident,  as  they  are  as  clergymen,  it  will  be  time  for  the 
people  to  find  fault..  Mr.  Jefferfon  never  gave  fuch  a  flrong  evi- 
dence of  his  difbclief  in  fcripturc  a.  ll.cy  have  of  the  negligence  of 
their  parfii  ;  and  if  they  are  ferious  to  propagate  the  gofpel,  it  is  in- 
cumbent on  them  to  aft  more  confiflent  with  its  principles.  The 
Geography  of  this  world  is  not  the  "  one  thing  needful,"  neither  are 
the  "  graces"  of  Chejlerfhl,  an  appropriate  ftudy  for  a  clergyman  ; 
lefs  attention,  therefore,  to  fublunary  concerns,  and  more  to  heav- 
enly, are  highly  becoming  a  chriftian  teacher.  While  fuch  men 
are  charging  the  Prefident  with  infidelity,  they  fhould  examine 
their  own  conduct,  and  poflibly,  upon  reflection,  they  would  find 
the  remainder  of  their  lives  could  not  be  better  ipent,  than  in  cor~ 
reeling  their  former  imprudencies. 


No.  XLIX. 

ON     THANKSGIVING. 

"It  is  the  Lord'j  doing?'* 

X.  HE  benevolence  of  Providence,  in  its  various  difpenfations 
towards  this  country,  is  a  fubject  which  ought  ever  to  excite  the 
ferious  contemplation  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States.  From 
the  firft  fettlement  of  A/nerica,  the  kind  hand  of  heaven  has  direct- 
ed us  in  the  way  in  which  we  fhould  go.  Next  to  the  chofen  nation, 
America  ft  an  ds  die  peculiar  care  of  the  Supreme  Being,  and  if 


No.  XL1X.  On  Thanlsgiv.  1 95 

miracles  have  not  been  wrought  in  her  favour,  yet  the  interpofition 
of  the  Almighty  has  been  i'o  often  difplayed,  that  we  muft  be  loft 
to  every  rational  reflection  not  to  acknowledge  his  benignity  and 
fuperintendance. 

On  this  day,  citizens  of  Maflachufctts,  we  are  requested  to  ac- 
knowledge with  thanhfuhiefty  the  kindnefs  and  protection  of  him, 
who  governs  the  world,  and  who  fo  accurately  acijulls  its  various 
operations,  as  to  produce  "  feed-time  and  harveft,  fummer  and 
winter."  By  His  goodncic,  we  are  fumiihed  wkh  all  thofe  com- 
forts which  render  exitlence  happy,  and  which  confole  us  under 
every  trouble  and  misfortune,  incident  to  human  life.  This  year, 
in  a  particular  manner,  may  we  exultingly  fay,  "  that  the  fig-tree 
has  blofibmed,  and  that  fruit  has  been  in  our  vines  ;  that  the 
labour  of  the  olive  has  not  failed,  and  that  the  fields  have  yielded 
their  meat  ;  that  our  flocks  have  not  been  cut  off  from  the  fold, 
and  that  there  has  been  an  abundance  of  herd  in  the  {tails." 
While  contemplating  thefe  bleflings,  may  we  all  thankfully  re- 
fponfe, — we  will  "  rejoice  In  the  Lord,  and  joy  in  the  God  of  our 
falvation." 

While  we  adore  the  Supreme  Being  for  granting  us  thofe 
fpecial  bounties  of  his  benevolence,  may  we  be  led  to  contemplate 
his  mercies,  as  they  refpedt  our  national  happinefs.  That  this  coun- 
try has  been  expofed  to  the  diftrefling  cenfequences  of  war,  we 
have  proofs  of  the  mod  authentic  natu  ■:.  Mr.  Tracy,  in  Congrefs, 
urged  "  a  war  of  extenttinathn  ,•"  the  queftion  of  war  was  folemnly 
debated  in  that  auguft  aflembly  ;  the  young  men  were  called  on 
to  place  themfelves  in  an  hoflile  attitude,  and  artificial  means 
were  ufed  to  make  their  "  blood  boil"  to  invigorate  their  prowefs. 
The  tory  party  were  active  throughout  the  Union,  to  kindle  the 
torch  of  Mars,  and  every  incentive  which  could  roufe  the  paflions, 
was  applied,  with  the  moft  artful  addrefs,  to  bring  America  into 
an  open  rupture  with  the  French  nation.  An  Orator  in  Boflon 
vaunted  in  his  heroifm,  and  under  the  fmoke  of  public  infatuation, 
and  inflated  with  his  own  vanity,  declared,  in  his  oration,  that 
"peace  muft  be  obtained  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet!"  This  was  the 
"  fpirit  of  the  times"  at  the  day  of  federal  fanaticifm.  If  a  pru- 
dent man  paufed  at  the  adoption  of  fuch  violent  mcafures,  he  was 
cried  down  as  a  jacobin.  The  tories  completely  aflumed  the 
whig  ground  ;  they  rejoiced  at  the  profpecl:  of  involving  the  Unit- 


ig6  On  Thanlsgiving.  No.  XLIX. 

ed  States  in  a  war  with  France,  and  connecting  them  in  an  alliance 
with  England. 

But,  it  is  the  Lord's  doing,  that  we  were  not  plunged  into  that 
dreadful  vortex,  which  fuch  meafures  would  have  quickly  hurried 
us.  Suppofe  Mr.  Tracy's  "  war  of  extermination"  had  been 
adopted,  or  the  heroic  lawyer's  propofition,  for  "  peace  at  the  point 
of  the  bayonet"  had  been  acceded  to,  what  would  have  been  our 
prefent  fituation  ?  Inftcad  of  rejoicing,  we  fliould  have  to  mourn  ; 
inftead  of  a  thanl/giving-day,  we  fhould  have  been  obliged,  (from 
the  prefent  date  of  Europe)  to  fet  apart  this  day  for  "  falling, 
humiliation,  and  prayer." 

"  A  war  of  extermination  !"  gracious  heaven  !  Five  millions 
of  Americans  at  war  with  thirty  millions  of  Frenchmen  !  !  Not 
only  fo,  but  probably  with  all  the  European  powers  in  alliance 
with  that  nation. — "  A  peace  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  !"  ctreadful 
alternative  !  that  the  daughter  on  fuch  a  preliminary  fhould  be 
the  fmc  qua  non  of  our  public  quietude.  How  infatuated  rauft 
fuch  men  have  been,  to  place  America  in  fo  barbarous  a  pofition — 
five  millions  of  people  to  demand  the  blood  of  thirty  millions  ! 
How  defperate  muft  have  been  our  condition,  that  the  whole 
nation  of  France  muft  atone  for  our  refentment. 

In  this  conteft,  what  muft  have  been  the  fate  of  the  United 
States  ?  After  France  had  made  peace  with  England,  we  alone 
muft  have  met  them,  confolidated  in  all  their  energies  ?  If  Britain, 
was  alarmed  at  their  invalion,  what  muft  have  been  our  apprehen- 
fions  ?  If  the  "  wooden  walls  of  England"  were  not  a  fecurity, 
what  could  we  expedl  from  the  few  bulwarks  we  could  oppofe  to 
their  incurftons  ?  Admit  that  the  people  of  the  United  States 
would  have  defended  themfelves  on  their  fhores,  yet  the  horrid 
carnage  that  muft  have  enfued  chills  the  blood  of  the  humane  cit- 
izen to  contemplate.  If  we  are  equal  to  every  a/Fault  from 
abroad,  yet  the  folly  of  thofe  who  were  defirous  to  plunge  us  into 
*'  a  war  of  extermination,"  or  to  make  "  peace  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,"  rnuft  be  evident  to  every  rcflc&ing  mind. 

Under  the  fanatic  impulfc  of  thefe  times,  none  but  the  Supreme 
Being  could  prevent  the  dreadful  calamity.  It  was  "  the  Lord's 
doing,"  that  we  were  thus  faved  from  the  horrid  cataftrophe 
of  a  war  with  France  ;  "  if  the  Lord  had  not  been  on  our  fide,"  we 
may    now  fay,  we  fhould  have  been   furrounded  with  dangers 


No.  XLIX.  On  Thanksgiving.  197 

and  diftretfes  from  which  we  could  not  have  been  extricated  with- 
out the  greateft  difficulty.  HE  has  appeared  for  our  relief  ;  HE 
has  fruftrated  the  defigns  of  our  enemies,  and  rendered  their 
machinations  of  no  effect.  Mr.  Tracy  was  a  reprefentative  from 
Connecticut,  but  we  hope  the  religious  fniiments  of  his  conftituents 
will  not  juftify  him  in  his  favage  ferocity.  Would  nothing  fliort 
of  the  extermination  of  thirty  millions  of  the  human  fpecies  fatisfy 
his  fanguinary  difpofition  ?  Mull  the  blood  of  a  whole  nation  be 
filed  to  appeafe  his  vindictive  indignation  ?  If  France  had  dis- 
played the  fame  temper,  and  called  for  the  extermination  of  every 
yfmerican,  what  mult  have  been  the  confequences  of  fo  terrible  a 
conflict  ?  Or  if  the  powerful  Bonaparte  had  affiimed  the  dictato- 
rial language  of  the  BoMon  Orator,  that  "  peace  with  America 
muft  be  made  at  the  point  of  the  fword,"  how  afflicting  would 
have  been  the  controverfy  to  decide  the  principles  of  an  amicable 
negociation  ?  Such  ignorance  exhibited  in  Congrefs,  and  fuch 
folly  in  a  Bofton  town-meeting,  by  men  whofe  malignity  of  heart 
was  the  only  criterion  of  their  judgment,  arc  cxpreffive  of  the  rage 
of  party,  and  evince  the  dreadful  precipice,  on  the  brink  of  which, 
the  fate  of  America  was  fufpended.  The  violence  of  the  political 
agitation,  urged  on  by  the  frenzy  of  a  faction,  placed  our  country 
in  the  moft  critical  attitude.  The  critis  was  important,  and 
nothing  fnort  of  the  interpofition  of  Providence  flopped  us  in  our 
career  to  pafs  the  Rubicon,  commence  the  horrid  carnage  of  ex- 
terminating war,  and  make  a  "  pe^ce  at  the  point  of  the 
fword." 

But,  thank  heaven,  "  the  fnare  is  broken  and  wc  have  efcap- 
cd"  ;  the  annual  tribute  of  praife  is  now  due  to  that  Being,  by 
whofe  goodnefs  we  have  been  preferved.  With  thankful  hearts, 
we  offer  Him  our  unfeigned  love  and  adoration,  for  the  bleffings 
we  have  experienced  the  paft  year  ;  and  though  the  deflroying 
angel  has  fwept  away  many  of  our  fellow-citizens  in  other  States, 
yet  we  have  ftill  the  greateft  reafon  to  exalt,  and  magnify  His 
name. 

This  annivcrfary  pleads  ftrongly  in  favour  of  Peace,  and 
every  focial  circle  is  a  manifefto  of  the  bleffings  arifmg  from  it. 
See  the  venerable  parent  furrounded  with  his  numerous  family, 
while  joy,  health  and  plenty  crown  the  fcftive  board  ;  the  fprightiy 


198  Oh  Thanksgiving.  No.  XLIX. 

amufements,  the  friendly  convcrfation,  the  pleafing  harmony  and 
reciprocal  congratulation, — all,  all  proclaim,  that  the  melodious 
accents  of  peace  are  more  defirable  than  the  hoarfe  clarion  of 
war.  Let  the  mind  for  a  moment  contemplate  the  reverfe  of 
this  enchanting  fcene — inftead  of  the  focial  circle,  let  us  introduce 
the  mourning  widow  and  fatherlefs  children,  deploring  the  lofs 
of  a  hufband  and  parent,  fallen  at  "  the  point  of  the  /word" — in- 
ftead of  the  pleafing  endearments  of  domeftk:  conviviality,  let 
the  horrid  tale  of  conflagration,  (laughter  and  death  (the  dread-- 
ful  attendants  of  a  M  war  of  extermination" )  become  the  topic  of 
convcrfation — inftead  of  the  infant,  prattling  on  the  knee  of  a  fond 
parent,  let  us  portray  the  lifping  babe  mingling  its  tears  with  the 
difconfolate  mother.  Thefe  are  but  the  faint  outlines  of  the  dif- 
treffing  picture. 

Here  fancy  intrudes  her  fuggeftions.  During  the  fanguinary 
period  of  war,  we  might  ob Serve  the  pampered  contractor,  whofe 
per  centum  ftands  in  competition  with  the  happinefs  of  his  country 
— the  unprincipled  Speculator,  who  is  living  on  the  injuries  of  an 
unfortunate  foldier  ;  a  clan  of  favoured  fycophants,  who  to  obtain 
employment,  would  Sacrifice  every  principle  of  honour  and  honef- 
ty  ;  a  group  of  myrmidons,  who  under  pretence  of  Supporting 
government,  would  offer  themfelves  as  tools  to  enflavc  their  fellow- 
citizens  ;  a  junto  of  proud  officiates,  who,  rioting  on  the  emolu- 
ments of  their  appointments,  would,  if  polfible,  overthrow  the  con- 
ftitution,  if  there  fhould  be  virtue  enough  in  the  Prefidcnt  to  dif- 
place  them.  Such  circles  might  experience  the  benign  efficacy  of 
war  ;  and  while  the  induftrious  body  of  the  people  were  groaning 
under  the  weight  of  taxes,  the  feftive  board  of  fiicfa  gluttons  might 
refound  with  fongs  of  mirth,  in  adoration  of  their  patron. 

As  men  and  citizens,  our  devotion  on  this  day  naturally  em- 
brace the  fuperintendance  of  Providence.  Under  this  imprefGon, 
it  is  our  duty  to  approach  the  altar  with  every  expreffion  of  grati- 
tude ;  no  party  Spirit  ought  to  difturb  that  chriftian  tranquillity, 
which  fhould  diftinguifh  its  profefTors.  The  pulpit,  on  Such  occa- 
sions, fhould  not  become  as  ternUe  as  Mount  Sinai,  but  be  uSed  as 
the  medium  through  which  the  diScordant  paffions  fhould  be  al- 
layed ;  charity  towards  each  other,  on  religious  points,  fhould  be 
exerciSed  ;  no  cenSure  fhould  be  call  on  a  fifter  ftate  for  their  relit 


No.  L.  Peace  and  Funds,  vs.  Centlnel.  199 

gious  fcruples  ;  abufive  epithets  fhould  be  avoided  ;  union  inculcat- 
ed ;  the  Conftituted  Authorities  refpeckd  ;  and  thus,  harmonizing 
in  our  thanksgiving  and  devotion,  we  may  anticipate  "peace  en 
earth,  and  good  will  towards  men." 


No.  L. 

PEACE    AND    FUNDS,    'verf'US    CENTINEL, 

**  The  national  debt  of  Great-Britain  is  enormous  on  paper  ;  and  has  beeit 
a  fruitful  fource  of materials  for  the  jacobin  Maginneffes  to  deceive  tie 
public  lulth.  But  nationally  confidercd  that  debt  is  merely  nominal. — 
It  is  due  from  the  nation  to  individuals  ; — and  individuals  form  the  na- 
tion. If  the  intlre  debt  were  paid  off  at  this  moment  It  would  not  add 
a  fhllllng  to  the  wealth  of  the  nation  ;  nor  a  fcnfatlon  to  the  flock  of  its 
general  happinefs.  On  the  other  hand,  were  It  to  be  wiped  off  entirely 
with  a  fponge,  it  would  not  caufe fifty  individuals  in  the  whole  kingdom 
to  retrench  one  meal  a  day  In  their  fub/j/lence."  Centinel. 

"  The  intelligence  of  peace,  received  here  a  fortnight  fince,  has  been  qu:f 
iioned  at  the  Southward.     It  is  neverthelefs   TOO  TRUE."  ib. 

_/~xL.  THOUGH  the  moft  violent  acrimony  and  malevolence  are 
difplayed  in  die  tory  gazettes  againll  the  Prefident,  yet  it  muft  af- 
ford him  the  higheft  confolation, 'that  fuch  publications  do  not 
originate  in  Bolton,  but  are  taken  principally  from  a  paper  which 
is  confidered  as  the  immediate  fucce/for  of  Peter  Porcupine.— 
That  there  is  a  faclion  lurking  in  this  metropolis,  oppofed  to  every 
republican  principle  of  the  conftitution,  is  too  apparent  to  be  con- 
troverted ;  but  even  this  traiterous  combination  are  obliged  to 
keep  themfelves  concealed,  and  initead  of  openly  avowing  their 
defigns,  are  driven  to  the  "  imperious  necefftfy"  of  ufing  foreign  means 
to  effect  their  purpofes.  It  muft  be  admitted  as  an  incontroverti- 
ble truth,  that 'the  obfervations  in  thefe  gazettes  are  the  expiring 
ftruggles  of  a  faclion,  and  the  republication  of  them  in  our  papers, 
are  the  paltry  ebulitions  of  a  few  unprincipled  Editors,  who,  in  the 


200  Peace  and  Fundi,  is.  &.riti;.d.  No.   L..' 

reign  of  terror,  wantonly  pledged  their  credit  on  the  validity  of 
their  political  predictions.  Finding,  however,  that  die  Corfu  an  hero 
has  brought  their  "  befl  of  kings"  to  fue  for  peace — that  the  con- 
tinent of  France,  ftands  on  a  commanding  eminence  over  the  ifland 
of  Britain — tli.it  Citizen  Otto  is  on  a  level  with  Lord  Hawkefbury  ; 
that  the  Tower  guns  as  readily  difcharge  their  fonorous  exultations 
on  the  iffue  of  the  war,  as  when  they  refounded  to  the  tune  of 
"  Rule  Britannia,  rule  the  waves" — that  they  as  readily  annour.ee 
the  arrival  of  a  French  millionary,  to  fettle  the  definitive  ai'ticles 
of  peace,  as  they  formerly  did  to  denounce  the  jacobins  of  that 
victorious  nation  ;  and,  that  the  Englifh  "  populace"  as  readily 
took  out  the  horfes  and  drew  the  carriage  of  a  Frenchman,  as  ever 
they  did  that  of  one  of  the  royal  family.  When  they  find  that  fuch 
events  have  taken  place,  the  Anglo-federalifts  of  the  United  States 
have  recourfe  to  fuch  fugitive  obiervations  as  a  defeated  enemy  in 
their  retreat  are  pleafed  to  furnifh  them. 

Thefe  Britifh  troops,  refiding  in  America,  are  arranged  in  vari- 
ous directions — one  part  is  affigned  to  abufe  the  Prefident,  anoth- 
er to  calumniate  Mr.  Gallatin  ;  a  few  are  foolifh  enough  to  flatter 
Mr.  Gallatin,  as  if  his  integrity  and  knowledge  could  be  biaffed  by 
fuch  fycophancy  ;  another  detachment  is  rallied  for  the  exprefs 
purpofe  of  cenfuring  every  removal  from  office  ;  fome  to  create  a 
jealoufy  between  the  northern  and  fouthern  ftates,  while  others 
take  a  more  extenfive  ground  by  pretending  to  exult  at  the  advan- 
tages gained  by  the  Britifh  in  the  treaty  of  peace.  But  not  calcu- 
lating an  uniformity  in  fentiment  on  this  fubjecr,  they  unfortu- 
nately counteract  each  other  in  their  ftatcments- — while  fome  rejoice 
at  the  event,  others  lament  the  tidings  as  "  too  true"  Ruffell  takes 
the  latter  ground,  and  yet  in  the  fame  Centinel  proclaims  the 
"  glorious  news,"  that  Britain  has  gained  every  benefit  by  the 
iffue  of  the  war  ;  that  her  flocks  are  in  high  eftimation  ;  that  the 
EnglHh  "  omnium"  is  more  valuable  than  the  French  gatherum  ; 
that  the  Britifh  have  "  not  loft  a  foot  of  ground  ;"  and  yet, 
ftrange  to  relate,  even  in  the  midft  of  his  boaftings  on  the  advan- 
tages of  peace,  the  Editor  clofes  his  narrative  with  a  mournful 
figh,    Alas,  it  is  "  too  true"  ! 

If  the  Englifh  have  obtained  thefe  great  advantages  by  the 
peace,  why  fhould  their  friends  exprefs  an  uueafinefs"  at  the  clofe 


No.  L.  Peace  and  Funds,  vs.  Centinel.  201 

of  this  European  controverfy  ?  Why  fhould  they  lament  the  if- 
fue  of  a  war,  provided  the  preliminary  articles  are  altogether  in 
their  favour  ?  If  Pitt  is  fatisfied,  if  Fox  fays  it  is  a  good  treaty, 
if  the  people  of  England  have  become  a  body  of  illuminati,  by  il- 
luminating every  capital  city  in  the  kingdom,  why  fhould  the  Ccn- 
tincl  become  the  only  mourner  ?  Rachel,  weeping  for  her  firft- 
born,  could  not  exprefs  herfelf  with  more  difconiblate  dejeftion 
than  this  poor  Editor  :  in  the  midfl  of  the  univerfal  hilarity,  we 
hear  his  difcordant  vociferation,  Alas,  it  is  "  too  true"  !  Whilft 
thus  "  rcfufing  to  be  comforted,"  it  was  expected  fome  emblem 
of  grief  would  have  exprelTed  his  condolence  ;  whether  a  black 
cockade,  or  a  dilplay  of  black  crape  on  the  horns  of  the  roajled  ox 
in  Liberty-Square,  would  have  been  exhibited  by  him  and  his  dif- 
treffed  alfociatcs,  were  the  doubtful  fufpcnfc  of  thofe  who  have 
long  laughed  at  his  ignorance  and  folly. 

How  mull  the  faction  in  America  have  been  mortified,  had 
they  fecn  Citizen  Lauriften  drawn  in  his  coach  by  the  Englijlj  mobility 
through  the  Itreet  of  St.  James  !  Alas,  this  alio  is  "  too  true." 
How  would  they  have  ftared  to  obferve  the  populace  in  Briftol 
welcome  the  London  mail,  which  brought  the  pleafmg  intellirr-ence 
of  peace,  and,  after  taking  out  the  horfes,  drag  it  amidft  the  ac- 
clamations of  thoufands  to  the  Bufh  tavern  !  Alas,  this  is  alfo 
"  too  true."  How  would  they  have  been  terrified  to  behold  the 
French  convalescents  leap  from  their  hammocks,  and  dance  upon 
the  main  deck  of  their  priibn  fhips  !  But  above  all,  how  great  muft 
have  been  their  mortification  to  find,  that  the  "  immortal"  Peter 
Porcupine  had  his  office  dcmolijhed,  by  the  London  populace,  for  his 
rcfufal to  illuminate  !  Ahis,  thefe  are  all  "  too  true." 

Confiftency  is  a  principal  trait  in  a  political  character.  The 
Centinel,  even  while  deploring  that  war  had  ceafed,  is  gafconad- 
ing,  that  the  Engliih  5  per  cents,  ftand  at  95  dollars  to  a  hundred  ; 
that  they  have  "  not  loft  a  foot  of  ground  ;"  that  '«  the  ihips 
taken  at  Toulon  are  not  returned,"  &c.  But  the  chagrin  arifes 
amidlt  thefe  pretended  congratulations  on  Britiih  advantages, 
from  the  15th  article  of  the  treaty,  which  evidently  mews  that  the 
terms  were  diSated'm  Paris,  viz.  "The  prefent  preliminary  articles 
Jhall  be  exchanged  at  London  in  the  lpaoe  of  15  days  at  faith  eft"  ; 
Bt 


;  :  z  ice  and  Funds,  vs.  Cen'.inef.  No.  T~ 

— thaL  "  plenipotentiaries  Jhall  be  appointed  to  proceed  to  an  ar- 
rangement of  the  definitive  treat}',  in  concert  with  the  alius  of  the 
contracting  parties."  Pray,  inform  us  who  are  the  allies  on  the 
part  of  die  Britifh,  to  give  their  weight  in  the  Convention  at 
Amiens  ?  Alas,  it  is  "  too  true,"  they  will  have  but  little  help 
from  this  quarter.  This  treaty  carries  further  marks  of  French 
i'upremacy — the  "  Firft  Coniul  of  the  Republic,"  (lands  before 
"  His  Majesty,  the  King  of  the  United  Kingdoms  of  Great- 
Britain  and  Ireland."  This  certainly  looks  a  littk  "fqaalfy"  that 
Citizen  Bunaparte  fhould  take  rank  of  His  Majejly  George  the  Hid. 
Who  could  dictate  this  Jacobinical  arrangement  in  the  articles  ?  Is 
is  probable,  if  the  treaty  was  in  the  lcaft  degree  under  the  control 
of  the  Englifh  miuiflry,  that  they  would  have  fuffered  the  name 
of  a  "  Corfican  ufurper,"  to  be  mentioned  before  that  of  their 
rightful  fovereign  ?  This  is  contradicted  in  the  Centinel,  but  as 
both  the  French  and  Englifh  papers  publifhed  the  treaty  in  this 
form,  we  have  reafon  to  believe  it  is  agreeable  to  the  original. 
The  farce,  however,  does  not  end  here,  for  it  is  "  done  in  London, 
on  the  9th  Vendemaire,  and  icth  year  of  the  French  Republic  ;" 
thus  obliging  the  Englifh  to  acknowledge,  within  the  Britifh 
capital,  the  freedom,  fovereignty  and  independence  of  the  French 
nation. 

It  looks  then  as  if  the  glory  of  the  Britifli  nation  was  "  burn- 
ing to  the  water's  edge."  How  the  M  rainbow'"  will  appear  after 
this  event,  is  apocryphal  ;  it  may  brighten,  or  it  may  lofe  its 
luilrc  ;  and  as  this  luminary  has  heretofore  been  fummoned  to 
take  an  adHve  part  in  our  political  controverfy,  it  is  hoped  that 
the  almanack-malcrs  in  the  feveral  States  will  defcribe  with  the 
utmoft  accuracy  in  their  next  year's  publications  its  variation  as 
to  the  extent  of  its  arch,  or  the  brilliancy  of  its  rays. 

For  my  own  part,  I  read  the  Centinel,  Palladium,  and  Price 
Current,  merely  to  obferve  the  chagrin  of  the  Eflex  junto.  Even 
their  exultations  are  evidences  of  their  mortification.  If  in  one 
paragraph  they  ftate  the  advantages  of  the  Engliih  by  the  treaty 
of  peace,  I  am  fure  to  find  that  the  next  will  declare  the  falfity 
of  their  reafoning.  They  drain  every  nerve  to  vindicate  them- 
felves ;  they  amufe  us  with  a  pretty  ftory  about  "  omniums  ;" 
they  defcribe  the  Britifh  funds  as  rifing  to  an  immenfe  value  j 
but  before  their  reader*  are  well  prepared  to  join  the  chorus,  they 


No.  L.  Peace  and  Funds,  vs.  Centinel*  203 

Malt  their  own  information  by  anticipating  fome  terrible  forebod- 
ings, which  intirely  deftrcy  the  luxury  oif  their  repaft.  "They 
build  up  with  one  hand,  and  knock  down  with  the  other." 

In  the  prefent  ftate  of  politics,  I  am  almoll  perfuaded  to  conde- 
scend to  afk  Major  RuiTell  (this  Keeker  of  finance)  to  explain  his 
farrago  of  the  Britifh  debt,  when  he  fays,  "  if  it  were  to  be  wiped 
off  intirely  with  a /page,  it  would  not  caufe  fifty  individuals  in  the 
whole  kingdom  to  retrench  one  meal  a  day  in  their  fubfiftence." 
If  this  hypothecs  is  right,  the  American  debt  could  be  as  eafily 
wiped  off  as  die  Britiih  ;  the  national  debt  of  bodi  nations  (lands 
on  the  fame  balls  ;  the  doctrine  advanced  in  the  Centinel  applies 
equally  to  both  countries.  What  then  will  the  flock-holders  in 
the  United  States  fay  to  this  Centinel  mode  of  financeering  ?  How 
would  they  relifh  thisjjpeaglag  manner  of  fettling  their  claims  ? — 
If  we  fhould  have  publiihed  a  fimilar  paragraph  in  the  Chronicle, 
and  inftead  of  Britain  inferted  America.,  the  6  and  8  per  cent- 
creditors  would  have  reafon  to  reprobate  the  principle  ;  if  fuch 
di/organizing  fentiments  had  been  advanced  by  the  republicans,  the 
anathemas  of  every  flock-holder  would  have  followed  them  with 
the  mod  clamorous  vociferation.  The  Centinel,  by  the  ignorance 
of  its  projectors,  has  funk  too  low  in  public  cftimation  to  require 
mferious  reflection  on  its  numerous  abfurdities.  If  we  mould  hold 
them  ftrictly  to  their  own  declarations,  die  funds  of  the  United 
States  would  be  converted  to  very  different  purpofes  dran  paying 
their  creditors. 

As  a  friend  to  the  honour  and  national  character  of  America, 
I  hope  never  to  fee  fuch  principles  operate  in  this  country,  as  to 
pj*ice  the  creditors  under  the  tyranny  of  a  "  fponge" — public 
credit  is  the  energy  of  government  ;  republicans  fhould 
ever  attend  to  their  finances  in  fuch  a  manner,  as  to  give  confidence 
to  its  citizens  in  their  loan  of  money.  Whatever  contracts  are 
made  on  this  bafis  ought  to  be  tenacioufly  fulfilled  ;   the  credit 

OF    A    NATION    IS     AS    SACRED     AS     THAT    OF     AN    INDIVIDUAL  ;     fo 

far  from  "  fponging,"  I  am  for  punctual  and  honourable  pay- 
ment ;  fo  far  from  fuggefting  that  no  injury  would  arife  from 
annihilating  the  debt,  I  believe  the  greatefi  injury  would  arife  if 
fuch  a  meafure  was  adopted, 


204  Peace  and  Funds,  vs.  Centinel.  No.  L. 

The  obfervations  made  in  the  Centinel,  on  the  public  debt  of 
England,  are  the  very  eflence  of jacobinifm.  The  Editor,  from  his 
arrogance,  feems  to  fport  with  every  thing  that  is  held  valuable 
in  fociety  ;  he  fpeaks  of  peace  as  a  curfe,  of  the  public  debt  as  a 
chimera,  and  yet,  under  a  political  infatuation,  he  is  fupported 
(by  the  very  men  whom  he  wifhes  to  ruin)  as  the  friend  to  public 
credit  and  the  advocate  of  harmouy  and  focial  order  ;  while,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  Editors  of  the  Chronicle  have  been  reprcfented 
as  the  deftroyers  of  property  and  the  enemies  to  every  moral 
virtue. 

The  Chronicle  has  now  come  to  an  iffue  with  the  Centinel  on 
this  ground,  and  means  to  maintain  an  oppofite  doctrine.  If  the 
debt  of  England  is  a  mere  ignis  fatuus,  the  principle  is  equally 
operative  in  the  United  States.  The  republicans  will  not  admit 
public  credit  to  be  expofed  to  fuch  a  vague  decifion,  but  are 
willing  in  a  juft  manner,  (by  the  burden  falling  equally  on  every 
clafs  of  citizens)  to  pay  their  creditors,  agreeably  to  their  pledged 
contracts,  any  thing  in  the  Centinel  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

Suppofe  Mr.  JefFerfon  or  Mr.  Gallatin  had  advanced  a  fimilar 
doctrine  on  the  debt  of  the  United  States,  as  is  advanced  in  the 
Centinel  on  the  Britifh  debt — fuppofc  they  had  faid,  that  the  debt 
was  due  from  one  individual  to  another,  and,  therefore,  if  a 
"  fponge"  was  applied  to  the  fettlement,  not  more  than  fifty 
individuals  would  retrench  one  meal  a  day  in  their  fnbfiftence  ? 
If  this  is  true  of  England,  it  is  equally  applicable  to  America  ; 
and,  provided  it  was  adopted,  how  many  fat,  plump  Jlock-holders 
would  become  as  thin  and  as  lank  as  a  pack  of  hounds,  after 
courfmg  a  whole  day  without  any  game  to  fatisfy  their  hunger. 
Away,  away  with  fuch  Jacobinical  principles  ;  the  Centinel 'is  aiming 
to  throw  "  public  credit  in  the  wind"  to  help  its  diforganizing  ad- 
herents— but  the  Chronicle,  ever  fteady  to  its  object,  will  purfue 
fuch  renegadoes  to  their  fecret  holds,  and  expofe  them  to  public 
execration. 


No.  LI.  Rain  and  JFar.  205 


?~ 


No.  LI. 

RAIN    AND    WAR  !  !  I 

tf  We   &<zv£  aj   much  rcafun  tc  pray  for   the  continuance  of  the  War. 
in  Europe,  as  the  Hujbanchnan  for  rain  in  a  time  of  drought." 

Centinel. 

x\LTHOUGH  perfonalities  ought  ever  to  be  avoided,  yet  when 
an  individual  has  the  effrontery  to  violate  every  principle  of  hu- 
manity ;  difgraces  his  country,  by  holding  it  up  as  the  refidence 
<  f  barbarians  ;  agonizes  the  tender  feelings  of  charity  and  philan- 
thropy ;  and  libels  every  doctrine  of  that  religion,  which  breathes 
peace  and  good  will  towards  men — the  affront  is  fo  enormous, 
that  the  man  who  thus  fports  with  every  thing  confidered  facrcd  in 
civilized  fociety,  fhould  be  arraigned  before  the  public  as  a  culprit, 
whofe  crimes  defcrve  the  mod  pointed  reprehenfion. 

Under  this  impreffion,  I  am  conflrained  to  inquire  from 
whence  does  this  fanguinary  fentiment  proceed  ?  "  To  pray  for 
War  &s  earneflly  as  <we  would  pray  for  Rain  /"  Defolation,  bar- 
barifm,  and  conflagration,  mud  fland  perfonified  in  the  author  of 
fuch  an  infamous  addrefs  to  that  Deity,  whofe  attributes  arc  im- 
mutably fixed  on  the  bafis  of  benevolence. 

Where  is  the  wretch  who  dares  utter  fuch  a  profane  fenti- 
ment ?  Has  Cain  returned  to  the  earth,  or  has  Judas  efcaped 
from  the  confines  of  Lucifer  ?  Has  ATE  "  let  flip  the  dogs  of 
war,"  and  commiffioncd  an  emifTary  to  enrage  the  voracious  pack 
to  gluttonize  on  human  carnage  i1  Has  Pandemonium  difgorged 
its  demons,  and  difturbed  die  peaceful  abodes  of  mankind  with  its 
infuriated  refidents  ?  Have  the  favages  of  the  wildernefs  become 
more  vindictive  in  barbarifm  ?  or  have  the  Algerines  been  inflated 
with  a  tenfold  degree  of  fatannic  malignity  ? — No  : — Even  Cain, 
Judas,  Ate,  Belzebub,  the  favages,  Algerines,  and  Satan  himfelf, 
mufl;  reprobate  with  abhorrence  the  deteflable  idea  !  and  collected 
in  their  ire,  point  the  finger  of  fcorn  at  the  mifcreant  who  thus 


2©6  Rain  and  War.  No.  LI. 

yrefum.es  to  violate  every  principle  which  is  held  facred  even  in 
the  territories  of  the  mod  profligate.  Who  is  the  man  who  thus 
difgraces  humanity  ;  who  puts  to  blufti  the  apoftates  in  the  infer- 
n:d  regions  ;  and  who  raifes  the  indignity  of  the  moft  uncivilized 
of  mankind  ?  The  countenance  of  Cain  mud  brighten  at  the  re- 
flection, that -oh*  man  will  hereafter  ftand  more  confpicuous  for  his 
depravity  in  the  regions  to  which  he  is  configned. 

"  Pray  for  viar  at  eatmejlly  as  ive  would  pray  for  rain  I"  Gra- 
cious  Heaven,  let  not  thy  wrath  defcend  on  America  for  diis  hor- 
)  id  imprecation.  It  is  the  fupplication  of  a  wretch,  who  has  loft 
all  fenfe  of  thy  benevolence.  It  is  the  intreaty  of  a  "  biped,"  who 
regards  neither  the  fanclity  of  the  Supreme  Being,  nor  the  happi- 
nefs  of  mankind.  Let  not  the  vengeance  of  Heaven  fall  on  our 
country  for  this  impious  exprerfion,  as  upwards  of  five  millions  of 
citizens  unanimoufly  condemn  the  defperado  who  thus  violates  ev- 
ery principle  which  harmonizes  fociety,  or  renders  life  defirable. 
But  if  an  atonement  muft  be  made  for  this  impeachment  of  thy 
benignity,  let  him  (land  the  fole  victim  of  thy  difpleafure  ;  and 
may  the  miferies  which  he  is  difpofed  to  inflidt  on  others,  be  heap- 
ed with  manifold  aggravation  on  his  devoted  head.  Not  that  we 
would  wifh  to  prolong  his  mifery  to  the  extent  of  his  crime  ;  but, 
in  mercy  to  mankind,  may  he  receive  fuch  a  portion  of  affliction, 
as  that  his  name  may  henceforth  be  expreffive  of  every  thing  that 
is  abhorrent,  and  his  punifliment  become  fo  far  terrific,  as  to  check 
fimilar  expreflions  in  fucceeding  ages.  In  commiferation  to  the 
human  race,  may  Satan  be  controled  in  executing  the  full  ven- 
geance of  his  indignation,  as  the  rival/hip  of  depravity  may  excite 
thofe  emotions  of  jealoufy,  as  to  lead  him  to  dread  an  ufurper  of 
his  kingdom. 

The  profane  fentiment,  of  imploring  Heaven  to  prolong  the 
devaluations  of  war,  muft  ftiike  every  reflecting  mind  widi  de,tef- 
tation.  Can  any  man,  whofe  breaft  is  not  callous  to  every  hu- 
mane confideration,  defire  a  continuance  of  thofe  ravages  which 
attend  the  progrefs  of*  war  ?  Is  there  one  citizen,  who  delights 
fo  far  in  blood,  as  to  petition  Heaven  to  fpread  the  dreadful  car- 
nage among  the  innocent  inhabitants  of  contending  Europe  ? — who 
wifhes  to  read  the  horrid  detail  of  expiring  millions,  falling  under 
the  fword  of  an  invading  enemy  ?  Is  there  one  man  fo  abforbed 
in  private  intereft,  as  to  make  a  ferious  application  to  the  Deity 


No.  LI.  Rain  and  War.  20? 

to  diftrefs  thoufands  of  men,  women,  and  children,  merely  to  pro* 
cure  a  market  for  his  merchandize  ?  Let  thofe  Americans,  "who 
recollect  the  battle  of  Bunker-Hill,  who  remember  the  conflagra- 
tion of  Charleftown,  who  experienced  the  diflreiTes  of  forfaking 
their  habitations  during  the  American  revolution,  ipeak  on  this 
fubject  ; — fay,  fellow-citizens,  what  would  have  been  your  feel- 
ings, if  you  had  read  in  an  European  paper,  that  the  war  with 
America  was  as  defirable  as  "  rain  in  a  time  of  drought"  ?  What 
fhould  we  have  thought  of  fuch  a  paragraph,  even  if  it  had  pro- 
ceeded from  the  prefs  of  an  Algcrine  ?  But  no  fuch  thing  ever 
appeared  during  our  controverfy  ;  the  inhumane  fentiment  was 
refer ved  for  the  Centinel,  and  we  prefume  its  Editor  ftands  alone 
poiTefTed  of  fuch  a  fanguinary  difpofition  ! 

He  fays  we  ought  to  "  pray  for  iuar  J"  Gracious  Heaven  1 
in  what  manner  arc  we  to  direct  our  prayers  ?  Are  we  to  afTem- 
ble,  as  in  a  time  of  drought,  and  make  cur  immediate  application 
to  the  Throne  of  Grace,  for  the  beftowment  of  this  bleffing  ? 
Mull  our  clergy  addrefs  the  Deity  in  a  language  like  this  : — 
"  Father  of  Mercies,  we  befeech  Thee  to  hear  out  fupplications, 
and  may  Thy  children  here  below,  who  inhabit  one  part  of  the 
creation,  be  enabled  to  cut  each  other's  throats,  in  order  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  other  part  may  receive  the  benefits  aiifing  from 
their  wants  and  diftrelTes."  Is  this  the  form  of  prayer  the  Centi- 
nel  would  prefcribe  ?  Is  this  the  pious  ejaculation  to  be  oifered 
up  in  our  refpective  churches  ?  Horrid  profanity  !  and  yet  this 
is  the  purport  of  the  petition  recommended  for  your  adoption. 

Viewing  this  fubject  on  the  ground  of  Chriftianity,  can  the  cler^ 
gy  approve  of  the  principle  ?  Are  they  not  in  duty  bound  to  bear 
public  teftimony  againfl  the  wretch  who  would  fuggefl  fuch  a 
meafure  ?  Can  politics  fo  far  blind  their  eyes,  as  to  pafs  over 
unnoticed  fuch  an  odium  on  religion,  while  they  are  lamenting  the 
decay  of  every  moral  virtue  ?  This  paragraph  in  the  Centinel  is 
a  ftain  on  our  national  character  ;  and  nothing  can  ever  remove  it, 
but  the  depravity  of  the  author  being  a*s  generally  known  through- 
out the  world,  as  his  infolence  is  notorious  within  the  town  of  his 
refidence. 

If  any  one  doubts  the  infidelity  of  this  man,  I  would  re- 
quell;  him  to  inquire,  who  it  was  that  declared,  upon  hearing  that 
the  lightning  had  fhivered  the  maft  of  the  Ihip  George  Walking- 


ftoS  The  Abolition  of  Taxes.  No.  LII- 

ton,  "  This  is  a  d — d  jacobin  Jlorm  .'"  Was  it  not  the  fame  perfor* 
who  wifhes  us  to  "pray  for  war  ?"  That  laments  the  peace  as 
"  too  true  ?" 

The  above  remarks  are  confined  to  the  horrid  idea  of  "  pray- 
ing for  war."  If  the  author  is  willing  to  acknowledge  his  error, 
and  apologize  for  his  impiety,  the  charity  of  republicans  would 
probably  throw  a  mantle  over  his  criminality,  under  the  injunction 
in  Scripture,  that  "  though  thy  brother  offend  feventy  times  feven, 
yet,  if  he  repent,  ye  fhall  forgive  him."  To  this  Chriflian  el: 
we   recommend  the  writer  of  the  fanguinary  paragraph. 


No.  LII. 


THE    ABOLITION     OF    TAXE?. 

T 

JL  HE  magnanimity,  philanthropy  and  pa'triotifm  exhibited  in 
the  meffage  of  Prcfident  Jefferfon,  muft  endear  him  to  every  repub- 
lican and  Chriflian  citizen,  throughout  the  Union.  His  actions 
muft  have  a  much  happier  tendency  to  promote  the  caufe  of 
religion,  than  thofe  of  our  modern  hypocrites,  who,  by  profeffion 
and  habiliments  only,  defignate  the  character  of  a  Chriflian. 

When  we  reflect  on  the  torrent  of  abufe,  the  deluge  of  calumny, 
which  have  flowed  from  his  enemies  ;  when  we  confider,  that 
every  boundary  of  common  decency  has  been  overleaped,  in  vilify- 
ing his  conduct  ;  when  we  contemplate  the  malicious  difpofition 
difplayed  in  thofe  papers  which  have  been  the  receptacles  of  flan- 
dcr  and  defamation,  what  muft  we  think  of  the  man  who  can  pafs 
over  in  filence  this  unbounded  detraction,  and  regardlefs  of  the 
enmity  of  his  antagonifts,  urge  the  Legiflative  Body  of  the  nation 
to  devife  ways  and  means  to  relieve  the  taxes  of  his  fellow-citizens  ? 
Human  nature  is  peculiarly  prone  to  retaliation  for  injuries.  Mr. 
Jefferfon  feems  exempt  from  this  frailty — even  his  enemies,  when 
reading  the  infamous  publications  in  the  Centinel,  Palladium,  and 
other  factious  papers,  are  conftrained  to  fay,  that  fome  govern- 
mental check  ou^ht  to  prevent  fuch  an  intolerant  fpirit  againfl  the 


No.  LII.  The  Abolition  of  Taxes.  209 

chief  magiftrate  ;  but  though  he  is  the  peculiar  object  of  this  difor- 
ganizing  and  Jacobinical  temper,  yet  far  from  returning  "  railing 
for  railing,"  far  from  calling  down  the  fire  of  legiflative  author- 
ity to  confume  his  enemies,  his  conciliatory  fpirit  may  be  defcribed 
in  the  following  language  : 

Fellow-citizens  of  the  Senate  and  Houfe  of  Reprefentativcs  : — forgive 
my  enemies  ;  I  do  not  urge  your  "  blood  to  boil"  againft  them  ; 
I  defire  no  fedition  act  to  control  their  infolence  ;  my  conduct  is 
placed  on  the  foundation  of  public  fcrutiny  ;  the  republican  fyftem 
Is  fixed  on  the  bafis  of  univerfal  inveftigation.  Let  my  opponents 
fay  ivhat  they  phuf — my  actions  are  fubmitted  to  the  enlightened 
judgment  of  my  conftitucnts  ;  to  their  opinion  1  am  willing  to 
appeal,  and  while  acting  in  the  executive  department,  I  lhall  never 
defcend  to  notice  the  fcurrility  of  an  expiring  faction  ;  neither 
lliall  I  fcreen  myfelf  within  the  barriers  of  a  fedition  law,  to  pre- 
vent a  fair  and  impartial  examination  of  my  character  and  conduct. 
But,  "felloiu-citizens,"  I  wave  with  pleafure  all  confiderations  of 
a  perfonal  nature.  The  fubjects,  to  which  I  am  dcfirous  to  draw 
your  attention,  are  connected  widi  public  utility  and  general  hap- 
pinefs.  Thus  predicating  my  adminiftration  on  this  foundation, 
let  me  afk  you,  whether  the  numerous  taxes  on  our  conftitucnts 
cannot  be  lefTened  ?  whether  the  excife  and  flamp  duties  cannot  be 
difpenfed  with  ?  and  whether  the  public  debt  (which,  in  monarchical 
countries,  is  confidered  a  public  bleffing)  cannot  be  difcharged. 
fooner  than  has  heretofore  been  contemplated,  and  with  more 
facility  to  the  American  citizens  ?  whether  an  expenfivc  fyftem  of 
judiciary  (created  under  the  profpect  of  an  immediate  diffolution 
of  legiflative  ariftocracy)  fhould  not  be  annihilated,  and  this 
branch  of  government  reftored  to  its  former  Amplified  ftate  ?  that 
this  laft  effort  of  a  party,  to  ajfimihite  the  American  government  to  that 
of  England,  fliould  be  defeated,  and  that  the  Prefident  fhould  not, 
in  the  laft  hours  of  his  political  exiftence,  organize  a  body  of 
favourites,  in  a  permanent  ftation,  to  perpetuate  his  influence  ? 

This  is  the  plain,  intelligible  language  of  the  Prefident's 
meffage.  While  entering  into  ojjicg,  does  he  fliew  the  fame  temper 
of  fome,  when  going  out  P  Does  he  wiflr  to  extend  his  popularity 
by  official  patronage  ?  Is  he  dcfirous  to  create  offices  to  aid  his 
own  energies  ?  Does  he  recommend  thofe  meafurcs  which  might 
C  c 


2 JO  Aloliikn  of  Taxef.  No.  Lil- 

le ad  thoufands  to  court  his  friend  (hip,  in  expectation  of  his  lucfii* 
tive  diipofals  ?  If  we  had  feen  him  active  to  originate  a  fyftem, 
which  would  fecure  him  the  fupport  of  a  formidable  phalanx,  we 
might  doubt  his  fmcerity  ;  efpecia-lly  if  we  had  fecn  him  appoint 
men  to  office,  in  the  moll  facrcd  connexion  with  thofe  whom  he 
had  difplaccd,  we  fhould  be  jealous  of  his  integrity.  Nothing  of 
this  kind  can  be  alleged  again  it  Mr.  Jefferfon  ;  he  ftands  before 
his  fellow-citizens  en  the  ground  of  republicanism,  and,  confeious 
of  his  uprightnefs,  is  ready  to  fubmit  his  actions  to  public  and 
private  fcrutiny. 

The  government  of  a  free  people  never  aflumed  a  more  dig- 
nified attitude.  While  monarchies  are  conftantly  calling  on  the 
people  for  additional  taxes — while  a  Britifh  budget  (like  Pandora's 
hox)  is  fraught  with  evils,  to  be  ditfeminated  among  the  fubjects, 
in  the  form  of  taxes  and  requifitions — while  the  miniftry  are 
{training  to  the  utmoft  verge  of  extortion  the  fmall  pittance  in 
the  hands  of  induftry — while  the  exchequer  is  the  common  de- 
pofit  of  the  hard  earnings  of  the  manufacturer  and  hufbandman, — 
the  American  republic,  under  the  wifdom  and  economy  of  its  exec- 
utive, is  officially  urged  to  retrench  their  expenfes,  and  to  lefTen 
the  burdens  which  for  many  years  have  diftreffed  the  citizens. 

This  country,  from  its  firft  fettlemcnt,  has  been  fated  to  the 
clamour  and  intrigues  of  a  faction.  The  diftreffing  fyftem  of 
finance,  which  has  convulfcd  Britain,  and  rendered  her  govern- 
ment the  mere  vehicle  to  impoverifh  the  many  and  enrich  xhzfeivy 
was  early  adopted  in  the  United  States ;  excifes,  (lamp  duties,  &c- 
havc  followed  in  quick  fucceffion  ;  but,  above  all,  a  ftupendous 
fyftem  of  judiciary,  which  threatens  to  throw  the  life,,  liberty  and 
property  of  the  people,  under  the  control  of  that  unqualified 
inftrument  generally  denominated  the  common-law,  has  been 
attempted.  The  judiciary  of  this  country  has  already  become 
too  complex  for  the  comprehenfion  of  the  citizens  ;  the  late 
eftabliftiment  enlarges  the  boundaries,  and  gives  a  fcope  to  a 
particular  prafijfion,  which  nruft  eventually  grafp  within  its  control 
the  privileges  and  property  of  the  whole  community.  This 
extenfive  machine,  moving  under  the  weight  of  a  column  of 
fupernumerary  judges,  attended  with  the  immenfe  expenfe  of 
their  eftablifhments,  it  is  feared,  would  ultimately  reduce  the 
people  to  the  moft  abject  ftate  of  fervitude*     Lawyers  would 


No.  LIL  The  AhoTitwn  of  Taxes,  21 1 

generate  in  tenfold  proportion  to  other  profeiTions,  and,  in  time, 
this  country  would  be  as  generally  overrun  by  this  "  order,"  as 
Egypt  with  Mamelukes. 

Notwithstanding  the  Prefidcnt  has  in  his  meflage  given  fuch. 
a  ftrong  evidence  of  his  attachment  to  the  liberties  and  happinefs 
of  his  country,  yet  the  voice  of  calumny  is  (till  clamorous  againll 
him.  But,  fellow-citizens,  has  he  injured  you  in  his  recommen- 
dations to  relieve  you  from  taxes  ?  Are  there  any  who  wilh  for 
the  continuance  of  excife,  {lamp  duties,  &c.  ?  If  there  are,  let 
them  /peak.  If  you  want  your  internal  manufactures  burdened 
with  duties,  come  forward  and  declare  it.  If  you  are  defirous  to 
continue  the  odio\\sJ?amp-afl,  or  wiih  to  perpetuate  the  troublefome 
tafk  of  riding  from  town  to  town  to  buy  a  ltamp-paper,  to  legalize 
your  common  negociations,  now  is  the  time  to  gratify  your  defires 
by  petitioning  Ccngrefs  to  difrcgard  the  recommendations  of  the 
Prelident.  Ye  who  want  to  pay  a  tax  on  carriages  (which  prob- 
ably convey  your  family  to  the  houfc  of  worfhip)  rally  your  forces, 
and  fend  circular  letters,  to  be  read  in  churches,  for  joining  in  a 
remonflrance  againft  the  abolition  of  the  duty. 

If  the  citizens  are  enamoured  with  the  late  fyftcm  of  judiciary, 
and  conceive  themfelves  threatened  with  an  annihilation  of  their 
liberties,  in  cafe  it  ihould  be  revoked,  let  them  come  forward  with 
a  declaration  of  the  bledings  they  anticipate  on  the  creation  of  a 
phalanx  of  judges,  and  the  retinue  of  lawyers  which  follow  in  their 
train.  This  is  placing  the  rubjecl  on  its  proper  footing.  As  the 
President  only  defires  to  promote  the  public  good,  if  he  has  miftak- 
en  the  means,  he  will  cheerfully  renounce  the  meafure.  If  the 
people  fay  taxes  ape  deferable,  he  will  endeavour  to  gratify  their 
wiflies — but  while  he  thinks  die  exigencies  of  government  do  not 
require  their  former  latitude,  he  will  ufe  his  influence  to  relieve 
and  not  burden  them  for  the  emolument  of  a  few  individuals. — . 
He  who  is  offended  or  injured  by  the  Prefidcnt,  let  him  fpeak  J 
He  iliall  be  heard  with  attention,  and  atifwcred  with  candour, 


212  The  Benevolence  and  Dignify  No.  LIIL 

No.  LIIL 

THE  BENEVOLENCE  AND  DIGNITY  OF  "  THE  PEOPLE." 


X  HE  fanguinary  fcene  of  '  garments  rolled  in  blood,'  having  been 
fo  long  and  fo  often  portrayed  to  the  public,  it  muft  be  peculiarly 
pleafmg  to  the  philanthropic  mind  to  contemplate  the  reftoration 
of  peace,  and  the  harmony  of  contending  nations.  Among  five 
millions  of  republican  citizens,  it  is  pofiible  that  one  man  may  be  fo 
deftitute  of  humanity  as  to  "  pray  for  war,"  and  thus  erecT:  his 
name  as  a  monument  of  univerfal  deteftation.  The  olive  branch 
Is  congenial  to  the  feelings  of  benevolence,  and  though  tyrants  may 
realize  advantages  to  themfelves  amidfl  the  calamities  of  war,  yet 
humanity  will  ever  acquire  an  afcendancy  when  "  the  people"  ex- 
ercife  their  inherent  virtues.  Under  particular  impreffions,  the 
people  may  be  deceived,  and  led  into  error,  but  their  good  feme 
will  eventually  extricate  them  from  the  evils  defigned  by  thofe 
who  intended  to  impofe  upon  them. 

While  conhdering  the  nature  of  government,  fome  are  too  apt 
to  fuppofe,  that  the  magi  Urates  of  a  monarchy,  or  an  arijlocracy, 
are  exclufively  inclined  to  favour  the  happinefs  of  "  the  people"  ; 
they  foolifhiy  fuppofe,  that  the  people  are  proge  to  evil,  and  gene- 
rally difpofed  to  violate  every  principle  of  focial  order.  The  re- 
verie however  is  the  fact,  as  the  people  are  naturally  defirous  to 
fubftantiate  their  own  profperity  ;  neither  are  they  inclined  to  op- 
pofe  government,  provided  it  is  adminiftered  with  any  tolerable 
degree  of  lenity.  The  Americans  bore  the  oppreffions  of  Britain, 
till  they  became  infufferable  ;  the*citizens  of  France  for  centuries 
fubmitted  to  the  tyranny  of  their  monarchs,  and  impofitions  of 
their  clergy,  till  the  nation  was  nearly  bankrupt  by  their  extrav- 
agance and  luxury  ;  the  poor,  unhappy  Irifh  have,  for  many  ages, 
dragged  the  chains  of  fervitude,  while  their  tafk -matters  are  daily 
increafmg  their  burdens,  and  wrefting  from  the  fupplicating  hand 
of  wretchednefs  the  fcanty  morfel  alloted  for  its  fubfiflence. 


No.  LIII.  of  the   People*  213 

The  fubjects  of  one  nation  would  live  in  continual  amity  with 
another,  if  they  were  not  excited  to  a  controverfy  by  the  ambitious 
jealoufy  of  their  rulers.  For  example,  would  the  people  of  Eng- 
land have  entered  into  a  war  with  France,  if  they  had  not  been 
flimulated  by  their  king  and  miniftry  ?  Do  we  fuppofe  that  the 
foldiers,  iailors  and  militia  of  England  would  have  armed  them- 
felves  againft  the  French  nation,  if  Pitt  and  his  coadjutors  had  not 
promoted  the  warfare  ?  No  :  France  might  have  changed  her 
government  in  quietude,  and  not  one  man  within  the  combined 
nations  would  have  felt  the  leaft  inclination  to  interfere  in  die  con- 
troverfy. Do  we  fuppofe  that  a  Dutchman,  German  or  Englifh- 
rnan  would  have  troubled  himfelf  about  what  was  doing  in 
France,  if  the  emperor,  ftadtholder,  and  king  of  thofe  nations  had 
been  tranquil  on  the  occafion  ?  An  Englifhman,  Auftrian,  and 
Dutchman  have  no  natural  hoftility  to  a  Frenchman,  unlels  pro- 
voked to  animotity  by  thofe  individuals  who  compofe  their  lords 
and  majlcrs.  Wars  are  not  the  operation  of  perfonal  refentment 
between  fubjecls  of  different  nations  and  languages,  but  in  mod 
inflances  are  created  and  fomented  by  men,  who  are  benefitted 
by  the  conteft,  from  the  emoluments  arifing  in  their  official  ca- 
pacity. 

During  the  American. revolution,  the  benevolence  of  the  people 
of  England  was  confpicuous  on  moll  occafions.  Our  prifoners 
were  treated,  by  them,  with  the  greateft  hofpitality.  The  gov- 
ernmental prifon-Jlj'ips  were  the  baililes  of  cruelty  ;  but  if  an  unfor- 
tunate American  could  take  refuge  among  the  people,  he  was  fure 
of  protection,  and  every  difplay  of  humanity  was  exercifed.  The 
American  people  alfo,  on  the  clofe  of  the  war,  received  with  cor- 
diality the  enemies  of  the  revolution,  permitted  the  refugees  to 
return,  and  would  to  this  day  have  embraced  them  with  the  ut- 
mofl  affeclion,  had  they  not  found  that  almoft  every  old  tory  con- 
tinued inimical  to  the  profperity  of  a  republican  form  of  government. 
As  a  further  evidence  of  the  benevolence  of  the  people,  I  fhall  only 
obferve,  that  our  Saviour  would  have  fallen  a  facrifice  to  the 
outrage  of  the  rulers,  chief  priefls,  fcribes  and  pharifees,  much 
earlier  than  he  did,  had  they  not  been  checked  in  their  pro- 
grefs  from  "  a  fear  of  the  people."  The  people  cried  "  ho- 
fanaa,"  and  received  him  with  the  utmofl  cordiality,  but  the  mon- 


2  14  The  B:nerclcnce  and  Dignity  No.  LIIL 

archwal,  ariftocratical  and  prljlly  authorities  cried  "  crucify  him  ! 
crucify  him  !" 

At  the  prefent  day,  wc  often  hear  "  the  people"  depreciated, 
and  the  ruiers  exalted  ;  we  hear  the  mod  degiading  remarks  on 
the  commonalty,  and  the  higheft  encomiums  on  the  "  well-born." 
liui,  if  we  examine  hiftory,  we  lhall  find,  that  war  never  arofe 
between  nations  unlefs  fet  on  by  the  monarchical,  arijlocraiical,  or 
clerical  part  of  die  government. 

To  illuilrate  my  remarks,  let  us  reflect  on  the  fudden  return 
of  friend fliip  between  Frenchmen  and  Englifhmen.  While  the 
king  and  miniflry  were  currying  on  the  war,  the  name  of  Bona-: 
parte,  and  the  fans  culottes  of  France,  were  held  in  the  utmoft  ab- 
horrence in  England  ;  the  public  mind  was  raifed  to  fuch  an  ele- 
vation of  refentment,  againft  every  tiling  which  wore  a  Gallican 
appearance,  that  it  was  dangerous  to  lifp  a  fentiment  in  favour  of 
the  French  in  any  public  or  private  circle  ;  the  theatres  dared  not 
to  produce  an  exhibition  that  countenanced  the  revolution  ;  the 
Firft  Conful  was  reprefented  as  the  chief  demon  of  Pandaemonium  ; 
fongs  were  compofed  to  ridicule  the  Cor fi can  ufurpcr  ;  the  French 
citizens  were  reprefented  on  the  ftage  as  a  group  of  aflallins  or  a 
band  of  defperadoes  ;  caricatures,  exprcfllve  of  the  moll  degraded 
and  ruinous  (late  of  the  French  government,  were  expofed  in  every 
picture-fiiop  in  London.  But,  as  foon  as  peace  was  proclaimed 
between  the  two  nations,  "  the  people"  exercifed  their  natural  be- 
nevolencff  and  ruined  forth,  tyke  a  torrent,  to  receive  with  open  arms 
the  meflenger  of  this  joyful  intelligence  ;  the  city  of  London  re- 
founded  with  "  long  live  Bonaparte  !  long  live  the  French  na- 
tion !"  The  horfes  were  difmiffed  from  the  carriage,  as  being 
too  flow  in  their  progrefs,  and  the  people  became  the  promulgators 
of  the  glad  tidings,  by  conducting  the  herald  to  the  metropolis, 
amidft.  the  acclamations  of  thoufands  ;  the  city  was  illuminated  ; 
joy  was  univerfally  diflufed  ;  the  citizens  congratulated  each  other 
with  the  warmed:  emotion,  and  there  was  not  a  gloomy  manfion 
in  the  capital,  excepting  that  of  Peter  Porcupine,  the  parafite  of 
blood  and  conflagration.  Here  is  an  evidence  of  benevolence,  arif- 
ing  from  the  people,  which  no  man  can  controvert.  The  detefla- 
ble  wretch,  who  "  prays  for  war,"  mud  be  obliged,  from,  this  cir- 
cumilance,  to  deteft  his  own  villanous  imprecation. 


No.  Lilt  of  the  People.  U$ 

From  this  flatcment  of  fa*5rs,  I  muft  afk  the  advocates  for  mon- 
archy or  ariftocracy,  what  think  YE  oi  a  government,  in  which 
"  the  people"  have  no  control  ?  Would  not  the  people  of  Eng- 
land have  been  at  peace  long  before  this  period,  if  they  had  not 
been  prevented  by  their  arbitrary  nilers  ?  Or  rather,  would  they 
not  have  been  obliged  to  profecute  the  war,  if  the  energies  of 
Bonaparte  had  not  arretted  the  further  exertions  of  the  Englifh 
cabinet  ?  Would  not  the  fwords  of  Englifhmcn  have  been  (till 
drawn  to  fried  the  blood  of  Frenchmen  ?  and  inftead  of  fraternal 
embraces  being  mutually  exchanged,  would  not  the  violence  of 
refentment  have  urged  each  of  them  to  fpre&d  the  horrors  of  war 
in  every  city  and  village  of  the  contending  parties  ? 

But,  thanks  to  a  benign  Providence,  the  fcene  is  changed.  In- 
ftead of  conflagrations,  we  behold  illuminations.  The  soldiers, 
inflead  of  imbruing  their  hands  in  each  other's  blood,  are  clafping 
them  together  in  brotherly  affection  ;  the  sailors,  inftead  of 
groaning  under  the  cruelty  of  impreffments,  are  rejoicing  around 
the  plenteous  board  of  refre/hments  ;  the  citizens,  inftead  of  being 
alarmed  at  an  hoftile  invafion,  are  haftening  to  the  fhores  to  wel- 
come the  harbinger  of  public  fecurity.  The  whole  fcene  of  peace 
affumes  a  pleafing  reverfe  of  war  ;  every  freeman's  bread  expands 
in  tranfport  at  the  beatific  tranfition. 

Thus  far  the  reprefentation  of  the  benevolence  of  the  people  of 
England  is  exhibited  ; — but  when  we  turn  our  eyes  toward? 
France,  the  fcene  glows  with  redoubled  fervency.  What  more 
tranfporting  and  dignified  fpeclacle  can  be  exhibited  than  the  feti 
in  Paris,  on  the  termination  of  war  ?  It  is  expreffive  of  all  the 
benevolent  fenfations  of  the  human  heart.  Inftead  of  a  wild,  fe- 
rocious effufion  of  ungovernable  paffions,  (inflated  by  military  fuc- 
ccfles)  the  whole  arrangement  evinces  the  moll  perfect  fyftem  of 
refined  reflection  ;  every  part  oi  the  tranfaction  leads  to  fecial, 
moral,  and  political  improvement  : — "  A  temple,  dedicated  to 
Concord,  is  erected,  in  which  hymns  of  peace  and  fongs  of  joy 
arc  to  be  fung,  accompanied  with  a  full  band  of  muficians,  pre- 
ceded by  drums  and  trumpets.  A  pantomimic  fpeclacle  is  to  be 
given,  in  which  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  are  to  be  armed  againfl 
each  other,  with  a  full  picture  of  the  calamities  of  war  ;  on  a  fud- 
den,  thefe  dreadful  evils  ceafe,  and  a  ferene  light  is  filed  upon  the 
fcene,  while  the  Temple   of   Peace  is  exhibited,  accompanied 


2l6  The  Benevolence  and  Dignity  of  the  People.  No.  LI  II. 

with  the  pleafing  figures  of  the  fine  Arts  and  Commerce  ;  during 
this  fcientific  and  dignified  repair,  the  Temple  of  Commerce  arifes, 
furrounded  with  a  flotilla  of  boats,  elegantly  ornamented  ;  on 
board  of  which  the  Jeamen  of  all  nations  embark,  while  the  Temple 
refounds  with  the  flourifhes  of  a  full  band  of  mufic,  in  all  the  ec- 
ftacy  of  joy  and  conviality.  Each  citizen  is  to  illuminate  his 
maniion  ;  the  Thuilleries,  bridges  and  quays  are  to-be  ornament- 
ed with  trophies,  expreffive  of  the  bleffings  of  peace." 

What  an  exalted  and  dignified  leflbn  of  focial  happinefs  is  incul- 
cated by  this  feftival  !  Ye  revilers  of  France,  hide  your  heads  in 
the  duft,  while  calumniating  a  nation  which  even  moralizes  in  her 
feftive  exhibitions.  The  boifterous  huzzas  in  London  may  be  cal- 
culated to  exprefs  the  feelings  of  Englifhmen,  but  the  refinement 
of  France  leads  to  a  more  exalted  object,  as  connected  with  the 
cultivation  of  the  human  mind.  Dragging  a  coach  may  gratify  the 
benevolent  ejfufions  of  a  well-diipofed  London  populace  (deprefled 
by  the  tyranny  of  their  mailers)  ;  but  the  citizens  of  France  rife 
fuperior  to  fuch  degrading  fervitude.  Under  the  patronage  of 
their  government,  they  exhibit  to  the  world  the  fame  dignified  de- 
portment in  the  celebration  of  peace,  as  they  difplayed  in  the  prof- 
ecution  of  war.  Every  movement  of  the  nation  gives  them  an 
elevated  pofition  and  tefpe&able  attitude  ;  if  they  were  terrific  in 
war,  they  are  inftru&ive  in  peace.  Inftead  of  exciting  a  vindictive 
temper  againft  their  enemies,  or  the  world,  their  flotilla  is  filled 
with  the  citizens  of  all  nations,  and  a  univerfal  peal  of  congratula- 
tion welcomes  them  to  chaunt  in  chorus, 

"  Blefs'd  be  the  man,  by  Heaven  defignd 
"  To  fet  the  world  from  flavery  free  ; 
"  In  every  age,  in  every  clime, 
"  His  fame  fhall  live  in  ecfiacy" 


1 


No.  Li  V.  Chief  Priests  and  the  Farmer.  2 1  f 


No,  LIV. 

CHIEF    PRIESTS    AND    "   THE    FARMER." 

"  My  Kingdom  is  not  of  this    World.''' 

O 

OCURR1LITY  and  detraction  have  fo  long  been  the  topics  in 

the  tory  papers  that  it  has  become  derogatory  to  the  caufe  of 
republicanifm  to  notice  them,  otherwife  than  by  ridicule  or  fatire. 
It  is  rather  pleafing  than  mortifying,  to  obferve  the  paltry  efforts 
of  an  expiring  faction,  to  recover  their  loft  ground  ;  and  their 
Struggles  to  regain  that  afcendancy,  which  had  nearly  brought 
our  country  into  a  State  of  ruin,  are  more  diverting  than  alarming. 

If  a  man  was  inclined  to  write  a  farce,  he  could  not  take  a 
fubject  more  appropriate  to  his  purpofe,  than  the  ridiculous  farrago 
which  is  constantly  exhibited  in  the  tory  gazettes.  On  one  fide, 
we  ihould  find  a  "  Sulpicius"  roaring  with  the  utmoft  vocifera- 
tion, that  the  whole  body  of  clergy  were  in  danger  of  annihilation, 
and  for  no  other  reafon,  than  becaufe  a  writer  over  the  Signature 
of  a  "  Farmer"  had  declared  that  fame  among  the  order  had  been 
more  outrageous  than  circumfpect  in  their  political  conduct. — Ad- 
mitting that  the  Farmer  has  faid  this,  yet  it  is  a  truth  which  cannot 
be  controverted,  and  Sulpicius  by  making  an  uproar,  will  not 
perfuade  the  people  that  the  charge  is  erroneous.  When  we  read 
this  clerical  advocate,  we  cannot  but  fmile  at  his  folly  ;  he  repre- 
sents the  prieftly  order  as  fhaken  to  its  centre — he  calls  upon  the 
religious  of  all  denominations  to  rally  round  th:ir  Jiandard — he 
portrays  eight  hundred  of  them  as  falling  martyrs  in  the  caufe 
of  virtue  and  morality — wc  almoSt  anticipate  the  faggots  and  fire 
of  extermination,  and  our  imagination  is  enlivened  with  the  flames 
afcending  towards  heaven,  while  their  expiring  bodies  are  engulph- 
ed  in  the  horrid  conflagration. 

To  fliew  the  folly  of  Sulpicius,  fuppofe  the  writer  of  a  farce 
fhould,  in  the  firfl  fcene,  reprefent  him  portending,  in  a  phi  enfical 
D  d 


i  and  the  Fan  No.  LIV„ 

attitude,  the  ruin  and   deflm  .he  clergy — fliould  defcribe 

I  be  tortures  and  perfccutions  of  this  refpeftable  clafs 
of  citizens,  ,u\d  clofe  the  act,  with  a  defcriptive  fcene  of  their  ag- 
onizing dilioluticn.  While  this  was  exhibited,  there  is  no  doubt 
the  audience  would  exprels  \hc  higheft  indignation  at  the  cruel 
tranfaction  ;  but,  if  in  the  next  act,  we  fhould  obferve  a  large 
number  of  thoie  individuals,  who   are  I  timing   againft 

perfecution  (with  Sulpicius  himfelf  in  the   group)   arrayed  at  the 
expenfe  of  their  focieties,  in  their  icals,  claiming 

in  the  various  circles  in  which  they  aifemble,  and  feated 
around  almoft  every  feftive  board  within-  their  vicinity,  partaking 
of  the  comforts  of  life  in  a  fuperior  degree  to  mod  of  their  parifli- 
■ ,  we  fhould  readily  turn  cur  deteitation  on  the  author  of  the 
calumny,  and  laugh  at  the  folly  of  thole  who  apprehended  their 
annihilation. 

We  mould  readily  inquire  in  what  inftance  are  the  clergy 
perfecuted  ?  Did  they  ever  live  in  more  union  with  their  paiifh- 
ioners  ?  Were  they  ever  better  clothed  and  fed  than  at  the 
nt  day  ?  Is  there  one  man  of  the  clergy,  who  dreads  the 
indignation  of  his  parifhioners  in  confequence  of  the  remarks  of 
the  Farmer,  provided  he  ads  conformable  to  the  duties  of  his 
office  ?  While  he  continues  in  the  line  of  his  profefiion,  there  is  no 
danger  of  difquietude — the  people  are  willing  to  hear  go/pel  truths, 
though  they  may  be  difpleafed  with  political  herefy.  If  he  fo  far 
violates  his  ordination-contract  by  preaching  "  the  doSrines  of  men" 
inftead  of  the  precepts  of  the  goipel,  he  is  no  more  entitled  to  pay 
from  his  parilh,  than  if  he  totally  abandoned  his  pulpit,  and 
purfued  a  calling  foreign  from  his  engagements.  If  the  parifh- 
ioners  pay  three  dollars  a  year  to  a  printer  for  newfpapcrs,  they 
are  unwilling  to  pay  ten  dollars  a  year  to  a  parfon  for  political 
difquifitions.  A  printer  and  a  preacher  are  two  diftinct  occupa- 
tions, and  while  the  people  give  the  former  a  fupport  in  the  line 
of  his  bufinefs,  they  are  unwilling  to  double  the  expenfe  to  hear 
a  repetition  of  the  fame  fubjefts  from  the  latter.  When  we  read 
newfpapcrs,  we  expect  to  find  political  controverfies,  and  when 
we  read  or  hear  fermons  we  expect  to  find  religious  di  flirtations. 
When  we  fee  a  fermon  turned  into  a  newfpaper,  it  is  as  foreign 
from  our  expectations,  as  to  fee  a  newfpaper  turned  into  a  fermon  ; 
,   performance  ought  to  be  analagous  to  the  profeffion  of  its. 


No.  LIV.  Cl.lf  Priests  and  the  Farmer.  219 

author.     A  printer  to  become  preacher,  or  a  preacher  to  become 
printer,  is  quite  out  of  character.     A  printer's  devil*  with  his  , 
paper  apron,  in  the  pulpit,  would  cut  a  lingular  figure,  and  a  cler- 
gyman in  his  bands,  befmeared  with  ink  and  beating  the  black  balls, 
would  be  nearly  as  laughable  a  character. 

The  Farmer  has  confidered  the  fubjeel  on  this  rational 
ground,  and  he  is  attacked  with  the  utmoft  violence  for  this  plain 
pofition.  But  who  can  contradict  the  afiertion,  that  the  duty  cf 
the  clergy  relates  to  fpirituals,  and  is  totally  diflinct  from  tem- 
porals. This  is  the  doctrine  of  our  Saviour,  who  declared, 
"  My  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world.1*  If  the  clergy  are  his  ambaff- 
adors,  they  ought  to  be  employed  about "  their  Matter's  bufmefs." 
If  "  His  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world,"  certainly  his  vicegerents 
cannot  have  a  diftinct  kingdom  from  him,  under  whofe  commiflion 
they  officiate.  The  whole  doctrine  of  fcripture  exprefsly  difowns 
every  thing  of  a  temporal  nature.  Revelation  is  founded  on  the 
declaration  of  the  Supreme  Being,  that  the  powers  of  the  earth 
fhall  not  prevail  agamft  it.  A  real  Chriftian  increafes  in  his  faith, 
by  the  oppofition  made  again!!  the  fiat  of  Omnipotence — the 
difciples  and  apoftles  never  reprobated  Pilate  or  the  chief  priejlsy 
becaufe  they  were  attempting  to  annihilate  the  Chriftan  fyftem  by 
their  perfecution  ;  on  the  contrary,  they  exulted  at  the  idea,  that 
every  attempt  to  deftroy  its  benign  operation,  would  give  celerity 
to  the  propagation.  The  martyrs  at  the  (lake  never  bewailed  the 
decline  of  religion  by  their  facrifice,  but,  amidfl  all  the  torture  and 
ridicule  of  their  enemies,  rejoiced  in  the  plealing  hope,  that  "  the 
gates  of  hell  ihould  not  prevail  againft  it." 

If  this  was  the  faith  of  the  difciples,  apoftles  and  martyrs,  why 
does  Sulpicius  or  any  of  the  clergy  appear  fo  alarmed  at  the 
obfervations  of  the  Farmer  ?  This  writer,  fo  far  from  wifhing  to 
injure  the  clergy,  only  enjoins  the  lame  doctrines  promulgated  by 
our  Saviour  and  his  apofiles.  When  Chrift  was  on  earth  the 
chief  pricjls  were  the  mofi  powerful  and  vindictive  body  that  oppof- 
ed  his  miniftry.  At  that  time,  thefe  priejls  were  inteifering  in 
political  concerns.  They  were  crying  out — "  he  is  not  Collar's 
friend. "     They  perfecuted  him  in    their    ecclefiaftical    capacity, 

*  /  beg  pardon  for  the  cxprcjfitjn  ;  hit  it  is  a  technical  term  i.v  the 
typographical  profjfion. 


1 


220  Chief  Priests  and  the  Farmer.  No.  LIV. 

becaufe  they  found  he  was  deftroying  their  political  authority. 
Amidft  this  general  outcry  againft  him  and  his  adherents,  we 
find  no  diftruft  of  the  extermination  of  the  Chriflian  fyftem  ;  but -the 
commiflion  was  given,  even  in  this  "  reign  of  terror,"  to  go  forth 
and  preach  the  go/pel  to  all  nations.  Chrift's  kingdom  being  not 
of  this  world,  he  rather  promoted  his  caufe  by  the  oppofiticn  from 
civil  rulers.  Religion  and  civil  policy  were  at  variance,  and  the 
ftrength  of  religion  was  evidenced  by  not  meddling  with  civil  author- 
ity. Is  it  not  Arrange  then,  that  thofe  of  the  prefent  day,  who  profefs 
to  believe  in  the  gofpel,  fhould  be  fo  conftantly  alarming  die 
people,  that  religion  is  to  be  exterminated  ?  If  they  believe  as 
they  profefs,  thefe  men  muft  be  afhamed  of  their  conduct.  Inflead 
of  being  believers  in,  they  may  more  properly  be  ftylcd  revilers 
of,  the  gofpel.  They  doubt  the  authenticity  of  the  declaration, 
u  that  the  gates  of  hell  fhall  not  prevail  againft  it,"  They  en- 
deavour to  gainfay  what  our  Saviour  has  exprefsly  declared,  that 
"  his  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world."  Inflead  of  preaching 
politics,  let  them  attend  to  Chriftian  doctrines,  and  by  that  means 
put  to  filence  their  opponents. 

Religion  never  gained  a  profelyte  by  a  political  argument. 
Propagating  tales  of  illuminati,  will  never  convert  a  man  to  the 
Chriftian  faith  ;  it  rather  leads  him  to  doubt  its  authenticity,  when 
he  is  told  that  there  is  danger  of  its  being  fubverted  by  a  combi- 
nation of  renegadoes  in  Europe  and  America.  If  the  clergy  arc 
alarmed,  it  naturally  makes  the  people  timid,  for  if  the  foldiers 
who  are  fpec'mlly  comm'tffwncd  to  "  fight  the  good  fight  of  faith," 
are  difcomfited,  how  can  they  expect  to  gain  follower:;  when  the 
caufe.  is  confidcred  defperate  ?  If  the  apoftles  had  acted  asfome 
of  our  modern  clergy  do,  they  would  have  ruined  in  the  firfi- 
outfet  the  whole  fyftem  of  revelation.  Sulpicius  appears  more 
alarmed  at  the  Farmer,  than  the  difciples  were  at  the  anathemas 
of  the  whole  Jevifli  hierarchy.  He  has  only  given  fome  01  them 
a  gentle  reproof,  and  by  the  fubtlcty  of  a.  few  delinquents,  they  are 
attempting  to  bring  into  the  controverfy  the  whole  order.  The 
difciples,  when  commiflioned  to  preach  the  gofpel,  were  ordered 
to  take  neither  money  nor  fcrip  ;  but  Sulpicius  is  roufmg  the 
clergy  under  an  apprehenfion,  that  if  they  cannot  free  the  people 
to  pay  them,  the  Chriftian  religion  will  foon  be  obliterated.  This 
temporal  fupport  was  but  a  fmall  confideration  with  the  primitive 


No.  LIV.  Chief  Priests  and  the  Farmer.  22\ 

Chriftians,  for  St.  Faul  declares  that  if  they  looked  for  cpn- 
folation  in  this  world*  "  of  all  men  they  would  be  the  mod; 
miferabk." 

Far  be  it  from  me  to  lefTen  their  reputation,  or  take  one  cent 
from  their  decent  maintenance.  As  a  citizen,  I  wifh  to  give  them 
a  proper  eftimation  in  the  public  mind  ;  but  if  a  few  clamorous 
individuals  are  endeavouring  to  raifc  them  to  an  elevation  above 
that  which  is  jnnr.emplatcd  by  fcripture,  it  is  proper  to  confider 
this  iubjccl  on  the  primary  principles  of  the  goi'pel.  Our  Saviour 
was  born  in  a  manger  :  lie  had  not  where  to  lay  his  head  ;  he 
was  perfecuted,  and  at  la  ft  crucified  in  the  molt  ignominious 
manner — his  diiciplcs  followed  his  do<£hines  and  experienced 
fimilar  indignity.  The  Chriftian  religion,  however,  prevailed 
againft  every  oppofition,  and  for  the  encouragement  of  faints,  it 
will  prevail  till  the  confummation  of  all  things.  The  "  filthy* 
lucre"  of  this  world,  is  no  way  connected  with  gofpei  truths,  and 
and  when  we  fee  men  roufed  to  an  improper  reientment,  on 
the  fuggeftion  of  a  decrcafc  of  pecuniary  emoluments,  we  have 
reafon  to  doubt  the  fmcerity  of  their  religious  prcfellions.  Such 
men  arc  the  greatejft  enemies  to  the  caufe  of  real,  unadulterated 
Chriftianity.  It  (hows  they  purfue  the  profetllon  merely  for  die 
emoluments  arifing  from  it,  and  not  for  the  glory  of  Gcd. 

1  acknowledge,  however,  that  fociety  requires  every  refpect 
to  tbe  clergy,  and  I  Jhould  be  forry  to  have  them  depreciated  iiv 
pubUc  ellimation.  A  large  proportion  of  them  are  worthy  the 
higheft  confidence,  and  I  hope  ever  to  fee  them  maintained  with 
a  cheerful  liberality.  But,  when  we  obferve  too  great  a  ftride 
taken  to  impofe  on  the  public  by  inch  writers  as  Sulpicius,  &c. 
it  is  neccifary  to  place  the  fubject  on  its  juft  bafis,  and  if  any  real 
Chrijllan  contends  the  principles,  he  will  be  heard  and  anfwered 
with  all  that  candour,  which  the  importance  of  die  controverfy 
demands. 

To  conclude  this  difcourfe,  I  would  briefly  obferve,  it  is  my 
iincere  belief,  that  the  people  of  this  country  were,  never  more 
•fed  to  pay  every  refpect  to  the  clergy,  in  the  line  of  their  pro- 
fjioti,  than  at  the  prcfent  day  ;  and  the  only  difficulty  which  has 
arifen,  is  folcly  owing  to  a  few  of  the  order,  who,  from  bigotry, 
pride  and  orientation,  have  buficd  themfelves  in  thoie  things  which 
do  not  concern  thern,  and  thereby  raifed  a  jealoufy   which  i$ 


Z22  Observations  on  the  No.  LV. 

difficult  to  remove.  If  fuch  fanatics  would  hold  their  peace, 
and  mind  their  fcriptural  iludies,  inftead  of  reviling  CheJlerjielcL, 
and  exciting  falfe  alarms,  about  combinations,  maffacres,  &c. 
every  difficulty  would  fubfide,  and  general  haimony  between 
minifters  and  people  would  be  fpeedily.  reftored. 


No.  LV. 

OBSERVATIONS     ON     THE     HON.    G.    MORRIS^     SPEECH 
UPON  THE  REPEAL  OF  THE  JUDICIARY  LAW. 

V  V  HEN  declamation  aflumes  the  garb  of  argument,  it  is  proper 
to  expofe  the  pageantry  and  exhibit  the  fubjecl  before  the  public  in 
its  proper  habiliments.  When  a  Senator  libels  the  people,  we 
cannot  but  fmile  at  the  tears  he  may  fried,  while  bemoaning  the 
annihilation  of  the  Conftitution.  The  people  being  the  fource  of 
the  Federal  Conftitution,  an  attempt  to  vitiate  the  principles  of  its 
vitality  defer ves  the  moft  pointed  reprehenfion. 

While  reading  Mr.  Morris's  fpeech,  we  cannot  but  pity  .the 
man  who  facrifices  propriety  to  fonorous  periods,  who  vilifies 
that  "  popular  will  which  brought  him  into  political  exiftence," 
and  who  deprecates  "  public  opinion"  as  the  quick-fand  on  which 
the  Conftitution  is  to  be  wrecked.  He  feems  to  take  a  (land  above 
all  legitimate  control,  and  places  himfelf  and  the  "  frail  beings" 
around  him,  as  the  only  barriers  to  maintain  the  dignity,  harmony 
and  exiftence  of  the  American  nation. 

"The  people"  are  held  in  the  utmoft  ftate  of  degradation, 
and  under  this  impreffion,  he  exclaims  with  fuperlative  confidence, 
that,"  we,  we  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  are  afftmbled  here 
to  fave  the  people  from  their  moft  dangerous  enemy  ;  to  fave  them 
from  them/elves  ;  to  guard  them  againft  the  baneful  effects  of  their 
fwn  precipitation,  their  paflions  and  mi/guided  zeal  /" — A  modeft  decla- 
ration truly  !  Happy,  thrice  happy  Americans  !  how  enviable  yom 
fituation,  that  the  Hon.  Governcur  Morris,  Efq.  and  his  "  frail"  af- 
fociates  fliould  become  the  fole  guardians  of  your  happinefs— on 


No.  LV.  Hon.   G.   Morris's  Speech*  223 

what  a  permanent  balls  are  your  liberties,  lives,  and  property 
founded  ! — With  this  anchor  ye  can  ride  out  the  tempeftuous 
ftorm  of  your  paflions  ;  ye  can  truit  your  treasures  to  their  man- 
agement, and  "  throw  your  compafs  and  charts  into  the  ocean," 
while  the  political  (hip  is  directed  by  their  fuperior  vifdom. — 
How  fublime  the  benevolence  !  that  a  man  fhould  wrefl  the 
weapon  from  the  hands  of  "the  people,"  which  is  uplifted  to 
commit  the  fatal  act  of  filicide.  This  virtuous  Senator,  like  the 
angel  of  old,  arrefts  the  fword  juft  ready  to  fever  every  endearing 
bond  which  unites  the  paternal  and  filial  affections  of  fociety. — 
"Do  thyfelf  no  harm,"  is  the  friendly  voice  of  this  guardian  of 
our  welfare — "  paufe  !  paufe  !  for  heaven's  fake,  paufe  !"  is  the 
fervent  fupplication  of  this  diiinterefted  and  magnanimous  patriot. 
Solicitous  for  our  happinefs,  he  proclaims  the  glad  tidings,  that 
"  \vt,  we  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  are  afTembled  here  to 
fave  the  people  from  themfelves"  !  !  ! — "  We,  we  the  Senate  be- 
feech  you  to  have  mercy  on  your  lives,  liberty  and  property  ;" 
"  'tis  for  this  purpofe  that  we  are  chofen  :  elfe  why  are  we  elect- 
ed for  fix  years  ;  or  why  are  we  chofen  by  communities  while  the 
Reprefentatives  are  chofen  direBly  by  the  people."  After  this  pathetic 
appeal,  can  "  The  People"  hefitate  a  moment  to  furrender  every 
legHlative  tranfaction  to  the  Senate  ?  Can  they  truft  to  their  Reprc- 
fn/.ilives  ivho  are  only  direBly  chofen  by  themfelves  ?  Can  they  be  fo 
foolifh  as  to  look  for  protection  from  men  who  receive  no  other 
commiflion  than  the  immediate  fuffirages  of  their  fellow-citizens  ? 

The  voice  thus  calling  on  the  people  is  rendered  ftill  move  har- 
monious by  a  declaration  of  the  flrongefl:  attachment  to  the  Con- 
stitution. The  fage  and  benevolent  Senator,  while  imploring  the 
people  not  to  commit  violence  on  themfelves,  declares  that  he  has 
been  "  twenty  years  their fervant."  Although  he  has  been  "  a  fer- 
vant" upwards  of  two  apprenticefhips  to  this  outrageous  rabble, 
yet  he  now  begins  to  vilify  and  abufe  his  maflers.  He  denounces 
them  as  a  pack  of  cut-throats,  as  committing  outrages  on  themfelves* 
and  reprefents  his  employers  as  infane  and  dangerous  to  be  trufted. 
This  is  an  extraordinary  ftory  for  "  a  fervant"  to  propagate  about 
his  mafter  ;  after  being  twenty  years  in  their  fervice,  a  better 
report  might  have  been  expected.  It  is  rather  Angular  to  hear  a 
"fervant"  infult  his  majler  with  fiich  language — common  decency 


224  Observations  on  the  No.  LV. 

might  have  warranted  a  more  mild  reprchenfion,  from  one  who 
aifumes  die  courtly  addrefs  of  a  gentleman. 

How  the  Hon.  Governeur  Morris  fhould  .have  more friendjblp 
for  the  pcnple,  than  they  have  for  themfehesy  is  a  political  paradox. 
The  Conftitution,  in  the  preamble,  conveys  no  fuch  idea.  It  is 
there  declared,  "  We,  the  People  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to 
form  a  more  perfect  union,  eftablifli  juftice,"  &c. — but,  if  Mr. 
Morris  is  right  in  his  pofition,  it  ought  to  have  run  thus,  "  We  the 
People,  being  difpofed  to  injure  ottrfelves,  but  having  at  this 
moment  a  ihort  interval  of  reflection,  do  conftitute  and  appoint  the 
Hon.  Governeur  Morris  and  his  "  frail"  afTociates,  the  guardians 
and  protectors  of  our  rights,  liberty  and  property  ;  and  more  f.f. 
pecially  to  defend  us  againjl  our/elves."  If  this  had  been  th  :  decla- 
ratio;  ■ .  of  being  v.fervant,  he  would  have  been  one  of  die  lord 

high proteB  .  j  of  the  people  ;  he  would  then  have  had  a  commiffon 
properly  authenticated  to  denounce  the  citizens  ;  he  could  then 
with  propriety  have  faid  "  that  he  loved  the  Conftitution — that  he 
confidered  it  the  bond  of  our  union — that  on  it  depended  our  har- 
mony and  our  peace — that  without  it  we  fhould  be  plunged  into 
all  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war — that  die  country  would  be  deluged 
with  the  blood  of  its  inhabitants,  and  a  brother's  hand  would  be 
raiied  againft  the  bofom  of  a  brother."  To  be  confident,  he  can- 
not love  a  Conftitution  which  is  founded  on  the  will  of  men  whom 
he  confidcrs  fo  frantic  that  "  WE,  we  the  Senator:,"  are  obliged  to 
feve  them  from  their  moft  dangerous  enemies,  viz.  themselves. 
Or  does  he  conceive  that  after  they  had  exhaufted  their  wifdom  in 
the  mighty  effort  to  create  him  a  Senator,  that  they  coniequently 
exhibited  their  folly  in  laying  a  foundation  to  deftroy  themfelves  ? 
The  "  fervant"  in  this  cafe  becomes  fuperior  to  his  lord.  How 
Mr.  Morris  acquired  more  attachment  to  the  intcreft  of  the  people 
than  they  have  for  themfelves,  is  a  Angular  phenomenon.  In  what 
inftance  has  it  appeared  ?  Where  is  the  document  which  gives  him 
this  pre-eminence  ?  On  what  occafion  was  it  evinced  ?  Before  a 
man  affumes  this  elevated  tone,  it  is  neccfTary  for  him  to  produce 
the  pledge  of  his  fupremacy — we  doubt  his  premifes,  and  it  lies 
with  him  to  fubftantiatc  his  claim. 

Befidcs,  what  part  of  the  people  does  he  prefume  to  dictate  ? 
Docs  he  charge  the  whole  body  as  guilty  of  fuicide  ?  Are  federal 
and  anti-federal  all  in  league  to  deftroy  themfelves  ?  It  feems  this 


No.  LV.  Hon.  G.  Morris's  Speech,  225 

is  his  meaning,  for  he  appears  afraid  to  trufl  the  Houfc  of  Repre- 
fentatives  even  to  amend  the  bill.  This  /notorial  protector  of  our 
rights  further  declares*  that  "  to  amend  the  bill  were  to  deftroy  it  ;' 
"  that  even  if  it  got  back  to  the  Houfe  of  Reprcfentatives  it  would 
perim,''  and  he  is  candid  enough  to  declare  that  "  we,  we  the 
Senate"  "  took  the  bill  with  all  its  imperfections." 

In  this  Mate  of  the  bufinefs,  Mr.  Morris,  I  am  difpofed  to  join 
you  in  your  caution,  of"  paufe  !  paufe  !  for  heaven's  fake  paufe  i" 
Let  the  people  who  are  thus  reprobated  by  you,  feriouily  demand 
why  ycu  was  afraid  to  trull  the  bill  to  the  deliberate  decifion  of 
the  Houfe  o£  Reprefentatives.  Were  not  the  refpective  branches 
of  the  Lcgiflature  compofed  at  that  time  of  a  majority  of  thofe 
who  arc  emphatically  ftyled  fcdcratijls  ?  Why  was  you  at  that  time 
jealous,  "  if  it  got  back  to  the  Houfe  of  Reprefentatives  it  would 
perifh  ?"  Was  it  of  fo  .dangerous  a  nature,  that  even  the  high- 
toned  federalifts  of  the  "  old  fchool''  viewed  it  with  an  unfriendly 
eye  ?  Could  you  not  trull  it  in  their  hands,  even  for  "  an  amend- 
ment" P  Was  it  of  fuch  a  delicate  texture,  that  to  amend  was  to 
dcjlroy  ?  Indeed,  honourable  Jir,  your  rhapfodies  tranfport  you  be- 
yond your  proper  latitude — you  carry  too  much  fail  for  your  bal- 
lad— you  "  throw  the  (hip  into  the  wind"  by  your  fuperlative 
aufterity,  for  while  you  level  your  attack  on  the  people,  you  equal- 
ly denounce  the  whole  body  of  federalifts  who  compofed  one 
branch  of  the  Legislature  ;  you  prefumed  to  fav'e  them  alfo  from 
"  them/ches." 

To  bring  this  part  of  your  fpeech  to  iffvic,  I  would  inquire  of 
the  Hon.  Governeur  Morris,  why  he  was  afraid  to  tvuil  the  Houfe 
of  Reprefentatives  with  a  fecond  confideration  Of  the  fubjeet  ? 
Were  not  a  large  proportion  of  the  members  high-toned  federalifts, 
friends  to  Mr.  Adams,  and  oppofed  to  Mr.  Jefferfon  ?  Did  they  not 
appear  in  their  night-caps  and  cockades  to  counteract  his  election  ? 
Why  then,  honourable  Jtr,  was  you  jealous  that  your  favourite  pro- 
ject would  be  defeated  amid  fuch  a  hoft  of  federal  fiiends  ?  If 
they  put  on  their  night-caps  and  the  dill  mcr?  formidable  kifignia  of  a 
coelade,  to  oppofe  Mr.  Jefferfon,  it  is  probable  they  would  have 
difplayed  equal  fervor  in  fupport  of  the  Judiciary  fyftem.  Your 
declaration  therefore,  honourable  fir,  fully  evinces  the  fallacy  of 
your  reafoning  ;  it  proves  that  even  the  federaliiis  iu  the  Iicufc  of 
E  e 


tiG  Clscrvations  on  No.  LVI. 

Reprefentatives  were  unfriendly  to  the  mcafarc  ;  that  the  Judicia- 
ry ad,  if  it  was  now  before  the  fame  men  who  conflitutcd  the  lad 
Houfe  of  Reprefentatives,  would  be  deftroyed.  In  fhort,  "  We, 
the  people,"  defireno  other  evidence  of  the  propriety  of  the  re- 
peal than  this  frank  and  explicit  declaration  of  the  Honourable 
O-i  verneur  Morris. 

"  Paufe  !  paufe  !"  fcllow-citizcns,  (:  for  heaven's  fake  paufe," 
before  you  truil  your  lives,  liberties  and  property  into  the  hands  of 
men  who  declare  you  in  a  ftate  of  infanity.  If  the  people  are  not 
competent  to  fecure  themfelves,  or  if  they  are  to  look  folely  to  the 
Honourable  G.  Morris  and  his  "  frail"  aifociates  for  protection, 
the  Lord  have  mercy  upon  them.  If  the  people  would  deltroy 
themfelves,  vain  is  their  hope,  if  they  look  to  him  for  rcfufcitation. 
I  am  free  to  declare,  I  had  rathe/  trufl  to  the  people  than  to  him. 
The  Honourable  G.  Morris  may  be  a  wFfe  man,  a  prudent  man, 
an  honourable  man,  and  a  patriot ;  but  however  wife,  prudent  and 
honourable  he  may  be,  yet  I  truft  the  people  will  never  be  in  fuch 
a  delirium  as  to  look  to  him  as  the  folc  guardian  of  their  conflitu- 
tional  rights.  We,  "  v?e  the  people,"  are  not  difpofed  to  commit 
fuicide,  and  we  muft  paufe  before  we  admit  the  idea,  that  the 
Senate  are  a  body  afTembled  to  fave  us  from  our  "  mrjl  dangerovi 
enemy"  to  fave  us  from  ourselves. 

OtheK  remarks  on  this  Speech  will  occupy  the  next  Number. 


No.  LVI. 


HONOURABLE    GOVERNEUR    MORRIS  S    SPEECH. 

W  HEN  a  man  weeps  over  the  Conftitution,  it  naturally  excites 
a  degree  of  complacency  in  the  public  mind  to  attend  to  his 
lamentations  ;  but  after  examining  the  caufe  of  his  complaints, 
and  finding  it  the  mere  rhapfody  of  a  heated  imagination,  we 
Eannot  but  fmile  at  the  vehemence  of  his  exclamation. 


No.  LVI.  Hon.   G.   Morris's  Speech.  22? 

A  flranger,  upon  reading  Mr.  Morris's  fpeech,  would  naturally 
fuppofe  that  the  fate  of  America  was  fufperided  on  the  continuance 
of  this  judiciary  fiyftem  ;  he  would  flunk  tjiat  upon  its  repeal* 
difcord,  anarchy  and  a  flate  of  nature  would  be  the  immediate 
refult  of  the  decifion  ;  that  government  was  diflblved  ;  that 
the  Senate  and  Houfe  of  Representatives  were  annihilated,  and 
that  nothing  was  to  be  expected  but  infurre&ions  and  every 
civil  commotion. 

This  lively  defcription  might  well  be  expedtcd  from  Mr. 
Morris,  who  feels  fuch  a  (Irong  attachment  to  this  particular 
branch  of  government  ;  who  declares  it  to  be  the  "-fortrefs  of 
the  conflitution"  ;  who,  "  like  honed  Ajax,  would  not  only  throw 
a  fhield  before  it,  but  would  build  around  it  a  wall  of  brafs." 
When  a  man  fleps  forward  in  fuch  a  commanding  attitude,  with 
u  his  fliield  and  wall  of  brafs,"  we  are  ready  to  Sympathize  with 
him,  ihould  he  fail  to  effect  his  magnanimous  purpofe. 

But,  honourable  fir,  let  us  be  cool  on  this  Subject,  let  us  throw 
afide  all  the  parade  of  rhetoric,  and  appeal  to  the  reafon,  rather 
than  the  paffions  of  the  people  ;  let  us  "  paufe,"  before  we  decide.' 
After  this  deliberate  reflection,  I  hope  even  the  Honorable  Govern- 
eur  Morris,  Efq.  will  wipe  away  his  tears,  foothe  the  emotions  of 
his  labouring  mind,  and  fo  far  compofe  himfelf  as  to  lay  afide  his 
fhicld  and  remove  his  wall  of  brafs,  as  ufelefs  and  unneceffary. 

Admit,  honourable  fir,  that  the  repeal  fliould  take  place,  I 
would  afk  you,  what  difficulties  would  enfue  ?  Would  the  Confli- 
tution be  annihilated  by  the  repeal  of  a  law,  which  you  declared 
would  not  have  pafled,  had  it  been  returned  to  the  Houfe  of  Re- 
prefentatives  for  amendments  ?  According  to  your  own  ftatement, 
it  was  a  crude,  undigcfled  fyflem — it  was  a  child  of  fuch  diflortcd 
features,  that  you  was  obliged  to  watch  it  like  a  godfather,  in  its 
cradle — you  was  afraid  to  trufl  it  out  of  your  hands — you  dan- 
dled it  on  your  knees,  and  could  not  trufl  it  to  walk  into  another 
room,  left  it  fliould  perifli  in  its  progrefs.  Can  any  man  be  fo  fool- 
ifli  as  to  think,  that  a  fyflem  fo  incomplete  in  its  fabrication,  fo 
weak  in  its  composition,  and  fo  abhorrent  even  to  thofe  who  gave 
it  exiflencc,  fliould  be  the  "  wall  of  brafs,"  to  fecure  the  freedom, 
Sovereignty  and  independence  of  our  country  ?  This  wonderful 
project  was  matured  with  precipitation,  and  organized  at  a  mo- 
ment, when  the  agents  thcmfelves  were  under  the  flrongefl  parox^ 


2  25  Observations  on  the  No.  LVI. 

ifms  of  their  own  diffblution — this  being  a  faft,  how  is  it  ppffible 
that  the  welfare,  profperity  and  happinefs  of  the  United  States 
fhould  be  fufpended  on  fuch  a  frail,  incoherent  and  undigefted 
fyftem. 

It  is  diverting  to  obferve  the  pathos  of  Mr.  Morris,  when  he 
exclaims,  "  if  wc  lole  this  charter,  never,  never,  fhall  Aye  get  anoth- 
er." I  would  inquire,  honourable  fir,  what  charter  ?  Do  you  call 
this  Judiciary  act  a  charter,  which,  if  we  lofe,  we  "  never,  never" 
can  renew  ?  What  mighty  boon  do  wc  obtain  by  the  adoption  ? 
What  valuable  acquirements  are  fecured  to  the  people  by  this  haf- 
ty  performance  ?  Will  a  numerous  body  of  judges,  with  all  the 
cxpenfes  attending  their  appointment,  be  conlldered  "  a  charter" 
fo  valuable,  that  if  we  lofe  it,  the  lofs  will  be  irreparable  ?  The  cit- 
izens, I  believe,  will  never  confider  it  fo  efTcntial  to  their  happinefs, 
as  to  bemoan  its  annihilation  ;  more  efpecially,  when  they  know, 
that  by  repealing  this  ac~t,  we  are  reftored  to  the  fame  fyftem,  under 
which  government  proceeded  during  the  adminiilration  of  Wafh- 
ington.  By  difmiffing  your  phalan::  of  judges,  we  reflore  the  old 
order  of  things,  and  if  we  were  able  to  obtain  juftice  under  the  be- 
nign adminiflration  of  our  firft  Prefident,  why  do  you  prefume  to 
predict  a  diffblution  of  the  Conftitution,  when  we  are  defuous  of 
giving  the  fame  energy  to  the  Judiciary  as  was  experienced 
under  him  ? 

"  Away,  away,  with  all  thefe  derogatory  fuppofkions"  ;  make 
yourfelf  eafy,  honourable  fir.  If  Walhington  was  able  to  purfue 
the  great  purpofes  of  government  under  the  former  fyftem,  is 
it  not  the  higheft  prefumption  to  fuppofe  that  it  will  not  now  an- 
fwer  ?  Even  Mr.  Adams  had  no  other  Judiciary  than  what  is  now 
propofed — neither  could  be  need  more.  Were  not  the  former 
judges  fully  competent  to  enforce  the  Sedition  Law  ?  Did  he  find 
in  any  one  mftance,  that  the  judges  were  deficient  in  executing 
every  federal  mandate  ?  Were  not  the  courts  of  law  prompt  in 
their  decifions  to  aid  every  meafure  which  bore  the  feature  of  ex- 
ecutive patronage  ?  Did  Judge  Bee  want  any  flimulus  in  the  con- 
demnation of  Robbins  ?  The  judges  under  the  former  adminiftra- 
tion  were  preachers  of  the  glad  tidings  of  prefidential  infallibility, 
in  every  part  of  the  Union.  Produce,  fir,  one  cafe,  wherein  the 
government  was  embarraffed  from  the  delinquency  of  the  judges  ? 
If  the  Judiciary  were  then  adequate  to  all  federal  puipofes,  why 


No.  LVT.  Hon.   G.   Morris's  Speech.  22J 

arc  they  now  deficient  ?  If  Mr.  Adams  could  pro'fecute  his  mea- 
fttraB  under  the  old  eftablilhment,  why  are  you  to  fuppofe  that  Mr. 
Jefferfon  is  not  equal  to  the  fame  undertaking  ?  Why  fliould  Mr. 
Adams  on  the  night  of  his  diffolutlen,  with  to  force  on  his  fuccef- 
for  a  more  extravagant  Judiciary  than  he  himfelf  had  maintained  \ 
Was  it  juft,  that  Mr.  Jefferfon  ihould  be  incumbered  with  fuper- 
numerary  judges,  and  thereby  bring  his  adminiftration  into  difre- 
pute,  by  an  additional  expenfe  ?  Why  fliould  the  wheels  of  govern- 
ment be  clogged  with  a  new  f)  Item  of  judiciary,  at  the  moment 
Mr.  Jefferfon  was  introduced  into  office  ?  Why  did  Mr.  Adams 
fuppofe,  that  his  iuccelfor  could  not  profecute  the  bufmefs  of  the  gov- 
ernment with  the  fame  number  of  judges  as  were  thought  compe- 
tent from  iJie  firft  eftablilhment  of  the  Conllitution  \  It  muft  rath- 
er appear  officious  in  Mr.  Adams  to  create  a  fupernumerary  body 
of  judges,  at  the  moment  he  was  leaving  his  office,  and  when  in 
all  probability  the  bufmefs  was  decreafing.  It  is  fomewhat  fimilar 
to  a  man's  placing  a  number  of  tenants  in  a  houfe  after  the  expira- 
tion of  his  leafe,  and  prefuming  to  give  them  -a perm,.  .ience, 
without  the  advice  or  confent  of  the  real  owner. 

Mr.  Morris  exhibits  fuch  an  enthufiaftic  frenzy  in  this  debate, 
that  he  appears  rather  like  an  infatuated  preacher,  than  a  deliber- 
ate Senator.  The  epithets  are  more  expreffive  of  fanaticifm  than 
reflection.  In  one  inftance,  he  reprefents  himfelf  in  the  flrong 
mufcular  poiition  of Ajax,  throwing  a  ihield  to  defc»nd  the  Judicia- 
ry, and  with  Herculean  vigour  building  a  wall  of  brafs  around  it : 
but  after  all  his  exertion  in  wielding  his  ihield  and  building  his  wall, 
he  declares,  "  he  is  too  weak  to  defend  the  rampaits  againit  the  holt 
of  a/failants."  He  however  feems  determined  to  purfue  his  enter- 
prize,  for  if  he  fails  in  military  ardour,  or  cannot  embody  men 
enough  for  perfonal  connicx,  he  propefes  to  mount  the  ramparts, 
and  with  the  utmoft  vociferation  call  to  "  his  affiftance  the  good 
fenfe,  virtue  and  patiiotiim  of  his  opponents."  The  honourable 
gentleman  muft  have  a  fad  talk  to  perform  in  this  fituation — his 
ihield  thrown  away,  the  ramparts  of  his  brafs  wall  totally  defence- 
lefs,  while  this  modern  Ajax  is  mounted  on  the  mod  prominent 
eminence,  and  like  Patience  on  a  monument,  calling  aloud  to  his 
alfailants,  "  paufe  !  paufe  !  for  heaven's  fake  paufe  !" — This  is 
truly  an  unequal  conteft,  and  though  we  may  think  it  a  Quixotic 


«3»  Observations  oh  the  No.  LVI. 

controverfy,  yet  vc  cannot  hut  applaud  the  heroifm  of  the 
adventurer,  even  if  we  fuppofe  die  meafure  to  be  rain  and  pre- 
cipitate. 

The  Hon.  Mr.  Morris  appears  however  to  bewail  the  conftitu- 
tionality  of  die  proceeding — on  this  part  of  the  fubjecT:  Ilhalloffer 
a  few  remarks.  It  muft  be  remembered  that  the  Conftitution  is  a 
tovenanl  of  works  ;  every  officer  under  it  is  afiigned  fpecial  duties 
and  fcrvices.  Officers  are  not  contemplated  unlefs  fervices  are 
attached  to  them.  Neither  the  legiflative  nor  die  executive  can 
wantonly  create  offices,  unlefs  there  are  fpecial  duties  to  be  per- 
formed. The  pay  goes  with  the  fervices,  and  if  none  is  to  be  done, 
there  is  no  pay  ftipulatcd. 

To  apply  this  reafening  to  die  new  Judiciary  fyftem.  If  the 
laft  adminiftration  in  order  to  efTecT:  certain  purpofes  took  upon 
themfelves  to  annihilate  die  old  order  of  things,  and  in  a  precipitate 
manner  created  a  new  fyftem*  with  a  number  of  fupernumerary 
judges,  totally  uuneceffary  for  the  circumltances  of  the  country, 
can  it  be  doubted,  whether  it  is  in  the  power  of  the  prefent  admin- 
iftration to  re&ify  the  meafurc  ?  The  only  queftion  is,  whether  die 
former  Judiciary  fyftem  was  competent  to  the  purpofes  as  it  re- 
lated to  the  number  of  judges  ;  if  it  was,  has  the  executive  or  leg- 
iflative a  conftitufcional  authority  to  burden  the  people  with  an  un- 
necessary cxpenfe,  or  can  it  be  conlidered  unconftitutional  to  repeal 
an  acl,  or  refufe  payment  to  judges,  when  no  adequate  reafon  can 
be  offered  for  the  extenfion  of  the  fyftem  ?  It  is  readily  granted 
that  a  Judiciary  fliall  be  eftablifhed  ;  this  was  done  at  the  earlieft 
period  of  the  conftitution.  The  queftion  then  is,  whether  there 
can  be  no  limitation  in  this  eftablifhment  ?  Whether  a  legiflature 
juft  expiring,  and  a  Prefident  juft  going  out  of  office,  fliall  com- 
bine to  make  twenty  judges,  when  five  are  fully  fufficient  for  all  the 
exigences  of  our  government  ?  Whether  it  can  be  unconftitutional 
to  relieve  the  people  from  unnecefTary  taxes,  when  it  is  apparent 
that  the  eftablifhment  was  rather  a  finecure  to  the  judges. 
Though  the  Conftitution  fays,  that,  "  the  judges  fliall  hold  their 
offices  during  good  behaviour,"  yet  it  alfo  fays,  that  they  fhall  re- 
ceive for  their  "fa-vires  a  compenfation."  The  Conftitution  con-  . 
templates /n'/Vw  ;  and  if  none  is  performed,  it  is  out  of  the  power 
eyf  the  legiflative  to  grant  them  any  pay.     The  Conftitution  meets 


No.  LVI.  Hon.  G.  Morris  Speech.  23* 

the  oppofers  more  forcibly  in  granting  compenfation  to  judges 
whofe  "fervices"  are  not  required,  than  in  the  annihilation  of  the 
effice.  It  being  a  covenant  of  -works,  the  duties  of  the  officers  are 
efTentially  connected  with  their  falaries.  It  would  be  a  violation 
of  the  Conftitution  to  grant  compenfation  to  a  mere  nominal  judge, 
when  it*  is  exprefsly  declared,  that  lie  mull  perform  "  frvices"  be- 
fore he  is  entitled  to  his  pecuniary  eonfideration. 

Upon  the  whole,  the  honourable  gentleman  has  miftaken  the 
fpirit  and  even  the  letter  of  the  Conftitution,  when  he  enforces  the 
unconftitutionality  of  not  paying  the  judges;  for  nothing  is  more 
plain  than  that  "  fcrvices"  muft  be  performed,  before  one  penny 
can  be  drawn  from  the  public  treafury.  If  fo,  I  would  inquire 
what  ferviccs  the  prefent  judges  have  done,  and  if  in  the  opinion  of 
the  legiflature  there  are  none  for  them  to  do,  whether  by  the  J^urii 
of  the  Conjlitution  they  are  entitled  to  any  compenfation  ?  This  ap- 
pears clear  reafoning,  for  if  the  legiflature  can  grant  pay  to  a 
a  body  of  nominal  judges  when  their  duties  are  not  required,  or,  if  it 
is  out  of  their  power  to  modify  the  courts  fo  as  to  retrench,  if 
neceffary,  the  number  of  judges,  it  is  nothing  more  than  an  indi- 
rect method  to  create  within  the  United  States  a  formidable  pha- 
lanx of  penfioners  in  direct  oppofition  to  every  rational  and  eco- 
nomical principle  of  the  conftitution.  The  organization  of  the 
Judiciary  being  inverted  in  Congrefs,  it  follows  that  the  fyftcm 
muft  ever  be  within  their  cognizance.  Infallibility  cannot  be  fup- 
pofed  more  attached  to  the  legiflature  in  this  inftance,  than  in 
many  others  which  are  fubject  to  revifal.  The  conflitutionality  of 
the  repeal  therefore  is  evident  by  the  abfurdity  of  their  being 
bound  to  adhere  to  a  fyftem,  inexpedient  from  our  fituation,  adopt- 
ed without  mature  eonfideration,  in  oppofition  to  the  will  of  the 
Houfe  of  Reprefentatives  at  the  time  of  pafling  the  act,  and  from 
whence  no  eflential  "  fcrvices"  can  be  rendered  to  the  United- 
States, 


9ja  To  Harrison   G.  Otis,  Esq.  No.  LVIT. 


No/  LVII. 


TO    HARRISON    G.    OTISj    ESCK 

Jt\  PUBLIC  avowal  of  political  principles  is  a  ftrong  proof  of 
the  integrity  of  a  man's  conducl:.  As  you,  fir,  often  retail  politi- 
cal fcntiments  in  a  caucus,  and  vaunt  in  your  adroitnefs  in  ftimu- 
Iating  a  party,  on  the  evening  immediately  preceding  an  election, 
i":  cannot  be  thought  improper  to  compliment  fuch  an  orator,  by 
requesting  a  copy  of  his  fpeech  for  the  prefs. 

As  you,  fir,  have  fuch  ferious  objections  to  the  adminiftration 
of  the  federal  government,  it  is  a  pity  that  fuch  cogent  reaibns 
fhould  not  have  a  more  extcnfivc  circulation  than  within  the  fmall 
circle  of  a  few  devoted  friends  ;  or  that  Vila's  tavern  mould  be  the 
only  theatre  on  which  to  difplay  the  magnitude  of  your  patriotifm 
and  the  immenfity  of  your  political  talents. 

On  Friday  evening  laft,  a  numerous  body  of  citizens  affembled 
at  Faneuil-Hall,  to  felecl:  proper  candidates  for  Governour,  Lieu- 
tenant-Governour  and  Senators.  The  republicans  were  called  on  ; 
the  friends  to  union  were  invited.  If,  fir,  you  had  any  thing  to 
allege  againft  the  prefent  administration,  it  was  incumbent  on  you 
to  meet  your  oppofers  on  equal  ground  ;  if  you  had  attended,  you 
would  have  heard  a  requeft  to  men  of  your  fcntiments,  in  the  pref- 
ence  of  two  thoufand  citizens,  to  offer  their  obfervations.  But  fo 
far  from  any  perfon  on  your  fide  of  the  qucftiun  confronting  their 
opponents,  they  declined  the  controverfy. 

If,  fir,  you  was  fmcere  in  your  remarks  on  fabbath  evening,  at 
Vila's,  why  did  you  not  appear  on  Friday  evening  at  Faneuil- 
Hall  ?  Why  did  you  choofe  to  confine  your  obfervations  within  fo 
fmall  a  compafs,  when  you  had  an  opportunity  to  give  them  a 
more  extenfive  circulation  ?  If  the  prefent  administration  has  a 
tendency  to  produce  the  evils  you  fuggefted,  it  was  your  duty, 
(as  an  honed  man)  to  give  publicity  to  your  apprehenfions.  If 
the  northern  dates  are  to  be  injured  by  Mr.  JefFerfon,  proclaim 


No.  LVIL  To  Harrison  G.  Oils,  Esj.  233 

the  reafons  of  your  belief  in  fuch  a  manner,  and  in  fuch  aflemblics, 
as  may  lead  to  an  impartial  inveftigation  of  this  interefting  fubjeft. 
Do  not  vilify  a  government  without  giving  an  opportunity  of  re- 
plying to  your  charges. 

The  defign  of  your  fpeech  feems  calculated  to  raife  a  jeal- 
oufy  between  the  northern  and  fouthern  dates  ;  to  deftroy  the  confi- 
dence of  the  people  in  the  friendly  diipofition  of  the  prefent  admin- 
istration ;  and  to  inflame  the  public  to  fuch  a  pitch  as  to  diffolve  the 
union.  If  fuch  were  your  intentions,  let  me  afk  whether  you  have 
weighed  in  your  mind  the  conl'equences  of  fuch  meafures,  as  they 
relate  to  the  various  interests  of  the  merchant,  tradefmen,  and  the 
holders  of  the  public  funds  ? 

The  merchant  mufl:  eventually  be  injured  by  fuch  a  fcparation 
— the  tradefman  would  immediately  feel  the  diftreffing  effects  of 
this  mercantile  embarraffment — and  the  holders  of  the  funds  would 
experience  a  fhock  which  would  fhake  their  quarterly  payment  to 
the  center. 

If  the  northern  and  fouthern  flates  fiiould  feparate,  a  neiu  confti- 
tution  mull  be  adopted  by  the  New-England  ftates.  The  high- 
wrought  principles  of  the  E/Tex  junto  would  be  univerfally  explod- 
ed, and  though  fome  might  think  to  impofe  on  the  northern  ftates 
a  conftitution  analogous  to  the  Britifh,  yet  a  convention  of  dele- 
gates, acting  under  the  instructions  of  their  conilituents,  would  baf- 
fle their  expectations.  During  the  important  period  of  adopting 
a  new  constitution,  the  public  debt  would  be  fufpended  between  the 
contending  parties,  and  the  creditors  would  be  hawking  their  6  and 
8  per  cents,  about  our  Streets  (like  the  old  foldiers)  at  ?/6  in  the 
pound. 

Thefe  remarks  are  not  vifionary,  but  are  too  ferious  to  be 
fported  with.  Who  then  will  thank  the  man  that  has  agitated  a 
fubjett  fo  uncertain  in  its  confequences  ?  Will  he  be  confidercd  as 
a  friend  to  the  general  interelt  who  attempts  to  rend  afunder  the 
bands  of  union,  fet  afloat  every  fpecies  of  property,  and  thereby 
force  the  public  creditors  to  feek  an  afylum  amid  the  contending 
parties  ?  Thefe  are  questions  of  importance,  and  ought  at  leall  to 
check  the  faliies  of  difappointed  ambition,  leit  the  evils  fliouli 
thicken  too  rapidly  to  be  eafily  diflipatcd. 
F  f 


2;4  Harristn  G.  Oris,  Esq.  No.  LV1II, 

In  order,  fir,  to  bring  this  fubject  to  a  fair  investigation,  and  to 
try  your  arguments  l>y  a  touchitone  moic  pungent  than  the  efTu- 
fions  of  Vila's  hall,  you  are  again  requefted  to  publilh  your  phil- 
ippic againfl:  the  federal  government,  delivered  on  fabbath  even- 
ing, and  I  pledge  myfelf  to  anfwer  it,  vrith  a  fignaturc  equally  as 
explicit  as  the  one  you  fubferibe. 


No.  LVIII. 

TO    HARRISON    G.    OTIS,    KS<£; 

X  HE  Bofton  Gazette  of  the  5th  inftant,  contains  a  few  fketche: 
of  your  fpeech  delivered  at  Vila's  on  the  fabbath  evening  preceding 
the  election  for  Governour.  It  is  declared,  "  that  you  have  always 
acquitted  yourfelf  handfomely,  but  never  did  better  than  on  this 
occaiion."  We  have  then,  fir,  before  us,  one  of  your  hefl  fpeecbes, 
and  though  the  reporter  apologises  for  his  inability  to  do  you  juf- 
tice,  yet  he  cannot  forbear  gratifying  thofe  who  could  not  be  in- 
dulged the  pleafure  of  feeing  and  hearing  you  acquit  yourfelf  fo 
*'  hanctfomely." 

The  fpeech  abounds  with  fuch  an  energy  of  pathos,  that  it  ex- 
cites a  glow  of  fervency  in  the  firft  outfet.  We  cannot  but  ad- 
mire the  brilliant  fentiment  in  defcribing  Vila's  hall  as  a  camp,  in 
which  was  collected  the  main  body  of  the  federal  army.  Bona- 
parte could  not  addrefs  his  veterans  in  a  ftyle  more  heroic  than 
you  did  the  moderator,  viz.  "  Hard  indeed,  fir,  is  the  fate  of  a  gar- 
rifon,  when  the  troops  are  not  only  obliged  to  Jleep  upon  their 
arms,  but  find  it  ncceflary  to  make  frequent  fallies  to  prevent  a 
furprize."  If  your  troops  were  difpofed  to  meet  their  opponents, 
why  do  you  complain  of  a  "  furprize,"  when  on  the  Friday  even- 
ing previous  to  your  mujler,  the  republicans  gave  public  notice  that 
they  were  to  afTemble  at  Faneuil-Hall  ?  Certainly,  fir,  there  was 
no  danger  of  a  "  furprize,"  when  you  had  notice  in  the  public 
papers  three  days  before  your  meeting.  Why  did  you  not  then 
tally  to  the  Hall,  and  like  a  hold  general,  bring  your  men  into  the 


No.  LVII.  To  Harrison  G.  Oils,  Esq.  235 

field  of  battle  ?  Why,  on  that  evening,  did  youfufFer  the  garrifou 
"  tojlrep  on  their  arms,"  or  why  did  you  choofe  to  defert  the  ample 
fpace  of  Faneuil-Hall,  and  croud  your  mam  hotly  on  ijabbath  even- 
ing within  the  fmall  compaf;  of  Vila's  hall  ?  Is  it  generous,  fir,  to 
complain  of  a  "  furprize,"  when  the  mod  public  information  was 
given  of  die  time  suft  ' "meeting  \  If  your   troops  have  long 

"  flcpt  on  their  arms,"  why  did  you  not  roufe  them  from  their 
Jlumbers,  and  march  them  in  folid  columns  to  confront  their 
opponents  ?  I  fuipect,  fix,  the  difficulty  in  your  garrifon  arofc 
principally  from  the  want  of  ammunition,  and  that  you  thought  a 
few  vollies  of  muikctry,  when  the  republican  army  was  difperfed, 
would  have  a  better  ef£e<$  than  a  general  engagement. 

Your  fpeech,  fir,  further  defcribes,  in  pathetic  language,  "  the 
inconveniences  which  the  aged  and  fiber  citizens  fuftained  on  an 
election-day,  by  the  uoifc  and  confufion  of  the  jacobin  bawlcrs,  on 
Faneuil-Hall  flairs."  Why  is  this  charge  againft  the  jacobins  (or 
in  other  words  the  republicans)  when  your  own  caucus  appointed 
a  committee  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  to  diftribute  votes 
on  this  occafion  ?  If  you  look  over  the  names  you  will  find 
among  the  number,  fome  of  the  mod  noify,  boifterous  men  that 
can  be  produced  in  the  town.  This  committee  arranged  them- 
felves  in  fimilar  order,  in  conducting  the  election,  as  the  firewards 
make  lanes  to  communicate  water  to  the  engines.  The  whole 
force  of  the  federal  party  took  poffeffion  of  almoft  every  avenue, 
and  every  voter  had  to  pafs  an  ordeal,  under  the  minute  infpection 
of  bank  directors,  Elfex  junto  men,  and  fycophants  hanging  on 
their  patronage.  How  then,  fir,  can  you  prefume  to  talk  about 
"  jacobin  bawlers,"  when  the  caucus,  in  which  you  a/Turned  the 
direction,  appointed  fucb  a  numerous  committee,  as  almoft 
drowned  by  their  vociferation  every  articulation  of  the  republicans  ? 
Why  then,  fir,  do  you  talk  about  the  "  engines  of  reafon,"  to  ex- 
tin^uiih  the  "furnace  of  your  opponents,"  when  you  yourfelf 
blew  the  bellows  of  oppofition,  and  voted  for  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men  from  Vila's,  to  influence  the  election  ? 

Your  reflections  on  the  choice  of  Mr.  Jefferfon  are  unworthy 
notice.  I  do  not,  fir,  clofe  with  you  on  this  ground,  by  admitting 
that  your  objections  are  valid  ;  but  if  you  perfift  in  your  caucus 
declamations,  I  am  willing  to  meet  you  on  this  queftion,  whenever 
your  warm  zeal  ftiall  lead  you  publicly  to  fupport  your  obje&ions, 


2  $6  To  Harrison  G.  Otis,  Esq.  No.  LVIII. 

The  foregoing  obfervations  are  folely  confined  to  the  rhodo- 
momade  of  your  fpeech,  as  it  relates  to  the  fuhlime  fiction  of  an 
army  uifembled  in  Vila's  hall,  the  "  jacobin  bawlers"  on  Faneuil- 
hall  ilairs,  and  the  indecency  of  your  afTertions  as  to  the  election 
of  Mr.  Jefferfon.  I  fhall  now  advert  to  your  ridiculous  pathos, 
on  the  meafures  of  the  prefent  adminiftration.  From  a  "  garrifon," 
Vila's  hall  is  fuddenly  changed  to  a  boifterous  ocean — the  wreck 
of  the  conilitution  is  defcribed  as  floating  on  every  billow,  "  our 
judiciary  on  one  wave,  our  internal  taxes  on  another,  and  our 
late  ftanding  army  on  another."  You  further  fay,  that  "  not 
only  the  doors  but  the  windows  of  the  temple  of  juftice  have  been 
burft  open,  and  the  building  is  filled  with  a  banditti  ;  the  pillars 
of  the  temple  are  broken  down,  its  roof  has  fallen  in,  and  its 
foundation  is  undermined."  What  a  deluge  of  ideas  croud  upon 
the  mind  amid  fuch  an  inundation  of  lhapfody.  In  a  hot  room, 
thronged  with  a  body  of  heated  federaliits,  how  mult  fuch  glowing 
fentiments  operate  among  them  ?  Waves  and  billows  engulphing 
the  conftitution — internal  taxes  bobbing  up  and  down  like  drown- 
ing kittens — the  ftanding  army,  like  wharf-rats  in  a  high  tide, 
quitting  their  encampment — the  judiciary  !  the  judiciary,  though 
reprefented  by  you  as  a  temple,  is  neverthelefs  defcribed  as  floating 
on  a  wave  ;  the  windows  broken,  the  doors  burft  open,  and  a 
banditti  thronging  the  building.  If,  fir,  the  old  adminiftration 
have  launched  fuch  a  /olid  temple  on  the  ocean,  and  filled  it,  like 
the  Trojan  horfr,  with  a  banditti,  it  is  rather  miraculous  to  find  it 
floating  on  a  wave  !  I  fhould  fuppofe  it  would  fink  to  the  bottom, 
and  that  "  its  foundation"  would  not  eafilybe  "  undermined." 

I  am  fenfible,  fir,  that  it  is  neceffary  here  to  notice  an  apology 
which  appeared  in  the  Palladium  ;  but  in  juftice  to  your  friend 
ivho  reported  your  fpeech  in  the  Gazette,  I  cannot  think  it  poflible 
for  him  to  be  guilty  of  fuch  an  error.  Is  is  probable,  that  fuch 
a  grofs  miftake  fhould  arife  from  a  man  who  pretended  to  give  a 
fketch  of  the  beft  fpcerh  ycu  ever  delivered  ;  that  the  "  right  of  fuf- 
frage"  fhould  be  miflaken  for  the  judiciary  fyjletn  ; — that  he  fhould 
abfurdly  defcribe  tire  "  doors,  windows,  benches,"  &c.  of  the 
"  right  of  fuj'rage."  No  man  in  his  fenfes  could  make  fuch  a 
blunder,  and  yet  the  editors  of  the  Gazette  endeavour  to  palm, 
thrrugh  the  Palladium,  fuch  abfurdities  on  the  public.     They 


No.  LIX.  On  the  Measures,  fcfr.  237 

took  care  not  to  expofe  their  folly  in  their  own  paper,  and  there- 
fore made  the  Palladium  a  "  cat's  paw"  for  the  purpofe. 

In  this  cbntroverfy,  fir,  nothing  more  is  required  than  the 
truth  ;  if  your  friends  have  not  done  you  juftice,  alTume  the  right 
to  yourlelf ;  let  us  have  the  whole  Jpeech.  If  the  waves  of  faction 
are  fwallowing  up  the  conftitution — if  the  pieces  are  tolTed  about 
on  every  billow — if  the  temple  of  juftice  is  filled  with  a  banditti, 
and  their  honours  are  expoled  to  catch  cold,  by  the  windows  being 
broken,  and  every  door  burft  in,  let  us  have  the  dieadful  difafters 
defer ibed  in  plain  language,  and  it  is  not  doubted  but  every  re- 
publican will  lend  a  hand  to  repair  the  damage. 

It  is  equally  as  mort'.fyir.g  to  me  particularly  to  addrefs you  on 
this  fubjecT,  as  it  may  be  condtfc ending  in  you  to  reply  to  my  ob- 
fervations  ;  but  the  crifis  of  political  controverfy  is  fuch,  that  it  is 
proper  to  bring  individuals,  who  volunteer  themfelves  in  oppofition 
to  the  prefent  adminiftration,  to  explain  the  motives  of  their  con- 
duel.  The  object  of  my  addrefs  is  to  prevent  an  improper  bias 
at  the  moment  of  an  election,  and  if  poffible  to  bring  the  leaders 
of  the  federal  party  to  an  explicit  avowal  of  their  fentiments,  be- 
fore the  tribunal  of  the  public.  The  republicans  are  willing  to 
fubmit  their  caufe  to  an  impartial  inveftigation,  and  as  you,  fir, 
have  prefumed  to  take  the  lead  in  oppofition  to  them,  your  filence 
will  be  confidered  as  an  evidence  of  the  imbecility  of  the  caufe 
you  efpoufe. 


No.  LIX. 

ON    THE    MEASURES    OF    THE    PRESENT    ADMINISTRA- 
TION. 

What  evil  have  they  done  ? 

X  HE  political  controverfy  in  this  country  is  unparalleled  in  the 
hiftory  cf  the  world  ;  a  government  alTailed  by  the  intrigues  of  a 
faclion  who  have  no  other  pretence  for  their  conduct,  than  the  at- 
tempts of  tire  adminiftration  to  leiTen  the  taxes  of  the  people,  is  a 
lingular  phenomenon  in  fociety.  This  peculiar  mode  of  creating 
spimofity  among  the  citizens,  is  referved  for  a  wonderful  event 


On  the  Meatures  of  the  No.  LIX, 

of  the  prefent  day  ;  it  is  a  political  paradox,  and  mull  excite  the 
admiration  of  Europe,  as  a  circumftancc  of  a  peculiar  nature. 

The  calumny  daily  bellowed  upon  the  executive  and  a  majori- 
ty of  the  legiflature,  naturally  calls  upon  the  citizens  to  inquire, 
What  eiikhave  they  done  ?  Why  are  fuch  conflant  alarms  excited  ? 
Why  apers  fo  fraught  with  abufe  and  detraction  againfl 

every  man  who  appeaYs  dcilrous  to  fupport  the  prefent  govern- 
ment ?  Why  is- a  party  calling  on  the  people  to  rally  ?  Why  are 
they  urging  a  feparation  of  the  ftates,  and  endeavouring  by  every 
means  to  deftroy  our  confidence  in  the  executive  ? 

What  evil  have  they  done  ?  is  a  queftion  which  flill  recurs. 
Where  is  the  man  who  is  injured  by  the  meafures  of  government  ? 
Is  the  merchant,  trade/man  or  farmer  injured  by  the  deer  cafe  of  taxes  ? 
Even  the  flock-holder  has  no  reafon  to  complain,  as  his  quarterly 
demands  are  as  punctually  difcharged  as  when  the  government 
lorro-v:c!  money  at  8  per  cent. 

Is  it  poffible  then,  that  there  can  be  a  ferious  difpofition  in  the 
people,  to  oppofe  the  prefent  adminiflration  ?  If  no  man  is  injured, 
who  is  to  begin  the  oppofition  ?  If  no  citizen  i»  aggrieved,  who  is 
to  rife  in  arms,  and  under  what  ftandard  are  we  to  rally  ?  An  ar- 
my in  the  field,  wich  all  their  military  apparatus,  in  cppofition  to 
a  government  which  is  relieving  them  from  taxes,  mull  be  as  ridicu- 
lous as  the  vagaries  of  Don  Quixote.  It  is  poffible,  however, 
that  fome  hiight-ermnt  m:*y  contemplate  fuch  a  whimfical  crufade, 
and  fome  Sancho  Panza  Hand  ready  to  attend  him  in  his  enter- 
prise ;  but  the  good  fenfe  of  the  people  muK  ever  hold  fuch  wild 
extravagances  in  the  utmoll  dctellation. 

Prefidcnt  Jefferfon,  fince  his  inauguration  into  office,  has  by  a 
fyftem  of  economy,  laved  the  United  States  upwards  of  three  millions 
of  dollars  ;  and  yet,  Itrange  to  relate,  has  been  abufed  in  the  mofl 
outrageous  manner,  for  the  very  meafures  which  effected  it !  In- 
ftead of  which,  had  he  made  an  addition  of  this  fum  to  the  ex- 
penfes  of  the  laft  adminiflration,  his  prefent  calumniators  would 
have  been  his  warmed  advocates ;  for  it  mull  be  remembered, 
that  his  opponents  are  of  the  "  feci:,"  who  hold  the  doctrine  that 
*£  a  public  debt  is  n  public  bleffing  ;"  confequeritly,  every  dollar  ex- 
pended is  a  pledge  of  that  blejfmg,  and  every  milling  faved  is  the 
foreboding  of  a  national  curfc.  If  the  Prelident,  inftead  of  repeal- 
ing our  internal  taxes,  had  augmented  them — inftead  of  difcharg- 


No.  LiX.  present  Attihinistrativn.  239 

ing  a  numerous  body  of  ufelefs  officers,  had  increafed  them — in- 
stead of  paying  the  ftockholders  with  the  duties  arifing  from  im- 
port only,  had  requefled  a  loan  of  millions,  at  8  cr  10  percent, 
interefl  :  If  he  had  done  thefe  things,  the  federal  papers  would 
have  been  crouded  with  congratulations  on  our  national  profperi- 
ty  ;  addrefTcs  would  have  covered  the  prefidential  table,  and  in 
all  probability  we  fhould  have  been  called  on  to  revive  the  cockade, 
as  the  emblem  of  our  attachment  to  his  adminiflratior:. 

But,  alas,  it  happens  unfortunately  for  this  clafs  of  gentry,  that 
Mr.  Jefferfon  explodes  the  fentiment  that  "  a  public  debt  is  a  public 
blcffing"  ;  he  does  not  wifli  to  place  the  happinefs  of  his  country 
on  this  foundation  ;  this  "  modern  pbVofophy"  lie  difowns  ;  he  flud- 
ies  the  general  welfare  of  his  fcllov.--citizcns  ;  and  is  not  defrrcus  to 
heap  bleffings  on  one  clafs  of  men,  by  cuffing  every  other  with  taxes, 

This,  fellow-citizens,  is  the  evil  which  he  hath  dene — he  has  lef- 
fened  the  burden  from  the  fhoulders  of  his  conflituents,  and  has 
pledged  himfelf  that  he  will  purfuc  this  line  of  conduct  to  the  ex- 
tinguifliment  of  the  public  debt.  Thefe  are  his  crimes,  and  thefe 
are  the  fins  of  the  prefect  adminiftration — if  any  man  is  injured  let 
him  fpeak. 

Here,  methinks,  I  hear  a  number  of  men  exclaim,  he  has  turned 
xs  out  of  office.     Alas,  gentlemen,  your  cafes  may  be  deplorable  as 
to  your  particular  private  interefl  ;  but   you  mull   confole  your- 
felves,  that  the    Prefident  is  not  to  act  by  partial,  but  by  general 
laws.     If  you  have  had  the  good  fortune  for  many  years  to  live  by 
your  offices,  it  docs  not  follow,  that  you  fhould  continue  in  them, 
if  the  exigencies  of  the  country  do  not  require  it.     It  may  be  a 
very   "  pretty  thing"   for  you,  to  receive  an  annual  compenfation 
arifing  from  the  public  taxes,  but  it  would  be  a  grievous  tiling  to 
thofe  who  pay  them,  if  your  ferviccs  are  no  longer  needed.     If  you 
enjoyed  thefe  bleffings  for  a  number  of  years  pafl,  you  ought  rath- 
er to  congratulate  yourfelves  that  you  have  been  fo  far  benefitted, 
than  to  cenfurc  and  condemn  the  government  for  not  continuing 
you  in  office.     The  citizens  are  grateful,  but  not  prodigal — we  thank 
you  for  all  the  good  you  have  done  fmce  your  appointments,  but 
you  mud  excufe  us,   if  we  are  willing   that  the  pay   fhould  flop, 
when  your  labours  are  wholly  ufelefs. — Though  fome  of  you  are 
difplaced,  and  others  take  your  births,  yet  mode  fly  fhould  forbid 
you  to  exclaim  againfl  the  Prefident  ;    for  if  he  was  flritfly  tc 


l^o  0;:  the  Measure:  of  the  No'.  LIX. 

"  lay  juftice  to  the  line  and  righteoufnefs  to  the  plummet"  he  would 
extend  his  removals  to  a  much  greater  length  ;  for  why  fhould 
thofe,  oppofed  to  his  adminiftration,  enjoy  his  particular  patronage  ? 

The  fcurrility  againft  the  Prefident  is  fo  grofs,  and  the  caufes 
of  complaint  are  fo  abfurd,  that  I  conceive  it  necelfary  to  apologize 
for  ferioufly  noticing  them.  The  federal  party*  appear  determined 
to  place  the  United  States  in  the  moll  derogatory  point  of  view 
in  the  eyes  of  the  European  nations.  While  other  powers  are 
laying  exorbitant  taxes  on  their  fubjefh — while  England  is  bur- 
dening the  people  at  the  rifk  of  an  infurredtion,  the  Eifex  junto 
are  endeavouring  to  raife  a  rebellion  in  America  for  leffening  taxes. 
What  can  be  the  defign  of  this  meafure  ?  The  reafon  is  obvious, 
they  wifh  to  convince  the  world,  that  "The  People"  are  never 
fatisfied  ;  that  there  is  as  much  oppofition  in  the  republic  of 
America,  for  decreafing  taxes,  as  there  is  in  the  monarchy  of  Europe 
for  increafing  them.  This  faction  are  endeavouring  to  confound 
all  governments  ;  to  riot  on  the  earnings  of  the  induftrious,  and 
if  any  complaint  fhould  arife  to  bring  America  as  the  voucher  to 
prove,  that  The  People  are  never  eafy.  Their  plans  are  deep  and 
fubtle  ;  they  are  rallying  to  overthrow  the  liberties  of  mankind, 
and  every  ftratagem  is  ufed  to  effect  their  diabolical  purpofes. 
They  wilh  to  prove,  that  the  " people  are  their  greatejl  enemies." 

To  prove  my  pofition,  I  would  remark,  that  there  is  no  more 
oppofition  to  the  Britifh  minrftry  for  augmenting  taxes,  than  there 
is  in  America  for  lejfening  them  ;  the  Englifh  papers  are  not  more 
fevere  againft  the  Britifh  government,  under  the  prefTure  of  taxes, 
than  the  federal  papers  againft  the  American  government  for  the 
extinguifhment  of  them.  Would  it  not  then  be  a  ftrange  ftory  in 
hiftory,  if  the  people  of  England  fhould  rHe  in  arms  to  obtain  an 
decreafe  of  taxes,  and  the  citizens  of  America  fhould  at  the  fame 
time  rally  to  increafe  them  ?  It  would  be  a  curious  chapter  of 
accidents,  for  a  recruiting  fergeant  in  the  city  of  London,  to  beat 
up  for  volunteers  to  feek  a  relief  from  taxes — while  in  Bofton,  one 
fhould,  with  equal  ardour,  hold  out  the  tempting  inducement  of 
an  additional  weight.  This  is  a  paradox  ;  but  the  "  modern  phi- 
lofophy"  that  "  a  national  debt  is  a  national  bleffing,"  is  the  only 
hypothefis  on  which  fuch  an  abfurdity  can  be  fubftantiated,  in  this 
country. 


No.  LIX.  present  Administration.  741 

The  ElTox  fa&ion  are  not  contented  to  lay  heavy  taxes  upon 
us,  but  they  are  anxious  for  a  divi/ion  of  the  Northern  and  South- 
ern States.  If  this  fliould  take  pl?ce,  what  would  be  our  fituation  ? 
The  fhipping  of  the  Northern  States  muft  lay  at  the  wharves, 
and  Lritiih  veflels  would  enjoy  the  exclufive  privilege  of  the  Car- 
rying-Trade :  our  fhip-carpcnters  would  fpeedily  be  obliged  to  lay 
by  their  tools  ;  and  every  tradefman  in  town,  connected  with 
navigation,  muft  retire  into  the  country,  or  become  an  underling 
ill  the  llore  of  a  Britain  agent  ;  our  young  men,  would  be  cut  off 
from  every  commercial  cntcrprize,  and  have  the  mortification  of 
feeing  Britifh  fliips  unloading  Britifh  manufactures  in  the  Northern 
States,  and  from  thence  fent  to  the  Southward  for  a  freight  of 
tobacco  anil  other  valuable  produce. 

Let  us  then,  fellow-citizens,  look  around  us,  and  inquire, 
whether  an  enemy  is  not  doing  this  ?  Who  are  the  men  that  are 
urging  a  Reparation,  and  cenfuring  the  prefent  adminiftration  ? 
Tell  me,  whether  among  the  whole  number,  there  is  an  old  tory 
who  is  not  concerned  in  this  bufinefs  ?  They  pretend  to  call  it 
federalifm,  but  the  truth  is,  it  is  Toryism  in  difguifr  ;  it  is  the  poifon 
of  the  old  leaven,  which  threatened  to  "  leaven  the  whole  lump," 
during  our  revolution.  The  enemies  of  that  day,  ufed  every 
effort  to  make  us  jealous  of  our  patriots  ;  Hancock  and  Adams 
were  then  abufed  fimilar  to  Mr.  Jefterfon — our  Congrefs  Were 
ftigmatized  as  a  banditti — the  temple  of  juftice  was  then  defcribed 
as  having  "  every  window  broke  and  every  door  burft  in" — the 
"  friends  to  order"  were  then  called  on  to  roufe  from  their  {lum- 
bers, and  on  the  night  of  the  19th  April,  1775,  (when  the  unfuf- 
pecting  citizens  had  retired  to  reft)  they  fallied  out  on  the  defence- 
lefs  yeomanry,  and  ere  the  fun  had  riien  to  its  meridian,  embrued 
their  hands  in  the  blood  of  our  flaughtered  countrymen.  At  that 
time  they  endeavoured  to  divide  the  Northern  and  Southern 
States — but  **  unite  or  die"  was  then  our  motto,  and  it  is  now  as 
(bong  a  pledge  of  our  fafety,  under  tire  guidance  of  heaven,  as 
the  ark,  amidft  the  deluge  of  the  old  world.  Let  us,  then,  fellow- 
citizens,  be  collected,  be  firm,  and  perfevering — rely  on  the  good- 
nefs  of  your  caufe  and  the  rectitude  of  your  conduit — dr.pend  on 
it,  heaven  will  never  fuffer  us  to  fdl  a  prey  to  ovr  enemies,  after 


;.f~  Arts  and  Dtlusicns.  ]\o.  LX» 

fo  many  miracles  wrought  in  our  favour,  during  the  diftreffing 
period  of  our  revolution. 


No.  LX. 

■ 

A  Etonaitdl   a  D   ratio*  I 

-IT    mud  be  acknowledged   that   the    junto   hare   one   vali 
ia-ait  in  their  political  cl  '■?..  to  ttiat  event 

ar'ifes   in  ur.     In   this  parti  ;ular,   they   adopt  the 

peculiar  policy  of  the  Britiih  miniftry,  during  their  controvcrfy 
with  France  ;  every  fuccefs  obtained  by  the  Englifh  (however 
infigniluant)  was  detailed  in  the  government  gazettes,  as  victories 
of  the  higheft  magnitude  ;  the  people  were  led  to  believe,  that 
every  meafure  of  the  nation  was  fraught  with  the  moft  happy 
confequences,  by  partial  ftatements  of  the  defeats  and  difafters  of 
their  enemies.  The  tower-guns  were  often  fired  to  announce 
victories  of  the  moft  brilliant  nature,  when  die  cabinet  at  St.  James's 
were  in  poffeflion  of  documents  of  a  very  different  complexion. 
The  fpirit  and  enterprise  of  the  nation  were  effential  to  the  great 
object  of  their  contention  ;  it  has  always  been  the  invariable  fyftem 
of  the  Englifh,  to  make  the  moll  formidable  appearance,  when 
their  affairs  were  in  the  moft  defperate  fituation. 

Daring  the  American  war,  this  conduct  was  purfued  with 
alacrity  ;  the  Englifh  papers  were  conftantly  filled  with  anticipa- 
tions of  a  complete-  conqueft  of  the  colonics,  and  the  capture  of 
Burgoyne  was  precurfor'd  with  the  vanquifhment  of  the  American 
army  ;  Bunker-Hill  battle  was  celebrated  as  the  moft  glorious 
dtfplay  of* Britiih  heroifm,  and  the  poffeflion  of  that  eminence  was 
defcribed  as  commanding  the  moft  extenfive  fortreffes  of  America, 

During  the  French  revolution,  how  often  have  we  heard  of 
the  total  difaffecYion  of  the  French  army  ?  Bonaparte  has  fuffered 
as  many  deaths,  a?  Mary  Magdalene  had  devils  ;    he  has  bee1  - 


No.  LX.  243 

affaffinated,  eaten,  famifhed,  dr  awned,  frozen,  poifoned,  blown 
tip,  and  burnt  in  his  camp  ;  the  Mamelukes  and  crocodiles  of 
Egypt  have  alternately  triuJ  over  his  c  arc  ale  ;  and  the 

ipartc  has   fometiznes  been  buried   in  the  funds,  and 
at  other   limes   devoured  !>_>  afts     and    birds  of  prey,  for 

the  amufement  oi  miniflerial  hirelings,  and  to  deceive  and  gull 
the  people. 

Thus  have  the  Britifl)  purine;!  a  fyftem  of  delufion,  and  have 
by  thele  means  urged  the  nation  to  proiccute  their  chimerical 
projects,  till  ecu  faHehood  bad  loft  its  energies. 

The  Elfcx  junto  i:i  this  country  have  adopted  mexfures,  fimilar 
in  almoil  all  inflances  with  thofe  of  their  adherents  in  Europe  ; 
every  Ibatagem  has  beer,  prattiied,  every  mode  of  deception  has 
been  profecuted  ;  plots  and  eonfpiracies  were  daily  announced,  as 
"clues"  to  more  difaftr-oua  difcoyeries.  As  fail  as  one  falfehdod 
was  difcoveied,  another  was  immediately  circulated  ;  our  elections 
were  ever  attended  with  freili  details  of  alarming  apprehtnfions,  and 
the  people  have  at  theie  periods,  been  excited  to  exercife  their 
fufFrages  under  imprefllous,  that  a  "  tub-plot"  was  about  to  blow 
up  the  continent,  or  that  a  body  of  Illuminati  were  undermining 
every  church  in  die  Union  :  fome  of  the  clergy  feemed  to  apprehend 
that  a  Guy  Faux  was  fecreted  in  every  avenue  leading  to  the 
places  of  public  worfhip.  Thefe  idle  tales  at  length  began  to 
grow  too  ftalc  for  belief,  and  their  effects  were  loft  among  the 
body  of  enlightened  citizens.  True,  however,  to  their  defigns, 
the  junto  perfilled  in  their  plans  to  roufe  the  fears  of  the  citizens  ; 
having  exhauiled  their  ingenuity  to  create  new  ftories  of  "  Ocean 
maffacres,"  &c.  they  at  length  rallied  their  whole  force,  and  con- 
centrated all  dieir  efforts  in  the  cry  of  a  "  French  demand ln  This 
was  their  ne  plus  ultra  ;  this  was  their  mafter-piece  of  policy  ;  here 
they  fuppofed  they  had  touched  the  manly  fpii  it  of  the  Americans  ; 
a  demand !  a  demand !  was  echoed  and  re-echoed  through  the 
Union — a  demand  !  a  demand  !  was  proclaimed  in  every  city,  town 
and  village  within  the  noithern  ftates — a  demand  !  a  demand  I  flew 
like  electricity  throughout  MafTachufetts  ;  and  on  the  day  of  elec- 
tion, though  the  tremor  had  fomewhat  fubfided  within  die  circle 
of  information,  yet  the  agitation  of  the  public  mind  had  not 
totally  evaporated  ;  like  a  fhock  of  an  eardiquake,  it  left  an  un- 
dulating motion,  which  gave  an  opportunity  to  die  projectors  of 


2+*,.  Arts  and  Delusions.  No.  LX. 

the  report,  to  effect  in  an  extenfive  degree,  the  pernicious  purpofes 
contemplated.  Since  theie  difluibers"  of  our  peace  have  been  de- 
tected in  this  diabolical  icheme,  they  have  given  it  a  more  Favour- 
able appellation  ;  they  have  modcitly  called  it  a  "  loam,"  which 
wears  quite  a  different  afpect  than  what  they  endeavoured  to 
imprefs  on  the  public  mind  by  "  a  demand,  ivith  twelve  fail  of  the 
line  to  enforce  it  !'' 

This  ftory,  however,  turned  out  a  falfehood  in  every  particular, 
as  the  French,  fo  far  from  demanding  a  loan.,  (with  a  threat  of 
twelve  fail  to  carry  it  into  execution)  have  not  even  requejled  a 
Cent  from  our  government.  Thus  falls  to  the  ground  the  ",  mam- 
moth" plot  of  a  "  French  demand."  Baffled  in  every  cucumii:;nce 
on  this  fubject,  they  are  obliged  to  cover  their  deform'  i  s.  by 
faying  that  "they  intended  to  rcquc  ft.  a  loan."  Tins,  h<  \  ver, 
is  a  miferable  apology  for  the  hue  and  cry  of  a  "  demand,"  and 
the  terrors  of  twelve  fail  of  the  line  to  enforce  it.  If  they  intended 
to  make  this  requeft,  happy  are  we  that  the  prztvefs  of  the  i  .in, 
who  "  prayed  for  war,"  has  inlunidated  them  from  their  reqnih- 
tion. 

The  EfTex  junto,  after  being  defeated  in  all  their  de- 
signs, have  at  length  refumed  courage  by  the  election  in 
Boflon.  They  now  run  about  the  ftreets  in  frantic  ecftacies^ 
affemble  on  the  Exchange  with  a  majeftic  deportment,  and  collect: 
at  corners  in  an  hoflile  attitude,  for  the  purpof'e  of  vociferating 
with  Stentorian  lungs,  that  federallfm  is  gaining  an  afce'ndancy 
in  the  refpective  States  ;  as  an  evidence  of  which,  their  firft  de- 
claration announced  that  Colonel  Thomas  was  not  chofen  in 
New-York  ;  but  in  two  days  the  Editor  of  the  Centinel  was 
obliged  to  contradict  the  falfehood  in  his  own  paper,  by  informing 
the  good  people  that  this  fame  Colonel  Thomas  obtained  upwards 
of  nine  hundred  votes  majority,  in  this  effort  they  were  foon 
fruflrated,  and  there  remains  but  one  folitary  refort,  viz.  the 
elecHon  in  the  metropolis. 

But  the  fallacy  of  this  expectation  will  foon  be  realized.  The 
idea  that  the  people  of  Bofton  have  changed  their  political 
fentiments,  is  alfo  fallacious  ;  the  votes,  either  as  it  refpects 
Governour,  Senators  or  Reprefentatives,  are  no  teft  of  federal 
principles,  as  the  confufion  and  diforder  which  arofe  on  the 
Irft  election  by  the  throng  paffing  to  the  boxes,  gave  an  pppot 


No.  1,X.  Arts  and  Delusions.  *45 

(unity  for  thofe  who  were  difpefed  to  violate  the  equal  fuffi 
of  tbe*citizens,  to  put  their  plans  into  execution.  The  tumult  was 
io  outrageous,  that  it  was  out  of  the  power  of  the  J eki! nun  to  prevent 
an  improper  croudtng  upon  them,  and  it  is  publicly  aflferted  by  a 
refpeclable  tradefrriah,  that  he  faw  three  men  put  a  handful  of 
voles  into  the  box,  during-  the  general  feramble.  The  laft  election 
was  more  orderly  proiecutcd,  the  felectmen  have  ever  fhewn  a 
difpofition  to  accommodate  the  citizens,  but  the  difficulty  which 
attends  voting,  and  the  time  which  it  takes  to  be  regularly 
cheeked,  prevented  a  large  proportion  of  the  republican  tradefmeu 
from  coming  forward  on  the  election  of  Reprefentatives.  The 
choice,  therefore,  in  this  town  is  more  owing  to  accident  than  any 
real  change  of  political  fentiment  among  the  inhabitants.  If  any 
fpeciKc  queftion  was  brought  before  the  town,  relating  to  the 
prcicnt  adminiftration,  there  is  no  doubt  the  junto  would  be 
leit  in  the  minority.  They  are  always  fearful  of  a  public  in- 
veltigation  of  Mr.  JcrFerfon's  conduct,  and  choofe  to  confine  their 
caucuiTes  within  a  fmall  room,  rather  than  to  appear  in  the  ample 
ipace  ot  Faneuil-HaiL 

Notwithftanding  all  thefe  evidences  of  the  problematical  (late 
of  the  town,  y^t  now,  forfooth,  the  Reprefentatives  of  Bofton  are 
going  to  raiie  the  "  fetting  fun  of  federalifm."  The  cry  is,  we 
have  this  great  mar.,  and  that  great  man  in  the  Legillature  ;  and 
that  the  feat  laft  year  was  not  honourably  filled,  we  had  no  talents, 
no  honcfty,  and  that  one  hundred  thoufand  dollars  tax  was  laid  on 
the  town  by  the  inerficacy  of  the  memoei  s  ;  but  this  year  we  lhall 
have  honourable  men,  all  honourable  men,  gentlemen  of  veracity  ;  and 
above  all,  we  are  to  be  honoured  with  a  Speaker  from  Bofton. 
Thus  every  thing  is  planned  with  the  utmoft  accuracy  for  the  a- 
doption  of  the  Legifiature.  Now  federalifm  is  reviving,  and  the 
country  members  ate  under  a  forcible  direction  from  the  "  head- 
quarters of  good  principles  ;"  if  there  arc  any  oppofers  it  is  proba- 
ble they  will  be  called  a  "  contemptible  minority"  ;  the  "  honoura- 
ble men"  wdl  fet  their  faces  againft  them,  and  like  Jofhua  of  old 
will  arreft  the  fettitig  fun  of  federaiifm. 

Here  I  would  paufe  and  inquire  what  is  the  real  meaning  of 
federalifm,  in  oppofition  to  the  adminiftration  of  Mr.  JefFcrfon  ? 
Does  federalifm  confift  in  an  extravagant  expenditure  of  public 
iiioncy  ?  a  (landing  army  ?  an  8  per  cent,  loan  ?  a  continuance  of 


2+6  To  the  "  Totutg  Mat*  in  ;  turn.  No.  LXI. 

internal  taxes,  whereby  Maflachufetts  paid  eighty  thousand  dollars, 
:md  Virginia  only  forty  thou  land  dollais  ?  a  fupernumcraiy  body 
of  officers  to  erjeate  .  .1  patronage,  and  whofe  pay  exhaulr- 

ed  a  large  pro]  the  income  ?  Is  it  federal ifm  to  calumni- 

ate the  President,  abufe  every  oflicer  of  government,  vilify  the  ma- 
jority of  Congrcfs,  raife  the  refentment  of  the  French,  and  court 
the  fmiles  of  the  Engliflb  ?  to  encourage  thoufands  of  Britifh  refi- 
dents  to  monopolize  the  trade  with  England,  and  to  ilarve  oul 
young  American  citizens,  to  feed  thofe  who  fcarcely  pay  a  Ihiliiog 
while  they  are  vending  the  fame  ai  tides  imported  by  our  own 
merchants  ?  If  this  is  federalism,  it  is  impoffible  that  it  mould  long 
proiper — the  young  men  will  quickly  feel  the  effects  of  this  poli- 
cy. If  this  is  federalifm— if  this  is  the  "  riling  fun"  which  i> 
Tauntingly  proclaimed  as  diiluling  its  benign  efficacy,  depend  on  it, 
my  young  friends,  that  its  genial  warmth  will  never  promote  your 
happinels  ;  it  will  baffle  your  hopes  ;  your  enterprize  will  be  fruf- 
trated  ;  the  cultivation  of  the  foil  will  not  extend  your  growth  ; 
the  harv«ft  will  redound  to  Britons,  while  you  will  be  left  in  the 
field  of  commerce,  like  vegetables  Dialled  by  an  untimely  froft. 


No.  LXI. 


TO    THE    "  YOUNG    MAN,       IN    THE    PALLADIUM. 

1  HAVE  riad  your  performance  with  ccnfiderable  attention, 
and  am  forry  you  have  difcovered  fo  great  a  degree  of  acrimony 
in  your  obfervations. — Truth  is  of  fuch  a  delicate  texture,  that  it 
mufl  be  fought  for  in  the  calm  recefles  of  reflection,  rather  than  in 
the  turbulent  effufions  of  the  paffions.  The  ornament  of  a  young 
man  is  madefy,  and  when  he  overleaps  the  boundary  of  decency, 
he  expofes  himfelf  more  to  pity  than  refpecTful  attention.  If 
you  have  any  objections  to  my  remarks,  it  would  be  more  becom- 
ing to  point  out  tlje  impropriety  of  them,  than  to  retort  in  a  lan- 
guage which  conveys  an  idea  that  your  manners  have  not  been  im- 
proved by  your  education  ;  prefuming?  however,  that  you  have  ven- 


No.  LXI.  To  the  "  Young  Man"  in  the  Palladium.  24-/ 

tured  in  public  in  order  to  obt;iin  information,  and  being  unwil- 
ling to  difappoint  you  in  your  laudable  defign,  I  iha.ll  wave,  for 
the  prefent,  my  own  reflections,  on  the  baneful  tendency  of Britjjhfatlors 
enjoying  the  fame  commercial  benefit*  with  our  own  citizens,  and  recom- 
mend to  your  candid  perufal  the  circular  letter,  written  by  ibme  of 
oui  moll  refpectable  mercantile  characters  in  the  year  1785. 

This  letter  has  often  been  publifhed,  but  as  it  contains  fafls  of 
the  moft  interefting  nature  ;  as  it  expretfes  the  fentiments  of  men 
who  are  well  acquainted  with  our  ccr.imevchl  relations  ;  as  the 
meafurcs  recommended  wctc  the  bafis  on  which  our  federal  govera- 
ment  was  founded  ;  as  the  debates  in  the  feveral  ftate  conventions 
(during  its  adoption)  principally  contemplated  the  necelhty  of 
fome  "  checks  and%alances,"  on  the  European  trade  :  For  thefc 
reafons,  I  prefume  it  will  not  be  thought  improper  at  this  time  to 
recommend  this  important  document  to  your  confideration,  or 
even  to  recommend  its  being  read  annually  in  our  town-meetings. 
It  is  fo  particularly  defcriptive  of  the  prefent  ftate  of  our  country, 
I  flatter  myfclf,  while  it  communicates  to  you  that  knowledge  of 
which  you  appear  at  prefent  fo  deilitute,  it  will  ferve  to  revive 
thofe  fentiments  among  the  citizens  at  large  which  actuated  the 
merchants  of  Bo'lon  at  that  eventful  period. 

However,  "  young  man,"  if  the  letter  mould  fail  to  convince  you 
of  your  error,  I  fhall  only  requeft  that  your  refenlment  will  hereaf- 
ter be  levelled  on  the  gentlemen  who  diffeminated  thefe  principles 
by  a  circular  letter,  (even  if  feme  of  them  have  apoftatized)  rather 
than  on  one  who  is  only  a  profelyte  to  the  truths  which  it  con- 
tains. 

When  you  arrive  at  the  age  of  maturity,  you  will  know  the 
difference  between  thofe  induftrious  emigrants,  who  arrive  in  Ame- 
rica for  the  purpofe  of  improving  our  manufactures,  cultivating  the 
foil,  and  whofe  object  is  ^permanent  rr/rdenct,  and  the  mere  transient 
hawkers  who  only  refide  in  the  commercial  towns,  for  the  fole  pur- 
pofe of  vending  their  goods,  to  the  injury  of  our  merchants,  who  pay 
little  or  no  taxes,  whofe  refidence  is  fo  temporary,  that  they  are 
not  afraid  to  hazard  their  reputation  by  erroneous  entries  in  the 
cuftom-houfe,  and  who  will  in  time  deftroy  all  the  regular  impor- 
tation of  our  own  citizens. 

If  the  young  men  of  the  prefent  day  are  more  enlightened  and 
liberal  than  the  merchants  whofe  fignatures  accompany  the  Ad- 


*4S  The  political  Phenomenon.  No".  L"XIr- 

drcfs,  or  if  they  are  perfuaded  they  can  rife  fuperior  to  all  the  con- 
fequences  anticipated  by  thoie  gentlemen,  yet  I  am  perfuaded  there 
is  fo  much  candor  reading  in  the  breafts  of  the  youth  of  this  me- 
tropolis, that  they  will  not  confidcr  me  as  "  their  enemy,"  though 
I  may  be  thought  too  officious  in  warning  them  of  the  danger  con- 
templated by  fome  of  the  moft  diftinguiihed  patriots  at  that  alarm- 
ing crihs. 

If  the  young  American,  with  his  wife  and  family,  feel  difpof- 
ed  to  have  a  Scotch  fadlor  or  an  Engliih  agent  enjoy  equal  com- 
mercial advantages  with  themfelves,  it  is  a  misfortune  foi  v-  liich  I 
am  not  anfwerable,  or  think  that  the  man  who  deprecates  the  ten- 
dency arifing  from  fuch  evils  is  "  their  enemy,"  I  mult  fubmit  to 
die  implication  ;  but  let  me  affure  fuch  inconiTCrate  revilers,  that 
tlie  time  will  foon  arrive  when  they  will/tr/  the  effects  of  their  fol- 
ly, and  be  o/diged  to  acknowledge  the  man  who  forewarns  them 
of  the  evii  as  their  befl  friend. 


No.  LXIL 


THE    POLITICAL   PHENOMENON'. 

1  HE  prcfent  flate  of  politico  in  this  country,  mud  exhibit  the 
United  Stales  as  a  phenomenon  in  the  view  of  European  nations. 
To  obferve  individuals  in  a  republican  fociety  contending  again  ft 
thofe  vital  principles,  on  which  its  legitimate  permanency  mud 

exift to  read   publications    fraught    with    the    moll   malignant 

calumny  againft  the  man  who  is  defirous  to  fubftantiate  the  full 
energy  of  thofe  doctrines,  which  have  ever  been  confidered  as  the 
bulwark  of  a  free  government — to  fee  papers  which  are  ftyled 
federal,  proftituted  to  the  bafe  purpofe  of  diflblving  the  Union  ! — 
to  find  toads  circulated  around  the  feftive  board,  tending  to 
excite  lihe  moft  abhorrent  paffions,  and  countenanced  by  clerical 
characters,  who  profefs  to  inculcate  the  benign  maxim  of  "  peace 
on  earth  and  good  will  towards  men"— to  hear  the  full-toned 
organ  (dedicated  to  hymns  of  praife  and  thankfgiving  to  the 


No.  I.XII-  The  political  Phenomenon.  249 

great  Ruler  of  the  univerfe)  leading  in  difcordant  notes  to  the 
Sanguinary  fong  of  blood  and  carnage  among  the  citizens  of  the 
respective  States  !  Initead  of  the  angel  of  peace,  to  portray 
•*  the  amputating  knife,"  in  the  temple  of  Him,  who  declared, 
that  "  whofocver  drew  the  (word  fhould  perifh  by  the  (word  !" 
To  notice  the  hypocrify  of  thofe,  who,  while  they  pretend  to 
eulogize  Wafhington,  are  deftroying  the  great  Legacy  of  Union, 
which  he  bequeathed  at  the  laft  moments  of  his  exiftence  !  To 
obferve  the  bafe  intrigues  of  men,  who  by  falfehood  and  decep- 
tion miilcad  the  honcil  yeomanry  and  tradefmen  of  Malfachnfetts, 
New-Hamplhire,  and  Connecticut,  to  counteract  the  principles  fo 
earneftly  recommended  by  this  departed  patriot  !  When,  fellow- 
citizens,  we  view  thefe  things  fyjlc  mat:  c  ally  purfued,  have  we  not 
reafon  to  paufe  and  examine  the  characters  who  are  doing  the 
mifchief  i 

In  the  firfl  place,  if  we  look  through  the  town  of  Bofton,  can 
we  find  one  man  who  was  oppofed  to  the  revolution,  but  what  t& 
a  reviler  of  Prefident  JeiFeribn  ?  Or,  is  there  one  man  among 
them,  wlio  was  -  inimical  to  Wafhington,  during  the  war,  but  what 
is  now  in  oppofition  to  Jefferibn  l — Thefe  men  treated  Wafhing- 
ton, during  our  revolution,  in  the  fame  manner  they  now  do 
Jefferfon.  Did  they  not  reprefent  him  as  the  leader  of  an  intol- 
erant faction  ?  Was  not  his  conciliatory  conduct  treated  with 
every  indignity  ? — Were  not  his  attempts  to  relieve  us  from  Inter- 
nal Brliljh  taxes,  conhdered  as  infringing  on  the  prerogative  of 
King,  Lords,  and  Commons  ? — Was  not  his  oppofition  to  the 
eftablifhjnent  of  a  Judiciary,  the  judges  of  which  were  to  remain 
permanent  under  the  pay  of  the  crown,  denounced  by  the  then  Britifh 
faction,  as  a  violation  of  the  Gonftkution  ?  Was  not  the  declaration 
of  independence,  though  functioned  by  the  fignature  of  Hancock 
and  enforced  by  the  iword  of  Wafhington,  called  the  "  fpeaking 
trumpet  of  lebcllion"  ?  Were  we  not  then  called  upon,  in  the 
fame  tone  of  energy  which  now  defignates  a  Morris  or  a  Bayard, 
to  "  paufe,  for  heaven's  fake  paufe"  ?  Were  not  the  patriots  of 
Congrefs  denounced  as  a  body  of  infurgents,  and  were  not  the 
American  army  deftined  to  the  gibbet,  in  cafe  their  prcwefs  had 
.not  been  equal  to  the  great  objects  of  our  Independence  ■ 
H  h 


2J3  The  political  r  •  ...    '  No.  LXII, 

If  vc  had  not  focceeded,    Samuel  Adam-,  John   Hancock 

•  -;c  Washington  and  a  hoil  of  •  uld  have  been 

.  in   the  American  hiftory,  in   the  point   of 
as   Prefident  Jcffcrfon  now  flands  i  .  oted 
to  a  jiin*.  .  -very 
tracter  within  the  United  St  Id  any 
;-.  in  the  time  vt  tfie  re1  •  be  now  counte- 
nanced   by   this    patty,    it   would    !  to   bis 

eat  caufe  wh;  :h  1 

and  gave    him  a  political  reputation.  inftance,  the 

junto  have  Supported  the  old  rfa  ■  patriots  fo  far,  and 
no   farther  than    they   have    renounced    their   republican    creed. 

Though  a  man  might  at  thole  J.                    a  feudal  fyftem,  yet  if 

he  is  now  in  favour  of  an  hefeditai  »nt  and  fenate,  they 
will  receive  him  into  full  comnnv:. 

The  prefent  controvcrfy  is  net  merely  an  oppofition  to  Mr. 

Ton,  it  is  no  more  nor  lefs  than  the  outrageous  etrafions  of 

the  enemies  of  our  revolution,  againft  republfcanifm  ;    they  may 

•  :n  the  pill  with  federal  ifm,  to  make  it  palatable,  but  depend 
on  it  the  moft  component  parts  are  the  poifqnous  ingredients  of 
tvryifm.  Thefe  people  find  that  the  Prefident  is  reverting  to 
original  principles  ;     they   are  anxious   therefore   to   rally  under 

colours  ;  they  cry  out  Wajhmgtont  and,  like  Judas,  would 
falute  him  "  hail,  matter,  and  kifs  him,"  but,  at  the  fame  time, 
would  if  in  their  power,  crucify  him  and  every  man  who  profefles 
to  be  his  difciple. 

The  tones  always  (poke  one  language — they  do  not  argue, 
But  declaim  ;  they  do  not  reafon,  but  denounce  ;  they  do  not 
npt  to  convince,  but  alarm.  They  declared  in  1775  that 
we  had  broken  the  Conftitution  ;  that  deilrueuon  would  follow 
our  oppofition  to  Britain  ;  that  we  ought  to  pay  taxes  ;  that  it 
was  proper  to  have  a  (landing  arm)- ;  that  a  numerous  body 
of  officers,  to  live  on  the  earnings  of  the  people,  were  congenial 
with  liberty  ;  that  a  republican  government  was  a  volcano,  which 
generated  in  its  bofom  the  lava  of  its  dhfolution.  They  attempted 
to  di!folve  the  union  of  the  States,  by  (hutting  up  the  port  of 
Bofton,  and  giving  exclufive  privileges  to  the  other  fea-ports  ;. 
they  fpread  alarms  among  the  people,  and  kept  the  continent  in 


.  LXIL  political  Phcn::. 

one  conflant  ftate  of  perturbation  ;  they  told  us  chat  Adam 
Hancock  were   trail  ?iary,  paid  by 

the  ci  •  nglifh  liberty. 

Is  it  not  n  itizens,to  e  -.he  dengr.s 

of  thi       •  Ion  the  prefent  admin- 

titration  I      Why  is  di  Ivocated  as   the    defideratum  ci 

public  happinefs  ?     Why  is  I  rented  with  i'uch  pointed 

dtfrefpecl  :     Arc  you  diitreJled  by  being  relieved  from  taxes?     Is 
the  r<  .icife  on  dillilled  fpirits  injurious,  when  on  the 

commencement  of  tl.is  tax,  Governcur  Strong  and  Mr.  Dalton, 

itors  from  this  Su'-  >ppofed  to  the  meafure  ?     li  we 

now  fey  the  repeal  is  unjuRiaable,  we  condemn  Governour  Strong, 
as  he  was,  from  the  firil  ...  .  >ion  of  thh  aft,  in  die  oppoiition. 

idvaatageous  to  our  citizens,  when  wc  paid  8c,coc 
dollars,  and  Virginia  only  40.000  ?  Can  it  be  beneficial  for  us 
J"o  continue  a  tax  which  took  twenty  dollars  out  of  every  hundred 
to  fupport  'he  various  officers  for  collecting  it,  and  which  amount- 
ed to  i8o,oco  yearly  ;  every  cent  of  which  is  faved  to  the  people 
by  abolifhing  the  fyftcm  ?  Every  other  part  of  the  interna] 
saxes  fell  largely  on  the  New-England  States,  and  yet  the  tory 
faction  are  attempting  to  lenew  the  i'yilem,  under  the  deceptive 
plea,  that  we  are  to  be  benefitted  by  the  meafure. 

The  judiciary  is  another  fource  of  complaint  againft  the  Pres- 
ident. But  is  there  a  man  in  the  United  States  who  willies  to 
extend  this  department  of  our  government  ?  Where  is  the  man 
who  candidly  thinks  that  the  bench  and  the  bar,  (though  ref- 
peftable  as  men)  have  not  already  their  full  preponderancy  of 
weight  in  die  community  ?  Yc  who  attend  our  courts,  and  yc 
who  have  caufes  depending,  examine  the  records  and  your  own 
bills  of  cod,  and  then  anfwer  whether  the  liberties  and  happinefs 
of  America  depend  on  an  extenfion  of  judiciary  prerogative  i 
The  man  who  has  a  difpofition  to  abufc  the  prefent  adminiftration, 
for  this  timely  check  of  profeilional  influence,  mull  have  been 
peculiarly  fortunate  in  not  being  obliged  to  pafs  the  ordeal  of 
a  law-fuit,  othcrwife  the  evidence  would  have  been  too  forcible 
on  his  mind  and  purfe  to  admit  a  doubt  as  to  the  propriety  of 
the  repeal.  To  illuflrate  this  remark,  let  the  will  of  WaJliington 
fpeak  ;  as  he  therein  declares,  diat  all  controverfies  as  they  related 
to  bis  ejlate,  fiiould  "  be  decided  by  three  impartial  and  difmteieft- 


252  The  political  Phenomena.  No.  LXIf. 

ed  men."  This  is  the  deliberate  voice  of  him  in  whom  "  all  hearts 
wiiteJ."  Who  then  can  controvert  the  principle  ?  Who  then  can 
vilify  Honestus  ? 

Have  ye,  fellow-citizens,  gone  to  your  homes,  after  attending 
a  Circuit  or  Diilrict  Court,  and  bewailed  the  weaknefs  and  imbe- 
cility of  the  judiciary,  as  it  relates  to  any  one  officer  within  the 
whole  department  ?  If  it  is  true  that  the  happinefs  of  our  coun- 
try wholly  depends  on  giving  further  energy  to  the  judiciary,  in 
the  name  of  liberty  and  independence,  let  us  rally  round  this 
neglected  and  enfeebled  part  of  our  government — let  us  anath- 
ematize the  Prefident  and  Congrefs — let  us  commence  a  crufade 
to  Wafhington-City,  and  under  the  banners  of  the  judiciary,  to  the 
tune  of  "  Rule  New-England,"  let  us  entrench  ourfelves  within 
pirtol-fhot  of  the  Legiflative  and  Executive — thus  embodied  and 
embattled,  let  us  fend  in  the  articles  of  capitulation,  and  peremp- 
torily demand  an  unequivocal  compliance  with  our  willies  ! 

To  fhew  the  unreafcnablenefs  of  the  attack  on  Prefident 
Jefferfon's  conduct,  let  us  fuppofe  that  he  had  been  at  the  head 
of  the  adminrtration  the  laft  four  years  ;  that  the  public  debt  had 
increafed,  though  the  revenue  had  been  fo  abundantly  productive 
from  the  European  war  ;  that  he  had  raifed  .an  army  evidently 
unneccflary  at  the  period  of  its  eftablifhment  ;  that  he  had  bur- 
dened the  citizens  with  excifes,  ftamp  duties,  and  a  direct  tax  ; 
that  he  had  borrowed  money  at  the  unprecedented  intereft  of 
8  per  cent.  Suppofe  he  had  purfued  a  fyftem  of  expenditure 
upon  a  fcale  fimilar  to  the  above  items,  in  moft  of  his  tranfactions 
— fhould  we  not  confider  it  a  happy  event,  if  Mr.  Adams  had 
been  chofen  and  in  a  few  months  had  adopted  meafures  exaclly 
conformable  to  the  prefent  adminiftration  ?  Would  not  the 
people  have  thought  it  was  a  change  for  the  better  ?  Would 
they  not  have  reafon  to  be  thankful,  that  the  finances  of  govern- 
ment were  adequate  to  all  our  purpofes,  while  they  felt  themfelves 
relieved  from  fuch  a  number  of  burthenfome  taxes  ?  This  is  a 
fair  ftatement  of  the  queftioa,  and  if  the  ErTex  junto  deny  it,  let 
them  ftate  their  objections. ' 

Why  then,  fellow-citizens,  is  all  this  rancorous  temper  excited  ? 
How  degrading  muft  we  appear  in  Europe,  to  find  us  abufing  the 
man,  whofe  whole  conduct  appears  directed  to  the  public  good  ! 
It  is  impoffible,  that  the  real  friends  to   our  country  are   th- 


No.  LXI1I.  Steady  Halms,  253 

authors  of  that  calumny  which  daily  appears  in  our  papers — 
they  mud  be  enemies,  lurking  in  our  fea-ports  and  interior,  men 
who  are  baffled  in  their  defigns  to  eftahlifh  themfelves  and  fam- 
ilies on  the  run  of  our  general  prefperity.  Let  us  be  collected, 
cool  and  deliberate,  and  by  perJevertHg  in  the  glorious  caufe  of: 
republicanifm,  we  mull  obtain  the  victory  ;  we  fliall  "  rife  con- 
querors, yea  more  than  conquerors,"  over  the  diflurbers  of  our 
national  quietude — we  fhall  finally  triumphantly  fing, 

tf-  Columbians  never,  never  jl.cU  le  Paves  /" 


No.  LXIII. 


STEADY    HABITS." 


lN  all  controverfies,  either  religious  or  political,  the  parties  gener- 
ally adopt  fome  laconic  terms,  which  give  celerity  and  facility  in 
profecuting  their  favourite  tenets.  Orthodoxy  has  had  a  wonderful 
effecl:  in  theological  difputes  ;  for  who  can  be  oppofed  to  orthodoxy  P 
Who  can  be  an  enemy  to  the  true  faith  ?  The  Calvinift  claims  this 
appellation  ;  the  Socinian  enlifts  under  this  banner ;  the  Univer- 
lklift  pleads  orthodoxy  as  the  ground-work  of  his  profeflion  ;  and 
even  the  Shaker  exclaims,"  orthodoxy'!  orthodoxy  !" — Thus, in 
religion,  we  are  oftentimes  led  by  founds,  without  attending  to 
realities.  Controverfies  have  oftener  originated  from  attachment 
to  names,  than  from  fpiritual  improvement  and  information  ;  abufe 
and  fcurrility  are  frequently  the  weapons  of  oppofition,  and  the 
purity  of  the  fubject  is  commonly  loft  in  the  impurity  of  the 
language. 

Calumny  never  made  a  profelyte,  though  it  generates  hypo- 
crites ;  a  man  who  feeks  popularity  by  facrificing  principle,  may 
accommodate  himfelf  to  a  leading  party,  but  he  who  has  no  other 
monitor  than  his  own  confeience,  views  with  the  utmeft  indiffer- 
ence the  frowns  of  his  enemies,  and  obferves  with  ineffable  con- 
tempt the  bafe  defigns  to  injure  his  reputation.  The  whole  hiftory 
of  the  bible  is  fraught  with  fimilar  fentiment,  and  when  thofe  who 


No.  LXI1I. 

pretend  to  prefefc  docti  ines  contained  in  that  holy  record,  calum- 
niate as  orators  and  defame  a  r,  fo  far  from  fubftantiating 
profefs,  are,  (like  the  hypocrites  emphati- 
libedin  that  facred  volume)  "  <whiLntd  fepulcbres"  which 
.re  full  of  all  manner  of  unclcanlincfs."     If  a  man  incul- 
doctrine  of  our  Saviour,  "  blelfed  are  the  peace-makers," 
yet  if  he  violates  the  injunction  by  his  practice,  the  fincerity  of  his 
faith  becomes  doubtful. 

In  politics,  as  in  religion,  certain  terms  are  ufedto  accomplifh 
'particular  purpofes.  "  Steady  habits,"  in  Connecticut,  have  been  a 
iignificant  appellation  to  designate  the  different  claffes  of  citizens 
in  their  political  fentiments.  When  we  hear  a  man  in  that  ft  ate, 
abufmg  the  Prelident,  calumniating  the  adminiflration,  degrading 
.every  officer  in  the  government,  deprecating  the  repeal  of  internal 
taxes,  and  condemning  the  restoration  oi  the  judiciary  iyftem,  he 
generally  concludes  his  outrageous  obfervations  with  this  emphati- 
cal  declaration,  that  be  is  a  friend  to  "  Jlcady  habits  /"  He  will  in 
the  molt  wanton  manner  vilify  the  character  of  his  neighbour,  who 
differs  from  him  ;  violate  all  the  benign  attributes  of  candour  and 
charity  ;  and  after  anathematizing  his  opponents  as  the  moft  ab- 
ject beings  in  fociety,  he  cloies  his  illiberal  remarks  with  an  ejacu- 
lation to  heaven,  to  prefcrxe  Cemne&cut  in  its  "  JLaJy  habits  /"  he 
praifes  God  that  he  is  not  a  Jefferfonian  republicar:,  and  that  Connec- 
ticut is  not  like  Virginia. 

How  a  man  can  apply  the  "  fteady  habits  of  Connecticut,"  in 
vind'  .  his  abufe  to  the  prefent  adminiflration,  is  a  myllery 

too  intricate  to  be  explained.  That  ftatc,  in  all  its  governmental 
proceedings,  purfues  a  fyfrem  the  mod  analogous  to  Mr.  Jefferfon's 
of  any  in  the  Union,  and  yet,  wonderful  to  relate,  are  oppoling  his 
•ires,  under  the  falfe  idea  that  he  is  infringing  en  their  "  jit  ady 
habits."  The  expenfes  of  their  government  are  brought  within 
the  narrowed  point  of  parnmony  ;  their  elections  are  more  frequent 
than  in  any  other  filiate  ;  their  judges  are  chofen  annually  ;  the 
fabrics  of  their  refpective  officers  are  provident  to  a  proverb  ;  the 
people  are  indullrin  •  their  bread  by  the  fweat  of  their 

brow."  Notwithstanding  which,  fuch  has  been  the  infatuation  of 
many  honeft,  well-difpofcd  perfons,  (owing  to  the  deception  piac- 
iifed  by  the  junto,  in  league  with  a  few  over-heated  clergy- 
men) that  the  very  "  habits"  of  that  refpectablc  ftate  are  brought 


No.  LXIII.  Steady  E  7$$ 

as  proofs  of  the  impropriety  of  the  prefent  meafures  of  govern- 
ment. 

Why  mould  Connecticut  be  fingled  out  in  oppofittoh  to  Mr. 
JefFerfon  I  If  we  analyfe  his  conduct,  it  exactly  correfponds  with 
the  economical  "  Heady  habits"  of  that  State.  He  has  leffened 
public  taxes — he  has  reduced  the  number  of  fupemumerary  i  di- 
cers— lie  baa  brought  the  public  expenditures  Within  the  revenue 
arifmg  from  tmpojl — he  has  placed  cur  finances  on  fuch  a  baft** 
that  an  %  per  cent,  loan,  it  is  probable,  will  never  agrrn  be  re- 
quired— a  land-tax-  cannot  be  expected  to  arife  under  his  adminif- 
t.ratirr. — he  has  rf stored  the  judiciary  to  the  fume  Jiatt  in  which 
WoJlStngton  left  it,  and  has  carefully  avoided  burdening;  the  citizens 
with  taxes  for  the  fupport  of  unnecelfary  judges.  Is  it  poffible, 
then,  that  a  real  difficulty  fhould  exiit  in  Connecticut,  when  every 
meafure  fo  completely  quadrates  with  their  oayti  fcale  of  internal 
policy  ?  The  yeomanry  mult  be  deceived,  if  they  fuppofc  the  for- 
mer expenfive  fyilcm  was  more  calculated  for  their  intereft  and 
prosperity.  I  would  venture  to  appeal  to  every  farmer,  whether 
the  economy  of  the  prefent,  or  the  extravagance  of  the  laft  ad- 
nnniilration,  is  mod  congenial  to  his  wi/hes. 

The  landed  intereft:  is  deeply  connected  with  economy  ;  other 
branches  may  ftruggle  under  a  weight  of  taxes,  but  the  / 
mud  eventually  fall  a  facrifice,  if  his  earnings  arc  taken  to  fupport 
an  admini  ft  ration  founded  on  the  "innovating"  principle,  that  "  & 
public  debt  is  a  public  bleffing."  A  public  debt  is  no  doubt  a 
te  bleffing,  by  providing  for  a  clan  of  lazy,  idle  fyecphants  ; 
but  the  folly  of  an  oppofite  doctrine  mult  be  evident  to  men,  who. 
from  "  habit,"  have  become  "  Heady"  in  prcferving  among  them- 
felves  the  principles  of  induftry  and  economy. 

It  is  rather  laughable  that  the  ,c  ftcady  habits"  of  Conntc- 
ticut  fhould  become  appropriate  to  extravagant  federal  meaf- 
ures — a  Connecticut  farmer  in  favour. of  a  land-tax  ! — a  Connec- 
ticut manufacturer  an  advocate  for  exciics  ! — a  Connecticut  mer- 
chant a  profelyte  for  ftamp  duties  ! — a  Cor.neelhut  Chriflian  deplor- 
ing the  repeal  of  a  duty  on  his  chaife,  which  conveys  him  and  his 
family  to  the  houfe  of  worfhip  ! — a  Connecticut  citizen  lamenting 
that  an  eight  per  cent,  loan  is  not  neceffary  for  the  cxpenfes  of 
government  !  !  Thefe  Jirange  alfurdities,  however,  have  been  the 
fc«ft  of  fcderalifm.     A  Cornccticut  clergyman,  who  prays  for  a 


as'i  No.  T.XII!. 

connexion  between  Church  and  Stale,  may  anathematize  thofe  who 
have  declared  filch  "  innovations"  unncceffiiry  ;  or  a  body  of  law- 
yers may  anticipate  a  decreafe  of  bufmefs,  in  confequence  of  oppo- 
iite  meafures  ;  but  it  is  impoffible,  that  the  great  body  of  citizens 
fhould  confider  as  grievances  a  contrary  line  of  procedure,  unkiV. 
thegroiTed  deceptions  have  been  practifed  on  their  credulity. 

Can  it  be  fuppofed,  that  Connecticut  citizens  will  approve  of  a 
judiciary,  which  claims  a  control  over  the  Legiflature,  when  they 
are  fo  cautious  of  this  branch  of  government  as  to  choofe  their 
judges  annually  ?  Can  they  be  in  favour  of  a  land-tax,  when 
their  whole  intereft  lies  in  this  fpecies  of  propertv  ?  Will  they  be 
in  favour  of  an  excise,  when  their  grain  furniihes  fuch  a  fupply 
for  diilillery  ?     Can  they  approve  of  the  "  ."'  of  an  eight 

per.  cent,  lo*n,  when  all  their  transactions  are  within  the  old 
eftablifiied  ufage  of  fix  per  cent.  ?  Or  can  the  people  confide  in  the 
integrity  of  -a  few  federal  clergymen,  when  they  fee  an  Huntington 
facrifice  every  veflrige  of  decency,  and  chriilian  benevolence,  in  ca- 
lumniating a  clerical  brother,  merely  for  political  purpofes  ?  "  Such 
things  are,"  but  common  fenfe  forbids  their  continuance.  It  may 
anfwer  for  "  half  a  time,"  but  it  cannot  be  durable,  when  infor- 
mation difpels  the  clouds  of  error  and  deception.  The  fact  is, 
the  citizens  of  the  mod  republican  States,  have  been  led  to  fup- 
port  federal  meafures,  not  from  conviclion,  but  from  delufion.  The 
honefty  of  the  people  has  been  practifed  on  by  an  artful,  intrigu- 
ing, prieftly  junto;  Not  that  I  do,  or  ever  did,  fuppofe  that  the 
clergy  in  general  were  oppofed  to  republicanism,  yet  I  believe,  that 
thzfubtkty  of  a  fciv  has  in  many  inftances  deceived  many  of  the 
very  elect.  Owing  to  an  uncommon  exertion  of  the  federal 
party,  the  good  people  of  Connecticut  have  been  forced  to  adopt 
fentiments  contrary  to  every  "  Heady  habit"  imbibed  by  them- 
felves,  and  predeceflbrs.  They  have  been  deceived  by  fome 
fpiritual  leader,  to  embrace  political  doctrines  fubverfive  of  all 
thofe  legitimate  practices,  which  have  raifed  them  to  their  prefent 
opulence,  freedom,  and  refpectability.  A  fyftem  of  administra- 
tion profecuted  on  the  fame  extravagant  principles  with  the  laft, 
would  have  proved  ruinous  to  every  agricultural  State  in  the 
Union.  A  (landing  army — a  numerous  body  of  excife  men — a 
burdenfome  judiciary,  with  all  the  connexions  attendant  on  a 
particular  profeffion,  might  be  advantageous  to  thofe  who  live  by 


No.  LXIII.  Steady  Habits.  257 

the  labour  of  others,  or  to  thofe  who  profit  by  litigious  law-fuits  ; 
but  in  a  country,  whofe  profperity  depends  on  agriculture,  com- 
merce and  manufactures,  all  fuch  extraneous  contingencies  muft 
prove  deftrucrive  to  the  permanent  happinefs  of  the  people. 

From  the  £rft  fettlement  of  America,  economy  and  industry 
were  the  "  JACHIN  and  BOAZ"  of  the  Northern  States.  In 
every  Legiflature,  we  find  that  the  purfe-ftrings  were  held  with 
peculiar  circumfpection.  In  MafTachufetts,  the  treafury  depart- 
ment is  watched  with  hawk-eyed  attention.  Rhode-Ifland, 
Connecticut,  and  New-Hampfhire,  have  their  "  fteady  habits'* 
in  guarding  againft  the  inroads  of  extravagance.  All  money 
matters  are  confidercd  with  the  utmoft  accuracy  ;  they  not  only 
'weigh  the  geld  ifluing  from  the  treafury,  but  alfo  weigh  the  meafures 
which  draw  it  from  the  place  of  depofit.  An  extravagant  fyftem 
could  never  become  popular  in  either  of  the  Northern  States.  If 
any  man  ever  took  Nciu-England  ground,  it  is  Mr.  JefTerfon,  and  it 
only  (hews  the  folly  of  the  federalifts  to  expecl:  to  raife  a  formida- 
ble oppofition  to  him  from  this  quarter.  Ke  conforms  his  mea- 
fures to  our  "  habits  ;"  he  purfues  fuch  a  mode  of  conduct  as  muft 
be  univcrfally  approved  ;  it  is  impoflible  he  fhculd  fail  of  fuccefs, 
as  he  takes  all  our  rules  for  his  guidance  and  direction.  vVould 
a  governour  in  Connecticut,  Maflachufetts,  Rhode-Ifland,  or  Ncvr- 
Hampfhire  become  unpopular  by  reducing  taxes  ?  Should  we 
have  thought,  if  a  Britiih  governour  had  impofed  heavy  duties 
before  the  revolution,  that  an  American  governour,  by  reducing 
them,  was  an  enemy  to  our  national  happinefs  ?  If,  under  Hutcn- 
infon,  we  had  a  ftamp-a<fr,  furely  under  Hancc.ck  we  experienced 
the  efficacy  of  the  repeal.  Thefe  reflections  are  cenfonant  to 
our  "  fteady  habits  ;"  they  are  the  teft  of  "  New-England  feel- 
ings, manners,  and  principles  ;"  under  no  other  regimen  will 
"  New-England  rule"  or  be  ruled  ;  they  are  the  tenets  of  legiti- 
mate orthodoxy  ;  all  other  doctrines  are  herefy,  "  innovation" 
"modern  philofophy,"  and  political  " atheifm  ;"  it  is  die  new- 
fangled creed  of  the  Eflex  junto,  propagated  by  miflionaries  under 
the  immediate  patronage  of  their  difciples  ;  it  is  promulgated  by 
falfe  prophets,  aided  by  a. few  ignorant,  Supercilious  prielts  ;  com- 
miifioned  by  a  junto,  who  arc  planning  the  ruin  of  the  country, 


258  Steady  Hdits.  No.  LXIII. 

an  alliance  with  Britain,  a  war  with  France,  and  the  diflblution  of 
the  Union  ! 

FAlow-c\ti%ens  ! — This  controverfy  is  plain  to  every  man's 
understanding,  and  nothing  is  wanting  to  reflore  universal  har- 
mony, but  to  read  and  judge  for  yourfelves.  Have  your  burdens 
increafed  fince  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  JefFeifon  ?  Has  not  your 
public  credit  rifen  to  an  uncommon  elevation  fince  that  period  ? 
Wherein  then  is  the  difficulty  ?  I  will  tell  you — a  few  men,  who 
have  anticipated  the  exclufive  benefits  of  the  federal  government, 
by  polls  of  honour  and  profit  ;  who,  under  the  lad  administration, 
had  a  profpect  of  aggrandizing  themfelves  and  families,  at  the 
expenfe  of  the  public  ;  fuch  men,  and  their  connexions,  are  difap- 
pointed,  by  leffening  the  fources  of  their  promotion,  and  the  prin- 
cipal clamour  arifes  from  them.  Common  fenfe  dictates  to  us, 
that  no  real  oppofition  can,  or  ever  will  arife  among  "the  peo- 
ple," while  their  government  is  adminiltered  on  the  principles  of 
economy  ;  they  never  will  contend  for  a  land-tax,  a  ftamp-a<5r,  a 
Handing-army,  or  for  a  numerous  corps  of  excifemen  ;  they  will 
not  quarrel  for  fupernumerary  judges*  or  for  the  increafe  of  the 
influence  of  the  bar.  The  advocates  for  fuch  meafures  may  cry 
aloud,  but  "  the  people"  will  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  all  their  accla- 
mations ;  their  "  ftcady  habits"  can  never  be  deranged  by  fuch 
"  innovating"  projects.  We  may  reft  allured,  that  a  New-England- 
man  never  will  exchange  his  plough  for  a  mufket,  to  enforce 
additional  taxes  ;  fuch  an  abfurdity  has  never  yet  been  practifed 
among  us,  and  I  truft  never  will. 


No.  LXIV.  The  thurch  in  Dan?e>: 


259 


No.   LXIV. 


THE    CHURCH    IN    DANGER  !  ! 


"  SHOULD  the  infidel  Jefferson  be  elecled  to  the  Prefidency,  the 
feal  of  death  is  that  moment  Jet  on  our  holy  Religion^  our  churches 
will  be  pro/hated,  and  fome  infamous  proftitute,  under  the  title  of 
the  Goddcfs  of  Reafon,  will  prcjide  in  the  Santluaries  now  devo- 
ted to  the  Mojl  High."  New-England  Palladium. 

"  THIS  unholy  fpirit  of  Atbeifm  has  already  deteriorated  the  polit- 
ical and  moral  condition  of  this  country,  and  flill  menaces  our  hopest 
privileges  and  pojfeffions." 

Mr.  Emerfon's  4th  of  July  Oration. 

X  HE  public  mind  has  been  fo  long  "  deteriorated"  by  alarms 
and  apprehenfions,  that  it  is  proper  to  arreft  the  attention  of  the 
citizens,  to  a  candid  reflection  upon  the  above  paragraphs.  In  a 
fociety,  compofed  of  men  influenced  by  the  precepts  of  religion,  ir 
is  natural  to  fuppofe,  when  the  caufe  cf  chrijlicnity  is  threatened 
with  annihilation,  that  every  ferious  member  will  be  roufed  in  its 
vindication.  No  wonder  the  federalifts  built  their  expectations 
on  Connecticut  and  the  Northern  States  ;  for  if  the  election  of  Mr. 
Jefferson  was  to  "  feal  with  death  our  religion,  proftrate  our 
churches,  and  fome  infamous  proftitute  was  to  prefide  in  the  fanc- 
tuaries  devoted  to  the  Mod  High,"  it  was  full  time  for  every 
religious  "  feet"  to  put  on  the  whole  armour  "  both  of  faith  and 
practice."  This  is  a  high  charge  againft  the  Prefident,  but  like 
all  other  effufions  of  fanaticifm,  it  falls  by  the  preflure  of  its 
own  weight. 

Fellow-citizens — Let  us  for  a  moment  condefcend  to  reafon  with 
thefe  men,  who  thus  deprecated  the  election  of  Mr.  JefFerfon.  He 
has  been  elected  nearly  eighteen  months,  and  I  would  afk  them 


260  The  Church  in  Danger.  No.  LXIV. 

in  what  inftance  has  "  the  feal  of  death  been  Jet  on  our  holy  religion"  ? 
In  what  city,  town,  or  parifh,  has  "  the  church  been  proftratcd"  ? 
In  what  ftate  has  "  an  infamous  proftitute  prefided  in  the  fanc- 
tuaries  of  the  Moft  High"  ?  The  pious  Palladium  faid  thefe 
things  would  take  place  at  "  the  moment  Mr.  Jefferfon  was  elected," 
and  yet  he  has  been  Prefident  nearly  eighteen  months  and  not 
one  particular  has  turned  out  in  conformity  to  its  prediction  ! 

The  federalists  have  of  late  become  fo  infignificant  in  their 
obfervations,  and  expole  themfelves  fo  grofsly  by  their  abfurdities, 
that  they  are  fcarcely  worthy  a  ferious  reply  ;  for  my  own  part, 
they  are  not  viewed  as  antagonists  ;  they  are  become  rather  the. 
fport  of  fatirc,  than  the  fubjects  of  argument.  The  controverfy 
is  fo  unequal,  that  it  is  rather  condefcenfion  that  excites  in  me 
the  common  civility  of  refutation  ; — would  a  man,  who  values  his 
reputation, prefume  to  argue  with  thofe,  who  fo  often  expofe  them- 
felves to  ridicule  ? 

The  pith  and  marrow  of  the  whole  federal  "  feet"  are  confol- 
idated  to  the  terrific  charge,  that  Mr.  Jefferfon's  election  will  en- 
danger religion.  Tlii:  dreadful  prediction,  is  proclaimed  through 
the  confecraied  medium  of  the  New-England  Palladium.  This 
infallible  oracle  receives  an  additional  influence,  by  being  edited 
by  a  Connecticnt  genius,  who  lately  difplaycd  his  fcientific  kji 
edge,  by  inferting  a  receipt  to  make  a  ivhortle-lsrry  (vulgarly 
called  buckle-berry,)  pudding  ?  While  he  is  thus  anxious  for  a 
good  puddings  we  cannot  but  fuppofe  he  will  be  equally  attentive 
to  the  moral  virtues.  When,  therefore]  it  is  declared,  in  a  paper 
which  travels  by  the  bounty  of  federal  charity  into  the  manfion 
of  almoft  every  clergyman  in  New-England,  that  if  Mr.  jefferfon 
is  chofen  Prefident,  the  churches  will  be  proftratcd,  and  that  fome 
hag  will  prefide  in  the  fanctuaries  of  the  Moft  High,  can  we  won- 
der that  a  temporary  infatuation  has  bewildered  the  well-difpofed 
citizens,  and  that  a  faction  of  old  tories,  fliould  have  excited  a 
tranfient  difguft  againft  the  man  who  penned  that  declaration  which 
fevered  America  from  the  fangs  of  Britain  ? 

I  have  endeavoured,  fellow-citizens,  to  treat  every  fubject  with 
deliberate  con  fide  rati  on  ;  but  you  mull  excufe  me  if  I  indulge  a 
humorous  excurfion  on  the  prefent  occafion.  Pray,  pious  editor, 
from  whence  did  your  diftrcfling  forebodings  axife  ?  who  were  the 
pioneers,  armed  with  weapons  of  destruction,  to  level  the  churches  I 


No.  LXIV.  The  Church  in  Danger.  261 

who  were  the  notaries,  to  fet  the  feal  cf  death  on  our  holy  religion  ? 
who  were  the  artificers,  to  fafhion  out  the  image  of  the  Goddefs 
of  Reafon,  and  who  were  the  banditti  to  erecT:  it  in  the  temple  of 
the  Moft  High  ?  The  abfurdity  of  your  declaration  is  evidenced 
by  thefe  inquiries,  and  yet  you  have  folemnly  told  the  citizens, 
that  "  at  the  moment"  Mr.  Jefferfon  was  chofen,  thefe  evils  would 
take  place  !  Can  you  fuppofe  that  the  people  are  fo  ignorant 
as  to  credit  your  abfurdities  ?  Has  there  been  any  attempt  to 
accomplifh  your  prophecies  ?  What  church  is  threatened  with 
proftration  ?  What  reverend  prelate  is  under  bonds  or  imprifon- 
ment  ?  Is  any  fubordinate  member  of  the  church  Suffering  per- 
secution ?  Are  not  your  clergy  as  well  paid  now  as  when  Mr. 
Adams  was  Prefident  ?  Has  any  fociety  lowered  their  annual 
falary  ?  Are  the  reverend  parlors  called  on  to  do  more  duty  than 
formerly  ?  or  has  the  "  arduous  work  of  the  minirtry"  increafed  ? 
Have  we  heard  of  any  "innovations'1  to  lefTen  the  income  of  the 
church  ?  If  thefe  things  have  not  taken  place,  what  can  be  the 
meaning  of  the  pious  Palladium  in  denouncing  the  people  as  fub- 
verters  of  order  and  religion  ?  Since  the  fettlement  of  this  coun- 
try, the  clergy  never  lived  eafier  than  at  the  prefent  day.  It  is 
ungenerous  then  to  be  abufing  the  people  as  atheifts,  dcifts,  and 
diforganizers,  when  their  whole  conduct  proves  the  fallacy  of  fuch 
epithets. 

So  far  from  churches  being  "  proflrated"  new  ones  are  daily 
erefting  ;  propofals  for  building  meeting-houfes  are  more  frequent 
in  our  newfpapers  than  formerly.  In  Bofton  we  mall  foon  fee 
the  New-North  rife  more  glorious  than  the  former  temple  ;  if  we 
proftrate  an  eld  church,  it  is  to  raife  a  more  fplendid  new  one  in  its 
place.  Since  Mr.  Jefferfon's  election,  we  find  religion  is  as  highly 
rated  as  ever  ;  fome  focieties  are  liberal  in  procuring  pajlors,  while 
others  are  as  tenacious  in  eftimating  them  at  their  full  value  ;  even 
the  old-fafhioned  pride  is  banifhed,  of  crouding  all  refpedable  families 
in  the  broad-aiflc  and  on  the  lower  floor,  and  gallery  pews  are  now 
fought  for  with  the  greateft  avidity.  In  fhort,  every  thing  about 
the  churches  looks  as  flourifhing  fince  the  election  of  Mr.  Jefferfon 
as  before  ;  inftead  of  beholding  "  an  infamous  pro/litute,'  prefix- 
ing in  our  Sanctuaries,  they  were  never  more  ornamented  with 
ladies,  comely  in  their  attire,  and  attractive  in  their  deportment. 


26z  The  Church  in  Danger.  No.  LXIV. 

Thtfe  things  being  facts,  is  it  not  furprifing  that  a  man  from 
Connecticut  mould  make  a  declaration  fo  contrary  to  truth  ?  that 
he  fhould  raife  a  falfe  alarm,  and  put  the  whole  Chriilian  church 
into  confternation  ?  Or,  how  can  any  man,  clothed  in  facerdotals, 
ufly  afTert,  that  "  atheifm  is  deteriorating  the  moral  and  re- 
ligious condition  of  this  country,"  when  every  appearance  carries 
fuch  ftrong  conviction  to  the  contrary,  and  when  he  knows  there 
is  not  one  profejfed  athe'tjl  on  the  continent  ?  How  can  we  reconcile 
thefe  declarations,  when  the  revival  of  religion  is  fo  powerful 
(ftated  in  the  Evangelical  Magazine)  as  to  "  knock  down"  by  the 
terror  of  the  law,  thoufands  of  men,  women  and  children  ?  How 
are  we  menaced  with  an  annihilation  of  all  morality,  when  "  whole 
forelts  are  illuminated  with  lamps"  to  guide  the  heavenly  pilgrims 
to  the  place  of  worfhip  ?  When  men  thus  impofe  on  the  public,  it 
is  but  juflice  to  the  caufe  of  virtue  and  religion  to  notice  their  ab- 
furdities,  to  expofe  their  folly,  and  hold  them  up  as  objects  of 
derificn. 

A  trifling  parade  of  aflumed  confequence  ;  a  pedantic  difplay 
of  clafllcal  erudition,  interfperfed  with  a  few  vitiated  pronuncia- 
tions of  the  American  dialect,  may  give  a  perfon  a  vaft  idea  of 
his  own  importance  ;  but  men  of  cool  reflection  eafily  difcover 
the  gauze  covering,  which  fcreens  fuch  pretenders  from  the  pub- 
lic eye. 

It  16  worthy  of  obfervation,  that  every  prediction  of  the  feder- 
alists has  proved  falfe,  as  it  related  to  Mr.  Jeffcrfon's  election. 
They  not  only  told  us  that  religion  was  to  be  banifhed  from  our 
■  ry,  but  that  the  public  credit  would  be  facrificed,  and  that 
commerce  would  be  wholly  unprotected.  Inftead  of  which,  re- 
Tt?um  has  rifc.n  to  an  uncommon  elevation,  if  the  accounts  of  the 
Miffionaiy  Societies  can  be  credited;  the  public  Jlocls  are  high- 
er than  for  many  years,  and  our  remaining  mips  of  war  have 
protected  our  Mediterranean  trade,  even  beyond  what  they  did 
when  their  numbers  were  much  larger. 

Fellow-citizens  ! — Be  no  longer  deceived  ;  affume  your  wonted 
pofition  ;  kt  not  fanalicifm  on  one  fide,  and  apathy  on  the  other, 
lead  you  from  your  duty  ;  act  like  men  in  deliberation,  and  like 
hrcthren  in  decificn  ;  your  enemies  are  few,  though  violent  in  their 
cppofition  ;  they  buz  like  a  difturbed  hive,  but  their  clamours 
muft  eventually  ceafe.     They  want  an  expenfive  government,  and 


I 


No.  LXV.  The  World  turned  Upside  down.  26*3 

the  queftion  is  (imply  this,  Are  the  People  in  favour  of  taxes,  when 
they  are  not  needed  ?  Let  the  queftion  be  taken  throughout  the 
Northern  States — yea  or  nay — Ye  who  are  in  favour  of  heavy  taxes, 
pleafe  to  manifeji  it  ?  If  the  tories  want  to  know  the  public  opinion 
on  this  fubjeft,  let  them  try  it  in  town-meeting,  or  even  at  Vila's 
caucus. 


No.  LXV. 


THE    WORLD    TURNED    UPSIDE    DOWN    !    ! 


*'  Tbofe  men,   who   have   turned  the   world   upfide  down,  have   come 
hither   alfo." 

IS  it  pojjible,  that  the  chriftian  difpenfation  fhould  raifc  a  formi- 
dable oppofition  from  men  who  pretended  to  difown  all  worldly 
grandeur  and  emoluments,  and  who  lived  in  expectation  of  a  re- 
ward in  another  world  ?  But  however  paradoxical  it  may  appear, 
yet  the  only  antagonifts  which  gave  our  Saviour  or  his  difciples 
any  trouble,  were  thofe  who  profefTed  the  greater!  concern  for  re- 
ligion, and  who  lived  within  the  purlieus  of  the  altar.  The  whole, 
hiftory  of  the  chriftian  fyftem  is  a  narrative  of  the  fcandalous  treat- 
ment of  the  chief  priefts,  fcribes,  and  Pharifees,  towards  its  pro- 
feflbrs.  They  were  followed  by  a  body  of  perfecutors,  who  were 
conftantly  exciting  the  public  refentment  againft  them.  The  ene- 
mies of  our  Saviour  profecutcd  their  plans  with  fuch  infidious  art, 
as  even  to  gain  over,  by  bribery,  one  of  his  difciples,  to  betray 
him.  He  was  early  purfued  by  Church  and  State  :  for  Herod 
began  his  fanguinary  purpofes  by  murdering  the  infants  in  Beth- 
lehem. When  that  failed  of  the  object  contemplated,  Satan,  im- 
mediately upon  his  baptifm,  in  a  courteous  ftrain  of  adulation. 
tempted  him.  After  the  powers  of  earth  and  hell  had  exhaufted 
all  their  ftratagems  to  enfnare  and  deftroy  him,  he  began  his  mif 
Gon  by  preaching  on  the  mount,  and  from  that  eminence  made  a 


)&+  The  World  turned  Upside  dotun.  No.  LXVi 

fokmn  declaration  of  the  benign  principles  of  his  mifllon  ;  he  re- 
commended his  miniftration  by  afts  of  kindnefs  and  beneficence  ; 
healing  all  manner  of  difeafes,  and  evidencing  his  divinity  by  figns 
and  miracles,  which  gave  a  luftre  to  the  philanthropy  of  his  char- 
after.  Is  it  pojiblc,  then,  that  any  oppofition  could  arife  againft  a 
fyftem  which  difplayed  fuch  complacency  in  its  Author  ?  Should 
we  expect  to  find  among  his  opponents,  thofe  who  profefTed  to 
fludy  the  happinefs  of  mankind,  or  feemed  devoted  to  the  caufe  of 
virtue  and  religion  ?  But  the  hi  (lory  informs  us,  "  that  when  the 
chief  priefts,  fcribes  and  Pharifees  faw  the  things  which  he  did, 
they  were  difpleafed,  and  from  that  time  fought  to  lay  hands  on 
him  ;  but  they  faired  the  people.''*  The  Pharifees  alfo  took  counfel 
"  how  they  might  entangle  him  in  his  talk."  They  began  their 
artifice  by  queftioning  him,  whether  it  was  lawful  to  give  tribute 
to  CjEsar.  ?  They  were  preparing  to  entrap  him  that  he  was  not 
Cafar's  friend  ;  but  our  Saviour,  though  thus  furrounded  by  a 
pmtoy  boldly  began  his  oppofition,  by  denouncing  them  as  hypo- 
crites and  deceivers.  The  Sadducees  next  came  forward,  "  who 
fay,  there  is  no  refurrection  ;"  thus  combining  Church  and  State, 
as  it  related  to  taxes  to  Caefar,  and  the  final  retribution  of  man- 
kind. The  money-changers,  it  is  probable,  were  greatly  difturbed 
in  confequence  of  being  "  whipped  out  of  the  temple  ;*'  they 
therefore  allied  themfelves  with  the  Sadducees,  in  order  to  form  a 
federal  connexion  with  this  powerful  **  feci."  The  Pharifees  feemed 
greatly  alarmed,  when  they  found  he  had  put  the  Sadducees  to 
fdence,  and  they  gathered  together  and  deputized  a  lawyer  to  a(k 
him  a  queftion,  for  the  purpofe  of  tempting  him. 

After  he  had  cofounded  this  lafl  tempter,  (from  "  the  bar,")  no 
man  was  able  to  anfwer  him  a  word,  neither  durft  any  man,  from 
that  day  forth,  a(k  him  any  more  queflions.  As  foon,  therefore, 
as  our  Saviour  had  defeated  the  fcribes,  Pharifees,  Sadducees, 
chief  priefts,  Satan,  and  the  lawyer,  he  began  to  fpeak  to  the 
people  and  his  difciples.  He  appears,  at  this  period  of  his  miniftra- 
tion, convinced  of  the  oppofition  which  he  was  to  encounter,  and 
therefore  began  his  mifllon  by  warning  them  of  the  deceptive  arts 
of  thofe  who  had  long  deceived  them  under  the  mafk  of  hypocri- 
fy.  Matthew,  in  his  23d  chapter,  (which  I  recommend  to  my 
readers  to  perufe)  begins  his  narrative  in  a  mod  triumphant  man- 
ner :  after  defcribing  the  complete  victory  of  our  Saviour  over  his 


Ino'.  tXV.  The  World  turned  Upside  down.  26$ 

antagonists,  he  goes  on,  "  Then  fpake  he  to  the  multitude  (which 
fhews  that  he  did  not  confider  "  the  people"  as  "  wolves,"  or  them' 
/elves  as  their  "  woril  enemies")  faying,  the  fcribes  and  Pharifees 
let  in  Mofcs'  feat,  but  do  not  ye  after  their  works  ;  for  they  fay% 
and  do  not  ;  they  bind  heavy  burdens,  and  lay  them  on  men's 
fhoulders,  but  they  themfehes  will  not  move  them  with  one  of  their 
fingers  ;  they  love  the  uppei'moft  rooms  at  feafts,  and  the  chief 
feats  in  the  fynagogue,  and  greetings  in  the  market  place,  and  to 
be  called  of  men,  Rabbi,  rabbi."  After  defcribing  thefe  perfons 
i'n  their  proper  characters,  he  goes  on  for  39  verfes,  calling  them 
hypocrites,  devoureis  of  widows'  houfes,  children  of  hell,  blind 
guides,  extortioners,  whited  fepulchres,  ferpents,  generation  of 
vipers,  perfecutors  of  ntife  men,  and  finally  clofes  with  this  tremen- 
dous denunciation — "  on  whofe  head  be  all  the  righteous  Hood, 
fhed  on  the  earth,  from  the  blood  of  Abel  unto  the  blood  of 
Zacharias,  lbn  of  Barachias,  whom  they  flew  between  die  temple 
and  the  altar." 

The  Chriftian  fyftem  being  thus  oppofed  to  all  the  hypocrify 
and  intrigue  of  defigning  men,  to  a  phalanx  of  church  andflatc,  to 
all  thofe  who  found  it  their  intereft.  to  deceive  the  multitude,  (to 
whom  our  Saviour  preached)  can  we  wonder  that  they  combined 
in  a  federal  affociatkn  to  deftroy  the  efficacy  cf  his  doctrines,  depre- 
ciate his  reputation,  and  reprefent  him  and  his  followers  as  "  turn- 
ing the  world  upfide  down"  ?  Can  we  fuppoie  that  any  cordiality 
could  ever  exift  between  Him,  who  told  the  people  (whom  they 
had  before  held  in  fubjection  and  dread)  that  they  were  deceivers 
and  apoftates  ?  No  ;  "  for  it  came  to  pais  immediately  after  he  had 
finiihed  all  thft  Jayings,  that  the  chief  prie/ls  a,J  fcribes  alfembled  iu 
die  palace  of  the  bjgh  prie/l,  arid  conluhed  how  they  might  take 
by  fubilcty,  and  kill  him  ;  they  faid,  not  on  the  feaft-dav,  left 
there  be  an  Uproar  amo?ig  Toe  People."  la  all  this  divine  ftory, 
•.  ire  feeois  to  be  two  parties  ;  the  people  in  favour,  and  the  chief 
,  &c.  in  oppofition.  Till,  at  length,  by  the  bafeft  practices 
of  bribery  .md  puriecution,  (as  in  the  inltance  of  thruiling  out  ths 
man  cured  of  his  blindncfs)  they  excited  the  fears  of  the  populace, 
by  crying  out  that  religion  was  in  danger  ;  that  his  followers  were 
not  Ctfar'i  friends  ;  and  that  he  was  a"  peftilent  fellow."  By  fuch 
inflammatory  declarations,  they  fo  far  perfuaJed  the  people  to 
K  1: 


No.  LX 

;pt  to  his  crucifixion,  as  even  to  demand  the  releafe  of  Barab-J 

b.^s,  :  ir   Saviour.     The  "  reign  of  tenor,"   at  that 

time,  mull  hai  .  raoft  vindictive  nature  ;  for  thofe  who 

d  the  efficacy  of  his  miracles,  were  in  •■/  neral  afraid 

n  his  vindication.     Nicodemus  (though  a  ruler)  dare  not 

make  liis  vints  bui  in  the  moft  fe<  of  the  night.     Ji 

cautious  how  far   be   acknowledged  Him  openly  ;  and  not 
till  after  the  higheft  manifeftatioas  oi  ity"j  did  he  dare  to 

beg  the  body,  to  be  placed  in  his  fep.ul.chre. 

Under  this  preflure  of  .  cannot  he 

furpri.eci  that  the  multil  became  the  revilcrs  of  Him 

and  his  apoftles.  The  clergy  of  that  day,  no  doubt,  preached  fer- 
mons  to  influence  die  public  mind.  The  mulitude  were  told,  that 
he  meant  to  fubvert  all  religipn  ;  that  lie  was  a  defpLfer  of  ordi- 
nances ;  that  He  abufed  the  *  ;  and  that  all 
property,  all  the  churches,  and  every  veftige  of  piety  and  morality 
would  be  annihilated.  On  all  public  occahons,  it  is  probable,  the 
u  lawyer  who  tempted  him"  would  be  declaiming  that  the  courts 
of  jullice  would  be  abolifhed,  and  that  he  had  denounced  the 
whole  fanhedrin  of  judges  as  hypocrites  and  devourers  of  widows' 
houfes.  When  He,  and  his  apoilles,  preached  up  peace  on  earth, 
and  good  will  towards  me::,  the  fycophants  of  the  clerical  party 
confounded  every  appeal  to  common  fenfe,  by  crying  out,  "  Great 
is  Diana  of  the  Ephefians."  Such  was  their  influence  in  exciting 
the  public  odium,  that  even  Paul  and  Silas  were  mobbed  in  Thef- 
falonica,  as  men  "  turning  the  world  upjlde  down."  The  enemies  of 
the  apoftles  had  fo  far  bewildered  the  people,  that  the  charge  of 
overturning  religion  was  blended  with  the  political  herefy,  that 
they  did  "  contrary  to  the  decrees  of  Cafer."  All  the  beneficent  ac- 
tions of  the  apoftles  were  ftyled  "turning  the  world  upfide 
down"  ;  all  their  exhortations  were  "  modern  philofophy,"  or,  in 
other  words,  deftroying  thole  "  fteady  habits"  long  imbibed  under 
the  difcipline  of  pretended  orthodoxy,  or  "  blue  law"  eftabiifh- 
ments.  To  raife  an  opposition  to  men  thus  circumftanced,  was  not 
a  difficult  bufinefs  to  be  accomplifhcd,  by  their  adverfaries  ;  a 
combination  of  fuch  characters,  all  poflefling  an  extenlive  perfonal 
influence,  afliftcd  with  the  electrical  watch-word  that  the  church 
tvassin  danger,  was  an  onfet  too  powerful  to  be  withflood  by  fuch 
weak  "  miflionarles"  (without  purfe  or  fcrip)  as  Paul  and  Silas, 


NOi  LXV"  The   World  turned  Upside  down.  267 

The  foregoing  obferyatioris  arc  drawn  from  facts  in  the  bible,' 
■which  cannot  be   contv  tliey  are  mentioned  to  mew  the 

effe&s  of  a  combination  ..:  men,  when  united  in  oppofition  to  any 
ifaeafures,  however  bene  :he  general  intereft  of  mankind  ; 

efp'eciall)  ^.cir  influence,  coun- 

teract the  uhiary  emoluments.     By  cre- 

ating a  conflant  irritation  in  the  public  mind,  they  will  prejudice 
the  well-difpofed,  and,  oftentimes;  the  well-informed  citizens; 
again  I  hey   will  perfuade  many,  that  thole 

afe  attempting  to  relieve  the  burdens  of  mankind,  are  "  turn- 
ing tl  ■■  or,  in  ether  words,  that  keeping  the 
people  w,-'  defence  of  their  national  rights,  is  overturning 
them.  They -will,!  ''.our,  excite  fufpicions  againft 
men  whole  moral  characters  can  in  no  inflance  be  impeached,  and 
whofe  political  fentiments  ?.re  in  unifon  with  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  the  Conilitution. 

If  thefe  events  took  place  under  the  mild  miniftration  of  the 
chrilHan  fyflem  ;  if  it  was  poflible  to  roufe  tile  vengeance  of  the 
people  againil  the  doctrines  which  inculcated  peace  on  earth  and" 
good  will  towards  men  ;  can  we  be  furprifed,  under  a  fimilar  com- 
bination, they  mould  now  be  under  a  temporary  deiufion,  to  rhif- 
take  their  political,  as  they  then  did  their  religious,  bleffings  ?  If 
it  was  then  in  the  power  of  a  junto  of  interefted  men  to  perfuade 
the  people  that  to  do  juftice,  love  mercy,  and  walk  humbly  with 
God,  were  tenets  deftru&ivc  of  the  harmony  of  fociety,  and  that 
the  preachers  of  fuch  rational  maxims  were  "  turning  the  world 
uptide  down"  :  we  can  cafily  perceive  that  the  fame  practices  on 
their  credulity  might  perfuade  them,  that  leflening  the  public  tax- 
es, repealing  a  ftamp-acT,  removing  ufelefs  offices,  abridging  a  fu- 
pemumerary  body  of  judges,  and  difcharging  the  public  debt, 
were  equally  as  deftruclivc  to  the  happinefs  of  the  community  j 
and  that  the  men  who  attempted  to  do  thefe  things  were  alfo,  like 
Paul  and  Silas,  "  turning  the  world  upfide  down."  A  jvd*e 
BdJJctt,  like  Demetrius  of  old,  might,  with  equal  fuccefs,  cry  out, 
"  the   craft  is  in  danger  /" 

I  would  here  obferve,  that  fo  far  from  wifhing  to  depreciate 
the  character  of  the  clergy,  as  a  body,  by  the  foregoing  obfervations, 
they  are  meant  to  place  them  in  that  refpeftable  fituation  to  which 
their  profeffion  entitles  them.     The  hiftory  of  the  Chriftian  relig- 


168  The  Work!  turned  Upside  down.  No.  LXV. 

ion  juftly  appreciates  the  fincere  preachers  of  the  gofpel.  The  apof- 
tles,  and  all  true  believers,  were  ever  eftimated  as  the  "  fait  of  the 
earth."  But  our  Saviour's  denunciations  were  foleiy  confined  to 
certain  men,  who  ftyled  themfelvcs  "  chief  priefls"  ;  who  afFumed 
a  cflntrol  over  church  and  date  ;  who  were  "  bufy -bodies"  ;  who 
were  blending  the  politics  of  Csfar  with  the  propheiies  of  lfaiah, 
Jeremiah,  &c.  ;  men  who  claimed  precedence  in  all  proceflions 
and  who  minded  earthly,  more  than  fpiritual,  things.  The  cler- 
gy are  a  valuable  body  in  fociety,  and  no  man,  who  regards  the 
"welfare  of  his  country  would  with  to  fee  the  monc  grade  below  their 
juft  eftimatiori.  But  thofe,  who  aim  at  the  rank  of  chief  pricfls,  and 
•who  calumniate  (in  fermons,  orations,  &c.)  men  much  better  than 
themfelves,  muft,  at  this  enlightened  age,  expett  to  fall  into  difre- 
pute,  unlefs  they  take  more  heed  to  their  ways  and  become  more 
circumfpedt  in  their  manners. 

Neither  is  there  any  intention  to  reflect  on  the  lawyers,  as  a 
body,  by  mentioning  one  of  the  order  as  a  tempter  ;  for  if  the  Jcw- 
ifh  fanhedrin  could  get  but  one,  (and  no  doubt  he  was  well  fee' d,) 
it  is  father  a  compliment  on  the  profeffion  :  And  we  candidly 
hope,  they  could  not  procure  more  than  one  at  the  prefent  day.  The 
known  piety  of  the  "order,"  in  thefe  days,  would  fecure  them  from 
having  this  charge  brought  againft.  them.   ' 


LXVI.  j.  he  Town-Clerk  of  Epbesus.  $6g 


No.  LXVL 

THE    TOVVN-CLF.RK    OF    EPHESTJS  S 


Tf  XT — "  And  when  the  Town-Clerk  had  appcafed  the  people,  he  /did, 
ye  men  of  Ephefvs,  what  man  is  there  that  Inoiiuth  net  how 
the  city  of  the  Ephrfians  is  a  worfl:ipper  of  the  great  goddffs  Diana, 
and  of  the  image  which  fell  down  from  Jupitf.r  ?  Seeing  then  that 
ihefe  things  cannot  be  ipoken  againft,  ye  ought  to  le  quiet  and,  do  nothing 
rafl.ily.  For  ye  have  brought  hither  thef  men,  who  'are  neither  robbers 
of  churches,  nor  yet  llafphemers  ofyourgoddefs.  Wherefore^  if  Dem- 
etrius, and  the  craft/men  which  are  with  him,  have  a  matter  agaimfl  any 
man,  the  law  is  open  and  there  are  deputies  ;  let  them  implead  ore 
another." 

X  HE  fcriptures  were  written  for  edification,  and  if  we  practife 
the  doctrines  they  inculcate,  we  are  promifed  not  only  the  blefhngs 
of  this  life,  but  that  which  is  to  come.  If  any  book  inculcates 
icanifm,  and  reprobates  an  arjjlocraey,  either  civil  or  eccle/Jaflical, 
it  is  the  Bible.  The  whole  tenor  of  the  facred  writings  runs  in 
nnifon  with  the  rights  of  "  the  people, "  in  oppofition  to  a  certain 
"  felf-created"  body,  who  affume  the  power  to  dictate  and  control 
public  opinion.  The  "  multitude,"  and  "  the  people,"  are  the  on- 
ly objects  contemplated  in  all  die  addrefles  made  by  our  Saviour 
and  his  apoftles.  If  they  now  were  on  eardi  their  language  would 
be  ftigmatized  as  jacobinifm  and  illuminati — if  we  heard  them  de- 
nouncing one  monarchical  magiflrate  as  a  "  whited  fepulchre" — - 
if  we  law  them  whipping  out  the  money-changers — if  we  found 
them  afTembling  the  multitude,  fpeaking  to  the  people,  and  in  eve- 
ry inflance  reprobating  the  chief  priefts  as  hypocrites  and  deceivers, 
our  junto  gentry  would  be  clamorous  in  vociferating  "  away  with 
them,  away  with  them" — "  crucify  him,  crucify  him." 

The  ftory  of  Paul's  entering  Ephefus  is  a  true  reprefentation  of 
church  infatuation,  when  fet  in  motion  by  a  few  interefled  individ- 


The  l:ivn-Lkrh   of  £pi  No.  LX\  I 

uals.     On  his  arrival,  and  in  order  to  counteract  Paul's  miniftra- 
tion,  the  feven  fons  of  one  Sceva,  "  chief  of  the  priefit,**  attempted 

to  cxercife  the  miraculous  power  of  calling  out  evil  fpirits  ;  but 
though  this  fame  Sceva  could  deceive  the  people,  yet  he  could  not 
deceive  the  devil,  for  the  man  in  whom  'the  evil  fpirit  was,  "leaped 
on  them  and  prevailed  againti  them,  and  Sceva's  feven  fons  fled 
out  of  the  houfe  naked  and  wounded."  In  this  inftance,  Satan 
himfelffeemed  to  ad  with  fome  generofity,  for  the  evil  fpirits  re- 
torted on  the  rs  with  a  degree  of  feverity — "  Jefus  we 
know,  and  Paul  ye  know,  but  who  are. ye  ?"  It  is  piobable  this 
Sceva  was  an  artful  priefl,  who  had  made  himfelf  very  bufy  in  ex- 
citing alarms  among  the  people  ;  had  told  them  that  there  was 
an  organized  body  oi'  illuminati,  who  were  going  to  overturn  all  ie* 
ligion  ;  had  propagated  ftories  about  malfacres,  and  that  the  world 
:;oing  to  be  "  larned  upfide  down."  Sceva,  therefore,  thought 
he  was  competent  to  fet  up  in  oppofition  to  Paul,  and,  by  a  little 
ftratagem,  could  make  his  exorcifm  appear  the  genuine  difplay  of 
evangelical  influence.  In  confequence  of  thefc  artful  proceedings, 
he  and  his  feven  fons  had  gained  to  themfclves  a  high  reputation 
at  Ephefus  ;  and  the  people*  acting  under  their  infatuation,  were 
led  to  lay  violent  hands  on  the  apoftles.  The  firflfattack  on  Paul, 
however,  did  not  fucceed  ;  Pccva  was  proved  an  impoftor,  and 
his  fons  were  obliged  to  flee  out  of  the  houfe  naked  and  wounded. 

At  leng'.h  a  more  powerful  antagonift  appeared  ;  one  Demet- 
rius, a  filver'-fthUh,  who  made  fhrines  for  Diana,  aflembled  his  fel- 
Jow-craftfmcn,  and  began  a  ir.cft  violent  onfet,  by  crying  out, 
craft  is  in  danger  !  great  is  Diana  of  the  Ephefians  !"  He 
further  declared,  if  thefe  men  were  fullered  to  proceed,  the  profits 
of  his  bufmefs  would  ceafe  ;  and  emphatically  concluded,  "  Ye 
knew,  that  by  ihis  craft  <we  get  our  wealth."  This  hue  and  cry 
put  the  whole  <Hty  in  confufion  ;    fome  cried  one  thing  and  fome 

her,  and  for  two  hours  was  heard  the  inceflant  clamour  of 
'*  great  is  Diarra  of  Ephefus !"     Who  could  have  thought  zfifoer* 

' ,  in  the  city  of  Ephefus,  could  have  raifed  fuch  a  formidable 
patty  ? 

.In  this  ft  ate  of  things,  what  nmft  have  been  the  fituation  of 
Paul  and  his  companions  !  Sceva,  and  his  feven  fons,  Wounded 
and  naked  ;  Demetrius,  with  his  whole  body  of  filver-god  mak- 
ers, roufmg  the  people  to  the  higheft  pitch  of  refentment ;    the 


No.  LXVl.  The  Toivn-Ckrk  of  EpLcsus.  2  j : 

whole  city  in  uproar,  again  Q;  two  or  three  unarmed  men  ;  and  it 
is  to  be  feared,  if  the  Totdn-Clvrk  had  not  came  forward  at  this 
critical  moment,  to  appeafe  the  people,  they  would  have  been 
Honed,  or  put  to  death,  by  Denaetrius  and  his  affociates. 

In  this  part  of  my  observations,  the  reflections,  which  naturally 
occur,  are  : — that  when  any  doctrine  is  inculcated,  or  any  meaiure 
purfued,  which  interferes  with  the  intereft  of  men  who  practiie  on 
the  religious  prejudices  of  the  people,  it  is  their  cuftom  to  alarm 
them,  that  all  their  religious  ceremonies  are  to  be  abolifhed  ;  and 
to  excite  a  jcaloufy  and  enthufiafm  againft  the  men  who  are  en- 
deavouring to  relieve  them  from  their  impofitions.  This  uproar 
was  occasioned  by  Demetrius,  not  that  he  cared  for  the  temple, 
otherwife  than  by  making  fhrhics,  by  which  he  and  his  fcllow- 
craftfmen  had  enriched  themfelves  at  the  expenfe  of  the  ignorant 
Ephefians.  If  the  apoftles  had  propofed  a  number  of  golden  or 
filver  crucifixes,  or  had  ordered  a  large  paraphernalia  of  plated 
decorations  for  the  altar,  or  copper-bottomed  all  the  men-of-war  a! 
Ephelus,  and  had  employed  Demetrius  to  do  the  bufinefs,  it  is 
probable  he  would  have  been  among  the  foremoft  to  efcort  Paul 
into  Ephefus.  No  doubt  there  would  have  been  a  high  cavalcade, 
confiiling  of  Demetrius'  workmen,  prieils  of  the  temple,  and  all 
the  expectants,  "  more  or  lefs,"  of  the  apoftle's  patronage.  Songs 
Would  have  been  lung  in  praiie  of  Paul,  and  his  religious  fyflem  ; 
addreffes  would  have  been  prefented,  from  all  the  Various  orders 
of  Church  and  State  ;  Sceva  and  his  retinue  would  have  been' 
clothed  in  facerdotals,  and  probably  would  have  delivered  an  ora- 
tion in  favour  of  tins  modern  philofophy.  A  public  dinner  would 
have  been  provided  ;  a  poct-laureat  ehofen,  and  pofllbly  all  the 
young  men  been  called  on  to  celebrate  the  diffolution  of  the  re- 
ligion of  Diana,  and  the  city  would  have  been  in  uproar  with 
"  Great  is  Paul  of  Maccdon  /"  inilead  of  "  Great  is  Diana  of  the 
Epheiians." 

But  it  was  not  fo — the  Chriftian  iyftem  offered  no  fuch  excite- 
ments. Without  purfe,  without  fcrip,  the  apoftles  had  to  travel 
from  city  to  city  ;  they  were  at  war  with  all  money-getting  relig- 
ion ;  they  were  not  helping  the  magiftrate  to  impofe  on  the  peo- 
ple, 01  the  prieft  to  attach  the  civil  code  to  the  horns  of  the  altar  ; 
even  the  religion,  itfelf  was  offered  "  without  money  and  without 
price."     No  '  Peter's  pence'   was  connected  with  Paul's  embaffy ; 


i^i  Tfje  Tcwn-CIeri  cf  Epl  ho.  LXVI. 

ftfhat  he  got  by  the  fale  of  his  tents,  was  the  princip-.il  part  of  bid 
fupport.     Who  then   caw  be    iurprifed,  that  an  uproar  fboul 
railed  at  Ephefus,   where  the  religion  of  Paul  itruck  all  the  filver* 
gods  out  of  exiftence.     If  Paul's  religion  had  fuccccdcd,  how  many 
temple-workmen  would  have  b'een  out  of  employ — Poor  Di 
trius  would  have  been  obliged  to  feck  another   mode  of  reh; 
Even  though  this  filver-fmith  might  have  been  employed  in 
per,  or   might  have   turned  his  attention  to   the  iron  fouhdery, 
ftill   the  little  Jilver  gods  were  a  fure  and  laftirig  line  of  buii'nefs,' 
and  he  did  not  know  how  long  the  other  mfght  continue.     If  the 
goddefs  was  deftroyed,  all  his  other  employment  was  uncertain  ; 
he  might  have  been  permitted  to  fulfil  fome  previous  contract,  but 
the  temple  !  the  temple  !  being  annihilated,  all  the  reft  was  as  the 
"  bafelefs  fabric  of  a  vifion." 

But  the  principal  characTef  in  this  frory  ?s  the  Towm-Clf  rk, 
What  an  excellent  thing  it  is  to  have  a  good  Town-Clerk. 
Whether  they  chofe  this  officer  annually,  or  whether  he  was  turn- 
ed out  the  next  election  for  the  part  he  took  againft  the  prielt 
Sceva,  and  Demetrius  the  filver-fmith,  we  are  not  told  ;  but  that 
he  acted  like  an  honeft  man,  on  the  prefent  occafion,  cannot  be 
controverted.  Amid  the  general  convulllon  of  the  citizens,  and 
hi  oppofition  to  the  prevailing  party,  he  had  the  refolution  to  fpeak 
to  the  people,  and  caution  them  againft  proceeding  too  rafhly  with 
the  apoftlcs. 

It  does  not  appear  that  he  concerned  himfclf  about  the  wound- 
ed fon's  of  Sceva,  or  addreffed  himfclf  to  Demetrius,  but  he  made 
immediate  application  to  "  the  people."  He  began  his  fpeech 
with  "  ye  men  of  Ephefus,"  and  in  order  to  give  the  true  meaning 
of  what  I  propofe  in  this  Number,  I  will  attempt  to  modernize  his 
language,  and  apply  my  difecmrfe  through  the  medium  of  the 
Town-Clerk. 

."  Ye  men  of  Ephefus,"  why  is  all  this  uproar  in  the  city  ?  the 
men  whom  you  charge  with  destroying  religion,  and  robbing  the 
churches,  have  in  no  inftance  done  as  you  have  been  inflructed. 
The  churches  remain  in  the  fame  ftate  of  quietude  as  before,  and 
the  funding  fyftem  (the  modern  temple  of  Diana)  and  all  the 
other  pecuniary  eftablifhments,  are  more  permanent  than  under 
your  former  eitablilhment.  If  Demetiius  cannot  get  i'o  much 
profit  by  his  craft,  yet  you  get  more  for  your  fix  per  cents,  your 


No.  LXVI.  The  Town-Clerk  of  Ephesus.  273 

bank  flocks,  and  all  other  matters  connected  with  your  fifcal  ar- 
rangements. If  you  are  relieved  from  your  flamp-duties,  land- 
tax,  loans  at  an  extra  intereft,  yet  if  Demetrius,  by  thefe  meafurcs, 
finds  a  drawback  in  his  income,  fo  much  money  is  faved  in  your 
own  pockets.  Why  then  are  you  difturbed  ?  What  profit  is  it  to 
you,  to  feed  men  who  live  by  your  earnings,  and  when  every  {hil- 
ling they  gain  is  a  difcount  from  your  living  ?  If  the  government 
is  thus  adminiitered  for  your  benefit,  why  fhould  you  make  a  riot 
becaufe  a  number  of  hangers-on  are  Jhaken  off",  as  incumbrances  ? 
Do  the  wheels  of  government  need  a  clog  ?  If  five  thoufand  men 
can  be  fet  at  work  to  earn  a  living,  without  being  burthenfome  to 
the  community  (as  excife-officers,  ftamp-officers,  &c.)  is  it  any 
difadvantage  to  thofe  who  had  to  pay  them  ?  If  the  President 
tells  you,  he  can  anfwer  all  public  exigencies  without  thefe  taxes, 
why  are  you  clamorous  to  burden  yourfelves,  when  he  fays  he  does 
not  require  it  ?  We  have  a  great  number  of  Demetriufes  who 
live  by  the  craft  of  deception,  and  when  they  are  thrown  out 
of  bufinefs  they  will  make  a  great  noife  and  difturb  the  city  ;  but 
what  is  Demetrius  to  you  ?  By  feeding  him,  you  flarve  your- 
felves. While  he  is  furnifhing  filver  gods  at  your  expenfe,  to 
burnifli  up  the  temple  of  Diana,  you  are  growing  poor,  and  de- 
priving your  wives  and  children  of-  the  means  of  fuftenance.  Of 
w-hat  fcrvice  was  a  Mamp-acT:  ?  Did  it  make  your  property  more 
fecure  ?  But  if  it  is  equally  as  fecure  without  it,  why  do  you 
clamour  at  its  repeal  ?  Of  what  fervice  was  a  flanding-army  ? 
While  they  were  in  exigence,  were  your  eflates  or  your  lives  in  lefs 
jeopardy  ?  If  they  are  now  fecure,  why  do  you  need  them  ?  Of 
what  fervice  was  an  eight  per  cent,  loan  ?  Did  gratifying  a 
few  ufurers,  enrich  you  ?  Of  what  fervice  was  a  land-tax  ?  It 
ferved  to  create  a  holt  of  officers,  but  the  advantage  was  very 
fmall  to  thofe  who  paid  it.  If  you  can  now  ride  in  a  chaife,  with- 
out a  tax,  h  it  not  better  to  apply  this  money  to  fhoeing  your 
horfes,  and  mending  the  tackling,  than  fupporting  collectors  ? 

Why  then,  "  ye  men  of  Ephefus,"  are  you  thus  unealy  ?  Why 
all  this  uproar  ?  Let  Demetrius  do  as  all  honeft  citizens  ought  to 
do,  cam  his  living  by  induftry,  and  not  by  impofition.  Support 
the  men  who  are  willing  to  relieve  you  from  taxes  ;  and  never  let 
the  great  city  of  Ephefus* be  again  dillurbed  by  a  fet  of  noify,  lazy 
L  1 


No.  LXVIL- 

fycophants,  who  only  pay  court  t  ho  feed  ti  hon- 

rfl  men's  pockets.     Betides,  why  do  you   clamour  in  this  incohe- 
rent manner?    Bellowing  "  Adams  and  Liberty,"  "Jacobin,"  &c. 
convinces  no  man.     If"  you  have  any   charge  againlt  your  roagii- 
,  is.  not  the  law  open  ?    not  the  unwritten  ,  not  the 

s  common  law  c>£  England,  hut  the  written  law.<>  of  the 
land.  Impeach  them  before  the  conftitutcd  authorities.  Ye  have 
deputies  and  Lawyers  in  abundance  ;  one  half  of  the  money  you 
have  given  towards  paying  imncculary  oiliccrs,  would  be  a-hand- 
fome  fee  to  the  whole  body  o£  attornies.  Act  like  men,  "  ye  citi- 
zens of  Ephcfus,"  and  do  not  become  a  bye-word  and  derifion 
among  the  citizens  of  the  earth. 

And  when  the  Town-Clerk  had  thus  ipoken,  each  man  went 
away  to  his  own  home,  and  the  city  was  quiet. 


No.  LXVIL 


THE    WOLVJiS-    AND    THE    NOBILITY. 


Text — "  The  love  cf  liberty  (fays  Samuel  Adams,}  is  interwoven 
in  the  foul  cf  ntan."  "  So  it  is,  (fays  John  AdamsJ  according 
to  La  Fontaine,  in  that  of  a  wolf  :  and  I  doubt  whether  it  be 
much  more  rational,  generous,  or  focial,  in  one  than  in  the  other, 
v.v.tll  in  man  it  is  enlightened  by  experience,  rtflefllon,  education,  and 
civil  and  political  Inftitutlons ,  which  are  firft  produced,  and  con- 
ftantly    fupported    and   improved    by    a    few — that   is,    by    the 

nobility:' 

JL  H  E  epiftolary  correfpondence  between  Mr.  John  Adam» 
and  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  is  important,  as  it  contains  political  prin- 
ciples which  are  highly  interefting  to  the  happinefs  and  profperity 
of  this  country.  The  Letters  are  written  with  that  cordiality,  as 
it  relates  to  the  opinion  which  they  entertain  of  each  other's  integ- 
rity, that  we  are  to  view  them  as  the  eftablifhed  tenets  of  tW9  old 


H<t.  LXVII.  The  WohtU  arJ  the  Xob;hr,.  275 

civilians,  who  have  made  up  their  judgment  from  experience  and 
reflection. 

The  extracts  which  I  have  taken,  appear  to  comprize  the  cf- 
fence  of  the  controverfy.  On  the  one  fide,  Mr.  Samuel  Adams 
fiys,  "  the  love  of  liberty  is  interwoven  in  the  foul  of  man"  ;  Mr. 
John  Ad;uns  anfwers,  "  io  it  is,  according  to  La  Foctaine,  in  that 
of  a  wolf"  ;  and  further  declares,  that  "  he  doubts  whether  it  is 
much  more  rational,  &c.  in  one  than  in  the  other,  until  in  man  it 
is  enlightened  by  experience,  education,  and  civil  and  political  infli* 
tutions,  which  are  at  firft  produced,  and  constantly  fupported  and 
improved  by  a  f.zi — that  is,  by  the  nobilily." 

Here,  then,  thefe  two  gentlemen  are  at  ifTue  ;  and  it  is  a  quef- 
tton  of  the  higher!  conttderation  which  of  them  is  the  mod  accu- 
rate. If  the  love  of  liberty  is  not  more  rationally  interwoven  in 
the  human  foul  than  ia  a  wolf,  and  if  it  wholly  depends  for  exift- 
tnce  on  being  chcri  (hed  by  a  body  of  men,  which  he  is  pleafed  to 
ftyle  a  "  nobility,"  dreadful  indeed  is  the  fituation  of  fociety.  Does 
the  hiftory  o£  mankind  exhibit  evidence,  that  a  particular  order  of 
men,  denominated  nobles,  feel  thofe  impreffions,  or  are  endowed 
with  that  benevolence,  as  to  produce,  cheriih,  and  constantly  fup- 
port  the  liberties  of  the  people  ?  Are  the  people  as  favage  as 
wolves  ?  are  they  as  ferocious  and  deftructive,  in  their  habits  and 
manners,  as  this  voracious  animal  ?  or  are  they  "  their  own  worjl 
enemies,'"  unlefs  the  benign  hand  of  a  nobility  is  (tretched  out  for 
their  protection  ?  In  what  inftance  does  this  dodrine  apply  to  the 
citizens  of  America  ?  Were  the  firft  fettlers  of  this  country  thus 
designated  ?  Were  our  venerable  forefathers  as  hoftile  as  wolves 
to  each  other,  when  they  landed  on  the  American  mores  ?  Was 
not  the  love  of  liberty  interwoven  in  their  fouls,  when  they  forfook 
the  luxurious  foil  of  Britain,  to  feek  an  afylum  in  this  defolate 
territory  ?  Did  they  fuppofe  it  neceiTary  to  bring  a  body  of 
noblemen,  to  protect  them  from  devouring  each  other  ?  or  did  they 
contemplate  the  eftabliihment  of  political  inftitutions,  with  a 
branch  emphatically  denominated  a  nobility  ?  Did  this  arillocrat- 
ical  part  of  the  Britiih  government  give  them  any  afliftance,  while 
they  were  contending  againft  the  arbitrary  meafures  of  England, 
before  their  embarkation  ?  or  did  they  receive  confolation  from 
the  Houfe  of  Lords,  after  their  arrival  ?  No  ;  the  love  of  liberty 
was  interwoven  in  their  fouls,  and  they  formed  political  inftitutions 


376  The  Wolves,  and  the  Nobility.  No.  LXVII. 

founded  on  principles  in  every  refpccl  conformable  to  fuch  feel- 
ings. Jul!  emancipated  from  the  thraldom  of  a  Britifh  govern- 
ment, they  were  led  to  adopt  a  fyftem  of  political  regulation 
which  gave  the  faculties  of  the  mind  their  utmoft  energies,  and 
neve  degraded  thcmfelyes  to  contemplate  their  little  fociety  as 
wolves,  {landing  in  need  of  a  fuperior  order  to  check  their  fove- 
reigntjr. 

The  fentiment  advanced  by  Mr.  John  Adams,  might  have  been 
erpe&ed  from  a  crowned  head  in  Europe  ;  it  might  have  made  a 
fublime  paragraph  in  the  writings  of  Burke  :  But  that  it  fhould 
arife  from  a  perfon  who  had  been  converfant  in  the  hiftory  of  this 
country,  and  had  been  in  our  councils  during  the  American  revo- 
lution, is  rather  a  furprifing  and  alarming  confideration.  I  would 
afk  Mr.  John  Adams,  in  what  particular  are  the  citizens  of  Amer- 
ica in  any  degree  analogous  to  wolves  ?  or  in  what  inftance  has  it 
been  neceffary  that  our  political  inftitutions  fhould  be  improved  and 
fupported  by  a  nobility  ?  Did  the  people  fhew  any  favage  difpofition 
in  their  conteft  with  Britain  ?  1Vas.it  not  the  love  of  liberty,  inter- 
woven in  the  foul,  that  produced  our  oppofition  to  Britifh  tyranny  ? 
Our  "  town-meetings"  were  the  pure  effufions  of  liberty  ;  our  "Col- 
lege" (at  that  time)  breathed  the  fpirit  of  freedom  and  the  rights 
of  man.  The  youth  of  that  day,  on  commencement  anniverfaries, 
were  eager  to  difplay  the  manly  fentiments  of  freemen  ;  the  ora- 
tions and  exhibitions  all  tended  to  roufe  the  mind  to  contemplate 
political  fubjetts  on  the  broadeft  bafis  of  equal  rights.  Our  patriots 
had  the  fupport  of  the  people  ;  Faneuil-Hall  and  the  Old  South 
often  refounded  with  the  acclamations  of  citizens, collected  to  fupport 
the  great  principles  of  their  free  conftitution.  The  fonts,  it  is  true, 
confidered  the  town  of  Bofton  as  a  den  of  wolves  ;  they  fuppofed 
it  neceffary  that  a  body  of  nobility  fhould  be  created  to  check  and 
control  them  ;  Hutchinfon  and  Oliver  even  wrote  to  the  miniftry 
for  this  purpofe,  and  when  their  letters  were  difcovered,  the  gen- 
eral difgufl  of  the  people  convinced  them  in  what  abhorrence 
they  were  held. 

Did  not  Mr.  John  Adams  find  that  the  fpirit  of  liberty  was 
interwoven  in  the  foul  of  the  people,  when  he  was  in  Congrefs 
during  our  revolution  i  It  was  this  fpirit  that  originated  that 
body.  The  people  called  for  this  afiembly  of  the  States  ;  the 
election  of  the  members  was  the  evidence  of  the  fpirit  of  liberty 


No.  LXVII.  The  Wolves,  and  the  Nobility.  277 

exifting  within  them.  The  people  had  no  idea  that  a  body  of 
nobility  was  neceflary  for  their  fecurity  ;  they  chofe  honefl  men 
from  among  them,  who  were  in  the  fame  grades  of  life  with  them- 
felves  ;  they  did  not  vote  fqr  my  Lord  Sucb-a-one,  or  Duke  Sucb-a- 
one  ;  the  candidates  in  general  were  fcarcely  complimented  with 
the  title  of  efquirc.  When  this  refpectable  body  aiTcmbled,  whom 
did  they  addrefs  ?  Were  not  all  their  applications  made  to  the 
people  ?  Who  formed  the  army  ?  Did  not  tradefmen  and  farm- 
ers compofe  the  American  phalanx  ?  Who  commanded  and 
manned  our  (nips  of  war  and  privateers  ?  were  they  dukes,  earls, 
or  lords  ?  No  ;  the  people — the  people — the  plain  American 
citizens,  whofe  fouls  were  invigorated  with  liberty,  unawed  by  a 
nobility,  and  who  difdained  to  confider  themfelves  under  their  im- 
mediate protection  ;  thefe  were  the  foldiers  who  fought  our  bat- 
tles ;  thefe  were  the  failors,  who,  even  at  that  period,  rendered  the 
flag  of  America  refpectable  and  dreaded. 

I  cannot  but  wonder  how  a  fentiment  of  the  kind  could  be  ad- 
vanced by  Mr.  John  Adams.  That  the  people  are  not  more  ran 
tional  in  fupport  of  their  liberties  than  wolves,  unlefs  fupported  by 
a  nobility , — is,  of  all  declarations,  the  moft  extraordinary.  In  the 
days  of  adverfity,  Mr.  John  Adams  knew  the  obligation  he  was 
under  to  the  people  ;  a  fentiment  of  this  kind,  coming  from  a 
member  of  our  firft  Congrefs,  would  have  raifed  the  continent  to  a 
flame.  Suppofe  it  had  then  been  faid,  that  the  people  cannot  be 
trufted  ;  we  mud  have  a  nobility  to  govern  ;  we  mufl  put  this  no- 
bility into  a  "  bole,"  and  from  this  fubterrancous  cell  we  muft  rely 
for  all  our  fuccour.  The  Britiih  army  would  have  been  pleafed 
with  fuch  a  vifionary  oppofition  ;  Lord  Howe  would  rather  have 
heard  of  one  hundred  thoufand  noblemen  in  a  "  hole,"  than 
twenty  thoufand  Yankees  in  the  field.  Bunker-Hill  was  not  defen- 
ded by  men  thus  in  covert  ;  no,  the  citizens  did  not  lurk  in  boles, 
but  ftood  on  eminences.  Warren  fcorned  to  be  hid  in  a  cave,  but 
flood  in  the  front  rank,  in  defence  of  that  liberty  which  was  inter- 
woven in  his  foul,  and  in  the  fouls  of  his  brave  companions.  The 
immortal  Wafuington  looked  to  his  comrades  of  citizen-foldiers  °t 
he  did  not  inquire  whether  there  was  a  body  of  nobility  to  fecure 
his  retreat.  He  did  not  view  his  chofen  band  as  wolves,  but  con- 
lidered  himfelf  at  the  head  of  men,  whofe  fouls  were  invigorated 
with  the  powerful  energies  cf  liberty. 


7U  Wolves,  and  the  Nobility.  No.  LXVII. 

If  the  \ov$  of  liberty  (as  is  declared  by  Mr.  Samuel  Adams) 
was  not  interwoven  in  the  foul  of  man,  it  would  have  been  impof- 
iible  to  have  effected  the  Independence  of  America.  What  but 
this  fuftained  the  fpirits  of  an  army  constantly  on  fatigue  ?  What 
but  this  cheered  the  war-worn  foldier,  when  deititute  of  clothing 
and  the  common  ncceffaries  of  life  ?  What  but  this  animated  the 
American  veterans  to  contend  againft  the  formidable  troops  of 
Britain,  with  fcarcely  a  cartridge  for  their  defence,  or  a  drop  of 
cheesing  comfort  in  their  canteens  ?  What  {pint  fhort  of  this, 
rallied  the  undifciplined  troops  of  Starts,  to  attack  and  capture  the 
boafting  Burgoyne  ?  To  what  energy  of  the  human  mind  arc  we 
indebted  for  the  furrender  of  Cornwallis  ?  Was  it  the  refined 
fpeculations  of  a  nobility  groping  in  a  hole,  or  was  it  the  irrefift- 
ible  impulfc  of  freemen,  embodied  to  exprefs  thofe  feelings  which 
were  interwoven  in  every  fibre  of  their  fouls  ? 

I  would  not  wiih  to  put  an  uncandid  conftruction  on  the  par- 
agraph feleclcd  from  the  Letters,  but  if  there  is  any  precife  idea 
cxpreffed  by  Mr.  John  Adams,  it  appears  to  be  this — that  the 
people  are  as  voracious,  favage  and  irrational  as  wolves,  unlefs 
they  are  enlightened  by  political  inltitutions,  which  are  at  jitjl  pro- 
duced, ccnflantly  fupportcd,  and  improved  by  a  nobility.  If  I  am  not 
correct  in  my  conclufions,  I  fliall  readily  acknowledge  my  error  ; 
but  the  Englifli  language  cannot  convey  a  ftronger  idea  to  my 
xnind  of  the  real  political  principles  of  any  individual,  however  dif* 
agreeable  may  be  the  application. 

Admitting  my  premifes  to  be  fubitantiated,  how  far  does  Mr. 
John  Adams's  declaration  conform  to  our  bill  of  rights,  which  em- 
phatically ftates,  "  that  government  is  inftituted  for  the  common 
good — that  the  people  alone  have  an  inconteftible,  unalienable  and  in- 
defcafible  light  to  inftitute  government — that  the  idea  of  a  man 
born  a  magistrate,  law-giver,  or  judge,  is  abfurd  and  unnatural." 
If  Mr.  John  Adams  is  right  the  constitution  is  wrong  ;  for  if  the 
people  are  as  untraceable  as  wolves,  without  a  nobility,  is  it  not 
prepoftcrous  for  them  to  attempt  to  inftitute  a  form  of  govern- 
ment, which  in  no  inftance  recognizes  that  efTential  branch  which 
16  to  prcferve  the  harmony  of  their  focial  compact  ? 

If  a  nobility  is  alone  to  preferve  us,  where  in  the  name  of  com- 
mon fenfe  are  we  to  find  our  faviours  :  Are  we  to  fearch  for  them 
among  the  EiTex  junto,  or  are  we  to  look  for  them  among  thofe 


No.  LXVIII.  The  Nobility  in  a  Hole.  *fy 

who  confider  the  people  as  wolves  ?  Born  in  a  land  fettled  by  a  fra- 
ternity of  pcrfccutcd  republicans  ;  living  under  a  conftitution  and 
laws  which  embrace  every  citizen  on  the  terms  of  equality,  in  what 
comer  or  hole  of  this  extenfive  territory  are  the  people  to  look  for 
help  and  aflidance  detached  from  thcmfclves  ?  After  experiencing 
the  blcifings  of  their  own  protection,  from  the  firft  lettlemcnt  of  the 
country  to  the  prefent  hour,  is  it  poflible,  that  they  fhould  now  dif- 
truft  their  own  competency,  irreverently  denounce  the  guardian- 
fliip  of  heaven,  and  throw  thcmfelves  into  the  arms  of  a  nobility  ? 
We  will  not  thus  affront  heaven — we  will  not  thus  diihonour  our 
forefathers — we  will  not  thus  entail  mifcry  on  our  pofterity. 


No.  LXVIII. 

THE     NOBILITY    IN    A    HOLE. 

Text — "  The  only  way,  God  knows,  is  to  put  thefe  Families  into  3 
HOLE  by  them/elves,  and  Jet  two  watches  upon  them:  a  Supe- 
rior to  them  all,  on  onejide,  and  the  People  on  the  other." 

Mr.  John  Adams's  Letter  to  Mr.  Samuel  Adams. 


W, 


HILE  we  read  the  political  fentiments  of  Mr.  John  Adams, 
it  is  natural  to  confider  them  as  the  deliberate  reflections  of  a 
civilian,  who  has  long  been  in  the  iludy  of  government,  and  who 
has  formed  a  fydem,  if  nut  perfect,  yet  confident  with  his  former 
avowed  principles  of  republicanifm.  But  it  is  difficult  to  bring 
all  his  doctrines  to  that  point,  by  which  we  can  draw  a  rational 
conclufion. 

The  drength  of  his  government  confids  in  political  inditutions, 
which  he  fays,  "  are  firjl  produced,  and  conjlantly  fupported  and  im- 
proved by  a  nobility." — Thefe  are  the  men  to  whom  the  people 
are  to  look  for  protection  and  happinefs.  But  after  Mr.  Adams 
had  thus  created  his  grand  bulwark,  and  clothed  his  pre-eminent 
'sbara&ers  with  the  rood  extenfivo  powers,  he  {cams  to  be  ajhatned 


lio  The  Nobility  in  a  Hole.  No.  LXVIIL 

of  the  work  of  his  own  hands — for,  ftrange  to  relate,  this  confer- 
vative  body  are  to  be  "  put  in  a  hole"  ;  nay,  he  expreffes  it  more 
fully,  by  calling  "  God"  to  witnefs,  that  the  "  only  way  is,  to  put 
them   into  a  hole  by  themf elves." 

Fellow-citizens, — Fancy  to  yourfelves  that  the  United  States 
fhould  be  under  a  government  fimilar  to  what  is  recommended 
by  Mr.  John  Adams.  In  the  firft  place,  you  muft  depreciate 
your  own  characters,  by  admitting  yourfelves  as  incapable  of  gov- 
erning without  this  nobility,  as  "  wolves." — You  muft  view 
yourfelves  in  pofleffion  of  all  the  ferocious,  voracious  and  extermi- 
nating paffions  of  this  favage  of  the  wildernefs  ;  you  muft  view 
each  other  as  a  band  of  robbers,  freebooters  and  ruffians  ;  you 
muft  totally  renounce  every  humane  faculty  of  the  foul  ;  your 
fingers  you  muft  confider  as  claws,  your  hands  as  fangs,  your 
teeth  as  daggers,  and  the  former  harmony  of  your  voice,  when 
affembled  to  deliberate,  as  the  terrific  yells  of  the  moft  fanguinary 
beafts  of  the  foreft.  After  you  have  thus  brought  yourfelves  to 
this  depth  of  degradation,  you  are  to  feek  among  a  particular  num- 
ber of  families,  a  body  of  men,  on  whofe  protection  you  are  to  re- 
ly, and  who  are  to  take  you  under  their  "  holy  keeping."  But  the 
farce  is  not  yet  complete — for  after  you  have  clothed  them  with 
this  extenfive  power,  and  arrayed  them  in  their  gorgeous  robes, 
you  are  to  depofit  thefe  highly  refpefled  dignitaiies  in  a  "  hole," 
there  to  remain  hidden  from  the  public  eye  ;  and  thus  m  fecret 
to  work  out  the  falvation  of  the  people.  Surely  there  muft  be 
fomc  magical  operation  to  communicate  thefe  bleftmgs,  otherwife 
thefe  fabterraneous  confit-valors  muft  be  puzzled  to  distribute  thofe 
benefits,  as  they  mature  them  within  their  cells. 

I  am  not  difpofed  to  treat  the  fentiments  of  Mr.  J.  Adams 
with  an  indecent  feverity,  by  diftorting  his  proportions  ;  but  I 
am  perfuaded,  if  fuch  a  plan  had  been  publifhed  in  a  newfpaper 
as  a  ferious  fyftem  of  government,  and  the  name  of  the  author  was 
unknown,  it  would  have  excited  univerfal  derifion. — For  admitting 
Mr.  Adams's  premifes  to  be  right,  that  a  nobility  is  neceffary, 
and  that  they  are  to  "  produce,  fupport  and  improve  the  political 
inftitutions,"  for  the  good  of  the  people,  yet  nothing  can  be  more 
unfeemly  than  putting  fuch  a  refpeftable  body  in  a  "  hole.**-  If 
they  are  ferviceable,  why  fhould  they  be  hid  ?  Why  fhould  they 
not  be  in  a  commanding  fuuation  to  view  the  M  whole  ground"  ? 


No.  LXVIII.  The  Nobilily  &  a  Hole.  2  Si 

Why  fhould  they  be  withdrawn  from  the  view  and  infpc&ion  of 
the  people,  while  they  were  fo  afiiduous  to  promote  their  welfare  ? 

It  may  be  confidered  a  puerile  play  on  words,  in  commenting 
fo  minutely  on  this  expreffion  ;  but  to  ufe  Mr.  Adams's  own 
words,  "  God  knows"  what  he  , means  by  a  hole,  unlefs  it  is 
to  place  a  body  of  men  intirely  out  of  the  reach  and  fovereignty 
of  the  people.  It  is  true,  he  is  fur  placing  "  two  watches  upon 
them  ;  a  fuperior  to  them  all,  on  one  fide,  and  the  people  on  the 
other  ;"  but  here  the  fyftem  clafhes,  for  if  the  people  are  as 
ungovernable  as  "  wolves."  without  this  nobility,  there  appears 
an  abfurdity  that  they  fhould  have  any  voice  in  checking  them. 
If  this  rjobilrty  are  fo  enlightened  as  to  "produce,  fupport,  and 
improve  our  political  inftitutions,"  and  the  people  are  fo  deftitute 
o£  felf-prefervation  as  to  be  incapable  of  governing  themfelves 
without  them,  it  mud  certainly  introduce  a  jargon  in  the  fyitem, 
if  they  fhould  ultimately  have  authority  to  counteract  thofe  eftab- 
lifliments  which  this  well-informed  body  had  fanclioned. 

The  premifes  laid  down  by  Mr.  John  Adams  deftroy  his  con- 
clufions  ;  for  he  places  the  people  as  deftitute  of  natural  propen- 
fities  to  eftabliih  political  inftitutions,  while  at  the  fame  time  he 
makes  them  (in  connexion  with  another  unnamed  power)  the 
final  compeers  in  the  bufinefs.  If  they  are  not  adequate  to  thefe 
purpofes  in  the  firft  inftance,  how  do  they  become  equal  to  the 
final  decifion  ?  They  remain  "  wolves"  through  the  whole 
procefs,  as  we  c?.nnot  fuppofe  this  body,  depofited  in  a  hole,  can 
create  in  the  people  any  new  properties  which  they  did  not 
pofiefs  in  their  primary  ftate.  This  "  modern  philosophy"  is  a 
eompofition  of  fhange,  incoherent  ingredients  ;  the  abfurdity  is 
evident  when  we  analyze  it;  and  in  order  to  fhew  the  folly  of  fuch 
a  fyftem,  let  us  fee  how  far  the  doctrine  would  have  held  during 
our  oppofition  to  Britain. 

Suppofe  Hutchinfon  and  Oliver  had  effected  their  purpofes 
when  they  applied  to  the  Britifh  miniftry  for  a  fimilar  mode  cf 
government  ?  The  nobility  of  that  day  were  the  families  of 
Hutchinfon,  Oliver,  VafTals,  &c.  This  nobility  were  to  be  placed 
in  a  fituation  fomewhat  fimilar  to  Mr.  Adams's  "  hole  ;"  that  is, 
in  a  place  where  the  people  could  not  come  at  them.  T 
*  well-bom'  individuals  were  to  " produce,  fupport  and  imprest  the 
M  m 


No.  LXVIIL 

political  inftiiut.cr.s"  of  America.  The  "  Superior"  power,  at  that 
day,  would  have  been  the  king  of  England.  Under  this  organ- 
ized Syftem,  had  the  Congrefs  of  the  United  States  affembled, 
and  disapproved  of  the  rrreaSurei  of  this  king  and  nobility',  the 
queition  is,  how  far  theSc  two  branches  of  the  government  would: 
have  "  fupported  and  improved"  the  mcafu:es  of  John  Hancock* 
Samuel  Adatns,  George  Washington,  Thomas  Jzfferson> 
John  Adams,  &c.  who  conftituted  the  power  which  arofe  from 
the  people  ?  Rebels  !  Rebels  !  Wolves  !  Wolves  !  would  have 
b-zen  echoed  and  re -echoed  through  the  continent,  and  probably 
John  Hancock  and  Samuel  Adams  would  have  been  proscribed 
as  the  moll  ferocious  animals  in  the  whole  pack.  Certainly  Mr. 
John  Adams  would  never  have  been  elevated  to  the  Chief  Exec- 
utive of  the  United  States  ,-  he  might  have  remained  a  pleader  at 
the  bar,  but  it  is  highly  improbable  he  would  have  had  the  au- 
thority to  appoint  a  whole  bench  of  judges,  or  have  placed  himfelf 
hi  a  Situation  to  propofe  a  form  of  government,  which  embraced 
the  leading  features  of  the  Biitifii  constitution.  The  king  of  Eng- 
land, and  the  nobility  in  the  hole,  would  have  controled  all  pro- 
ceedings which  led  to  our  revolution  ;  and  provided  Congrefs 
had  had  refolution  to  raiie  an  army,  and  appoint  Wafhington  as 
commander,  even  the  Congrefs,  army,  and  Wafhington,  would 
have  been  configned,  not  merely  to  a  "  hole,"  but  to  the  bottomlefs 
pit.  Principles  mud  be  founded  on  fafts. — Speculative  whims  are 
not  required  in  this  country  ;  we  have  gone  through  a  conteft 
which  fully  explains  all  fueh  controversial  points — We  know  what 
a  king  is,  we  know  what  a  nobility  is,  and  we  know  what  the 
people  are  ;  and  I  will  venture  to  fay,  that  nothing  fhort  of  the 
immediate  interpofition  of  heaven  can  maintain  their  rights,  but 
them/elves,  and  the  man  is  lunatic  who  fays  they  are  "  their  own 
word  enemies."  The  enlightened  ftatc  of  this  country  does  _not 
require  men  in  a  hole  to  govern  them  ;  the  people  are  not  only 
Sovereign  by  inheritance,  but  fovereign  from  information. 

Citizens  of  Maflachufetts  ! — Are  you  not  competent  to  your 
political  concerns  ?  When  ye  meet  as  a  legiflature,  do  you  require 
a  body  of  nobility  to  make  your  laws,  or  to  draft  your  refolves  ? 
Are  ye  inadequate  to  vote  Salaries  to  your  governour,  judges, 
and  others  ?  Do  ye  require  a  body  of  nobility,  with  the  extra 
compensations  for  their  titles,  to  carry  on  the  meaSures  of  the 


No.  LXVIIL  The  Nelnlity  in  a  Hole.  2$$ 

Commonwealth  ?  Will  the  houfe  of  representatives  declare 
themfUves  incapable  to  tranfact  the  bufmefs  which  annually  comes 
before  them,  unlefs  they  have  a  body  of  nobility  to  produce  and 
improve  their  civil  inftitutions  ? 

Citizens  of  New-Hampfhire  '. — What  fay  ye  ? — are  ye  willing 
to  furrender  y.  urn^hts,  and  fubmit  your  welfare  to  a  body  of 
men  thus  organized  and  authorized  ?  Will  ye  truft  die  falary  of 
your  governour,  &c.  to  men  in  a  holu  ? 

Citizens  of  Connecticut  ! — What  lay  ye  ? — does  a  nobility 
accord  with  your  "  Heady  habits"  ?  Where  are  ye  to  felect  your 
dignified  order  ?  Who  among  you  have  fuperior  knowledge  to 
alter  and  improve  your  economical  fyftem  ?  In  what  hole  in 
your  State,  can  you  depoi-t  a  Connecticut  nobility  ?  Are  Simlbury 
mines  the  place  of  refuge  ?    , 

Citizens  of  Rhode-llland  i — Come  forward,  and  produce  jour 
nobility  ; — where  are  the  highly  favoured  families,  who  have  x 
claim  on  your  gratitude,  fo  far,  as  to  furrender  your  privileges 
exclufively  into  their  hands  ?  We  prefume  there  are  none  ;  we 
truft  that  you  have  been,  uow  are,  and  ever  will  be  competent  to 
regulate  yourfelves.  The  fteady  habits  of  New-England  rife 
indignant  at  fuch  new-fangled  doctrines,  and  we  hope  the  enfuing 
election  will  convince  the  advocates  for  a  nobility,  that  not  even  a 
dtftendaat  from  them,  muft  ever  expect  to  receive  the  fumages  of 
independent  electors  ?  Lot  us  convince  the  world,  that  Americans 
arc  not  wolves,  by  fupporting  a  government  which  is  not  accurfed 
with  a  nobility. 

Citizens  of  the  Northern  .States  ! — Let  me  afk  you,  how  far 
you  can  connect  the  politics  of  Wafhington  with  thofe  of  Adams  I 
The  former  nevsr  degraded  the  people  with  the  appellation  given 
them  by  the  latter  ;  Wafhington  ever  revered  the  people,  and 
confidered  them  capable  of  protecting  thcmfelves  ;  he  never  advo- 
cated the  eftablifhment  of  a  nobility  to  fupport  their  rights  ;  how 
then  can  we  cry  "  Washington  and  Adams"  ?  Let  us  not  be 
deceived  by  names,  but  let  us  examine  principles,  and  when  we 
find  that  Mr.  John  Adams  is  derogating  from  the  fovereignty 
of  the  people,  and  is  for  placing  a  nobility  above  them,  we  cannot 
confidently  attach  his  name  to  that  of  Walhington,  who  in  every 
inftance  was  oppofed  to  fuch  pernicious  dodlrines.  It  is  but  of 
very  little  confequence  whether  we  formerly  had  a  nobility  palmed 


3 $4  0"  President   Washington's  No.  LXIX. 

upon  us  by  the  intrigue  of  Hutchinfon,  or  it  now  fhould  be  effect- 
ed by  the  plaulibility  of  Adams.  In  either  cafe,  our  ruin  would 
be  inevitable.  The  fa<ft  is,  the  plan  propofcd  by  Hutchinfon  and 
Oliver,  to  the  Britifh  miniftry,  was  in  unifon  with  that  whicti 
Mr.  John  Adams  advocates  in  his  Letter  to  his  friend.  He,  and 
he  alone,  who  is  in  favour  of  a  nobility,  and  who  wifhcs  to 
degrade  the  people,  can  fubfcribe  to  the  political  tenets  of  Mr. 
John  Adams.  Waftiington  and  Jeffcrfon  accord  with  more  mel- 
tody  in  the  ears  of  republicans.  Let  us  then  be  true  to  our 
principles,  and  not  facrifice  them  to  pride,  orientation  and  folly. 


No.  LXIX, 

ON    PRESIDENT    WASHINGTON'S    PROCLAMATION    OE 
NEUTRALITY. 


JL  RESIDENT  Wafhington's  proclamation,  on  the  principles  of 
"  impartial  neutrality"  agreeably  to  the  "  modern  law  of  nations," 
Was  confidered  at  the  period  of  its  promulgation  fo  interefting  to 
the  commercial  part  of  the  United  States,  that  a  great  majority  of 
the  feaports  affembled  to  difcufs  the  instrument.  This  town,  in 
particular,  expreiTed  their  fentiments  on  the  fubject.  The  word 
"  impartial"  was  objected  to  by  fome,  but  the  corfdence  placed  in 
the  determination  of  the  executive,  to  fupport  our  commerce  on 
the  broad  bafis  of  the  modern  law  of  nations,  even  qualified  this  ex- 
ceptionable cxpreflion. 

I  would  here  inquire,  whether  every  man  in  the  town-meeting 
did  not  confider  his  property  then  at  fea,  and  all  he  fhould  hereaf- 
ter fend,  as  completely  guaranteed  upon  the  principles  of  the  pro- 
clamation ?  Did  any  merchant,  at  that  time,  (after  the  moft  fol- 
cmn  aiTurances  of  the  Prefident)  conceive  that  his  navigation  was 
floating  upon  an  uncertainty  whether  any  meafures  would  be  adopt- 
ed, by  the  federal  government,  to  prevent  the  violation  of  that  neu- 
trality declared  by  the  executive  ?  Did  any  man  indulge  a  fufpicion, 


No.  LXIX.  Proclamation  of  Neutrality.  285 

that  the  Britifh  officers  would  be  pcimitted  to  intercept  our  legal 
trade  with  the  powers  at  war,  while  our  cargoes  confifted  of  fuels  ar- 
ticles as  were  exprefsly  declared  in  the  "  modern  law"  as  not  nibjecT: 
to  capture  ?  Or  could  any  citizen  fuppofe,  that  our  government 
would  fubmit  to  the  arrogance  of  Britifh.  orders  (iflucd  immedi- 
ately after  the  proclamation)  to  take  all  American  vefTels  bound 
to  France,  "  let  their  cargoes  be  what  they  may"  ? 

Impoflible,  that  this  fliould  be  the  idea  of  any  man  :  but  on  the 
contrary,  every  one  felt  ^.fecurity  that  the  power,  which  had  pledg- 
ed itfelf  upon  the  "  modern  law"  of  nations,  would  poffefs  that  na- 
tional confiftency,  as  to  defend  the  citizens  againft  any  wanton 
breaches  of  its  fundamental  principles.  They  certainly  could  not 
expect,  that  the  authority  which  had  promulgated  the  doclrine 
would  ever  relinquiih  it. 

It  may  here  be  replied,  that  die  Prefident  intended  to  vindicate 
this  right,  but  the  Briti/lo  nation  not  having  coniented  to  the  modem 
law  we   were  unavoidably  expofed  to  their  depredations.     But,  if 
we  examine  the  proclamation,  wc  fliu.ll  find,  that  the   Prefident 
pledged  our  commerce  even  againjl  the  Britijt:  ;    for,  among  the 
powers    enumerated,    "  Great-Britain"    is    cxprefsly    mentioned. 
There  was  no  exception  to  any  of  the  belligerent  powers  ;  but  the 
proclamation  was  a  deciUve  manifefto  to  them  a!!,  that  the  com- 
merce of  the  United  States  was  guaranteed  by  the  executive  upon 
the  modem  law  of  nations.     If  Great-Britain  was  not  confidered  aa 
being  bound  by  it,  the   wifdom  of  the   Prefident  would  naturally 
led  him  to  an  explanation  on  this  point  ;    and  unlefs  he  had 
intended  to  vindicate  his  proclamation  againft  the  depredations  of 
this  nation,  his  prudence  would  have  cautioned  him  not  to  exciie  a 
falfe  hope  in  the  merchants  that  their  property  would  be  fecured 
againfl:  thcrn.     The  Prefident  knew,  that  he  had  made  a  declara- 
tion of  bit  determination  to  all  the  powers  at  war,  and,  as  far  as  his 
proclamation  went,  he  had  taken  a  tefponfible  part  in  the  Euro- 
pean controverfy.     It  wa:-  an   executive    passport,  to  all  our 
merchants  and  feamen,  proclaiming  in   the  mofl  explicit  terms 
iecurity  under  it. 
The  proclamation  was  iffiied  by  the  chief  magiftra^e  of  an  in- 
dependent nation,  and  as  fuch,  was  a  public,  unequivocal  manifef- 
tation  of  his  difpofition.     It  was  taking  a  fide,  as  it  refpected  the 
particular  advantages  to  the  United  States,  ariimg  from  the  con- 


sS6  ;  No.  LXIX. 

vulfed  itate  of  other  nations.  It  was  commencing  a  commercial 
war,  in  caft  any  power  attempted  to  violate  it.  To  lay,  then,  that 
the  /;  '-'-'  net  bound  by  it,  and  that  we  mud  fubmit  to 

them,  is  no  more  than  declaring,  that  the  Prefident  had  made  a 
proclamation  which  he  had  not  fully  ccnfidered  ;  and  that  he  had 
pledged  himfelf  to  the  belligerent  powers  to  do  that,  which  he 
could  not  maintain.  In  either  cafe,  the  cenfure  is  ton  pungent  on 
this  fuperior  character,  and  thofe  who  argue  thus,  reflect  too  fc- 
verely  on  his  wifdom,  prudence,  and  forefight. 

The  proclamation  (if  I  may  ufe  the  expreffion)  was  foinxthing 
or  nothing.  If  it  was  jomcthing,  the  fubftance  of  it  ought  to  be  re. 
tained  :  If  it  was  nothing,  the  affembling  of  the  merchants,  to  ap- 
probate die  meafure,  was  a  £:  l'ound,  and  nothing  elfe." 

As  an  individual,  I  cxpe&ed,  on  the  meeting  of  Congrefs,  that 
this  proclamation  would  have  been  the  ground-work  of  all  our  po- 
litical deciiions  ;  that  the  friends  to  the  Prefident  would  have  nour- 
ifhed  the  principles  which  it  contained,  and  made  them  the  polar 
ftar  of  all  their  proceedings.  But  fo  far  from  this,  thefe  nominal 
friends  to  the  Prefident  confidered  it  of  little  moment,  and  their 
fpeeches,  inftead  of  advocating  this  official  inftrument,  rather  con- 
demned it  in  every  paragraph.  The  modern  law  of  nations  is 
fcarcely  mentioned  by  them  ;  but  attempts  to  palliate  the  Britifh 
ipnliations,  on  the  ancient  law,  feemed  to  be  the  whole  tendency  of 
their  arguments. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  thofe  members  in  Congrefs,  who 
were  advocating  a  fyftem  to  give  efficacy  to  the  proclamation, 
were  immediately  denounced  in  certain  papers  as  enemies  to  the  Pref- 
ident ;  as  attempting  to  drive:  this  country  into  a  war  ;  as  friends 
to  anarchy,  and  enemies  to  the  federal  government  :— whereas, 
the  proelamatiott  naturally  led  thofe  perfons  into  the  meafures  they 
advocated^,  as  being  the  only  remedy  they  could  adopt,  to  prevent 
the  violation  of  the  modern  law.  Mr.  Madifon  contemplated  the 
fubject  on  this  principle.  He  confidered  the  ftaple  refources  of 
this  country,  adequate  to  all  the  important  purpofes  of  the  procla- 
mation. If  the  ground  which  the  Prefident  had  taken  was  tenable, 
he  was  \ffiducus,  as  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  to  fubftantiate  it 
b/every  poffible  exertion,  and  national  effort.  The  more  effectu- 
ally to  do  this,  he  had  recourfe  to  that  impregnable  fortrefs,  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States — a  fortrefs  which  has  eve:  been 


No.  LXIX.  Proclamation  of  Neutrality.  287 

confidered  as  our  strong  hold,  by  all  the  writers  on  the  Britilh 
trade.  His  fentiments  are  in  unifon  with  the  patriots  of  the  fev- 
eral  Mate  conventions,  and  with  the  merchants  of  this  town  in 
1786,  as  the  fpceches  and  votes  will  fully  tcftify.  The  fame  mea- 
fures were  advocated  by  Vice-Prefidcnt  Ar>Atts,  while  refiding  at 
the  Britifh  court.  This  gentleman  declared,  at  that  period,  that  a 
fyftematic  reflriclion  on  the  Britifh  commerce  Would  effect  the 
higheft  advantages  to  this  country.  Mr.  Dayton,  and  Mr.  Clark, 
alfo  enlifted  in  the  controverfy,  and  commenced  champions  in  de- 
fending the  proclamation,  by  propofing  fuch  energetic  meafures 
as  would  place  America  in  that  forcible  fituation  as  to  command 
indemnification.  Thefe  gentlemen  knew  that  we  had  neither  an 
army,  nor  a  navy,  to  carry  into  operation  the  purpofes  of  the  execu- 
tive, but  that  the  "  ftrong  arm  of  the  Union"  confifted  principally 
in  commercial  exertions,  and  contending  with  Britain  on  the 
ground  of  mercantile  retaliation. 

By  this  reprefentation  of  the  bufinefs,  can  the  citizens  hefitate 
who  were  the  real  friends  to  the  Prefident  ?  Whether  the  men  who 
were  fupporting  the  meafures  of  the  Britifh  on  the  ancient  taipt  or 
thofe  who  were  condemning  them  on  the  modern  ?  Thofe  who 
were  palliating  the  hollile  proceedings  of  the  Britifh,  while  acting 
in  direct  oppofition  to  the  Prefident's  proclamation,  or  thofe  who 
were  attempting  to  counteract  them  ?  Thofe  who  have  advocated 
a  treaty  which  has  deftroyed  every  principle  of  the  proclamation, 
by  annihilating  the  modern  law,  and  reviving  the  ancient  ;  which 
expofes  our  commerce  to  capture,  our  feamen  to  imprciTrr.ent,  and 
abandons  the  merchant  to  feelc  indemnification,  at  his  own  cofi,  to 
the  Britifh  courts  ;  or  thofe  who  have  uniformly  endeavoured  to 
vindicate  our  national  rights,  upon  the  moll  folcmn  pledge  that 
could  be  given  by  the  Prefident  ?  On  thefe  quefiions,  let  the  im- 
partial citizens  judge. 

The  conclufions  from  the  above  premifes  arc,  that  the  Prefi- 
dent, in  the  plenitude  of  his  pati  iotilm,  attempted  to  promote  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States,  upon  the  ?r,odcm  /aw  of  nations. 
His  nominal  friends,  by  their  meafures,  defeated  his  intentions,  by  ad- 
vocating the  ancient  law.  His  real  friends  endeavoured  to  fupport 
him,  by  having  recourfe  to  the  commercial  refources  of  the 
country.  They  were  alfo  baffled  in  their  exertions.  The  princi- 
ples of  the  proclamation  sure  totally  deftroyed  by  the  treaty,  and 


2?S  Commercial  C.  No.  LXIX- 

3  are  now  obliged  to  look  for  indemnification  to  the 
Britifh  government,  inflead  of  holding  to  the  President's  procla- 
mation, on  the  JlabWUy  of  ivb'ub  they  originally  ventured  their 
property. 


COMMERCIAL    COMPARISON    BETWEEN    FRANCE    AND 
ENGLAND, 


IN  looking  over  the  ftatement  of  Mr.  Tench  Coxe,  of  the 
exports  to  the  feveral  nations  of  Europe,  I  find  that  the  amount 
to  the  Britifh  is  9,218,540  dollars  ;  and  to  the  French,  12,653,635 
do'lars.  As  it  refpects  the  amount  to  the  two  nations,  the  French 
hold  die  advantage  of  about  three  millions.  But  it  is  obferveJ 
on  this  ftatement  in  the  Centmel,  "  that  thefe  exports  is  a  powerful 
proof  of  the  bleflings  we  have  enjoyed  from  our  neutrality,  not- 
withstanding the  many  fpoliations  on  cur  commerce."  I  would 
afk,  how  this  is  evident,  as  it  relates  to  the  Britijh  ?  We  have 
exported  upwards  of  nine  millions  to  Britain, but  by  the  Statements 
of  the  merchants,  in  their  late  reprefentation  to  Congrefs,  the 
Britifh  have  captured  upwards  of  five  millions,-  How  then  do  the 
bleflings  appear  on  the  fide  of  Britain,  when  they  have  captured 
above  one  half  of  the  amount  of  our  exports  ?  The  principal 
controverfy  on  the  fubject  of  our  commerce  is,  how  far  our  "  im- 
partial neutrality"  has  been  beneficial  from  the  amity  of  the  Brit- 
ifh ?  Their  conduct  is  brought  to  a  decifive  point,  for  we  have 
the  ftatement  of  Mr.  Coxe,  as  to  the  exports,  and  the  reprefenta- 
tion of  the  merchants  as  to  the  captures.  The  bleflings  are  there- 
fore known  by  deducting  the  latter  from  the  former,  and  we  find 
that  the  balance  is  againft  us. 

Befides,  in  the  calculation  of  the  bleflings,  we  are  to  confidcr 
the  captures  made  fince  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  not  only  of 
our  property,  but  of  our  feamen.  In  this  eftimate,  therefore,  we 
may  fairly  allow  that  the  largeft  fum  exported  to  this  amicably- 
difpofed  nation  has  been  captured. 


No.  LXIX.  between  Franc:  ui\d  England.  289 

To  calculate  the  real  bleflings,  we  muft  take  into  confideration 
our  imports.  Whether  the  imports  from  France  have  been  more 
beneficial  than  from  England,  let  us  confider  the  cargoes  from  the 
different  powers-  From  France,  we  have  received  the  principal 
part  of  our  hard  money.  The  banks  have  beejAnoftly  fupport- 
ed  by  the  dcpofits  from  French  voyages.  The  returns,  from  this 
quarter,  have  enriched  the  merchants  and  farmers.  But  I  will 
defy  any  man  to  Show  the  advantages  from  the  Englifh  importa- 
tions ;  unlefs  a  cargo  of  their  manufactures,  confiding  of  every 
fpecies  of  luxury,  can  be  put  in  competition  with  solid  coin. 
The  balance  of  trade  with  England  is  greatly  againft  us.  Mil- 
lions of  dollars  are  exported,  by  Mr.  Jefferfon's  report  to  Congrefs, 
to  pay  our  arrearages,  while  our  trade  with  France  has  enriched 
the  country  with  an  immenfe  circulating  medium.  To  fet  this 
bufmefs  right,  and  that  the  people  mould  not  be  deceived  by  par- 
tial Statements,  let  Mr.  Coxe  give  the  imports  from  the  feveral 
countries,  and  the  contents  of  the  cargoes,  and  we  mail  then  be  able 
to  judge  as  to  the  benefits  of  our  commerce. 

A  further  confideration  is,  that  notwithstanding  the  im- 
menfe advantages  to  the  Britifh  by  the  American  commerce  ; 
notwithstanding  our  declared  neutrality,  and  the  pains  taken  by 
our  government  to  prevent  every  imposition  being  practiced  on  their 
trade,  yet  they  have  Steadily  purfued  meafures  to  injure  us  in 
every  direction.  Since  the  treaty  was  Signed  have  they  Shewed 
us  any  particular  favour  ?  Has  our  commerce  been  more  free 
from  embarraffments  ?  Flave  they  Showed  the  leaSl  dilpofition  to 
convince  the  Americans  of  their  friendship  ? 

If  we  could  obferve  the  fmallelt  evidence  of  Britifii  amity,  we 
might  conclude,  that  our  conduct  was  the  effect  of  political  policy. 
But  if  we  mujl  fubmif,  upon  the  principles  of  Mr.  Ames  and  Mr. 
Sedgwick,  becaufe  the  Indian  tomahawk  will  become  the,  ur. 
of  decilion,  we  may  go  on,  till  every  trait  of  our  national  char- 
acter is  obliterated.  Let  us  at  leail  take  fome  political  pofitim, 
otherways  the  Britifh.  will  inevitably  reduce  this  country,  to  the 
humiliating  fituation  of  colonies.  The  fpeeches  of  the  foreg 
gentlemen,  lead  us  to  this  point,  and  the  difpofition  of  the  Britifh 
is  fuch,  as  will  puSh  them  to  the  accomplishment  of  this  ob 

Thefe  fpeeches  are  but  little  fhort  of  a  declaration  of  the  furrendc  1 
N  n 


2go  Ad-lrea  '.  LXX. 

of  our  f  v  '  pendence,  and  that  v.c  n:u(t  hereafter 

depend  on  the  mercy  of  tH.it  nation,  for  the  fiipport 
bleffing  acquired  by  our  involution. 


No.  LXX.* 

CLERICAL     ADDRESS    TO    PRESIDENT    ADAMS. 

To  Mr.  David 'OfgotrJ,  Moderator,  Je&diah  Morfe,  Scribe, 

of  the  Convention  of  Minijlers. 

"  AS  ministers  of  the  Prince  of  Peace,"  the  addrefs  of 
the  Congregational  Clergy  to  Prcfldent  Adams  claims  the  particular 
attention  of  your  fellow-citizens. 

The  political  fituation  of  this  country  in  connexion  with  the 
republic  of  France,  calls  on  thofe  who  profefs  to  be  actuated  by  the 
benevolent  fpirit  of  religion,  to  exprefs  their  fentiments  with  that 
poderation,  as  will  convince  the  -world  that  party  zeal  forms  no  part 
of  their  chriltian  chara&er.  Candour  and  benevolence  are  traits 
more  congenial  with  the  religion  you  profefs,  than  invective  and 
indifcriminate  cenfure. 

"  As  minifters  of  peace,  aifembled  in  annual  convention,"  (to 
adjuil  no  doubt  your  particular  profeffional  concerns)  what  could 
lead  you  to  pafs  your  anathemas  on  the  citizens  of  Fiance,  as 
"  atheiftical,  licentious,  and  cliforganizing"  ?  As  having  "  pro- 
duced the  greateft  crimes  and  miferies,  in  their  own  country,  and 
diffufing  their  baneful  influence  even  to  diflant  nations"  ? 

Indifcriminate  charges  ill  become  men  of  your  ftation  iu  foci- 
ety.  I  would  requeft  you,  gentlemen,  to  reflect  on  the  ftate  of 
religion  in  Fiance,  previous  to  the  revolution  :  and  then  you  will 
be  able  to  judge,  how  far  the  (late  of  the  chriftian  fyftem  is  chan- 
ged from  that  purity  which  it  formed  under  the  monarchy.  It 
cannot  be  fuppofed,  that  you  will  pretend  to  advocate  the  princi- 
ples on  which  religion  was  then  founded  ;  when  the  mind  was  fet- 

*  This,  and  the  foregoing  Number,  were  no!  originally  fublifhed  under 
the  fgnature  of  Old-South. 


No.  LXX.  to  President  Adams.  291 

tered  with  all  the  abominable  tenets  and  dogmas  of  the  popifh 
hierarchy  ;  when  the  deluded  citizens  were  bound  to  iubmit  to  the 
infallibility  of  prhjls  ;  and  when  thoufands  were  immured  in  con- 
ic;-/,, to  groan  under  the  tortures  and  impositions  inflicted  on 
them  by  a  herd  of  rapacious  monks,  and  voratious  friars.  War, 
the  ltate  of  religion  in  France,  of  that  evangelical  nature,  and  fo 
confonant  to  the  dictates  of  the  Chritttan  fyflem,  that  you  now  de- 
plore the  change  ?  Do  you  feel  afflicted  that  die  Supreme  Being 
has  overthrown  an  ecclehailical  tyranny,  which  for  ages  has  been 
confidered  as  a  fcourge  to  the  church  of  Chrifl  ?  whole  maffacres 
and  crimes  have  rendered  the  page  of  hiftory  a  fcene  too  abhor- 
rent and  fanguinary  for  the  human  mind  to  contemplate  ?  Can  you 
arraign  the  wifdom  of  heaven  in  dius  deftroying  that  man  of  Jin, 
whom  God  himfelf  had  declared  fliould  be  thrown  into  perdition  ? 
or  do  you  fympathize  with  his  holinefs,  that  the  predictions  of  the 
gofpel  have  been  verified  in  his  downfal  ?  Surely,  gentlemen,  it 
you  make  the  bible  your  fludy,  or  if  you  believe  in  tho  prophets, 
your  pious  reflections  would  carry  you  to  adore  the  juflnefs  of  the 
Supreme  Being,  in  thefe  important  events,  rather  than  to  vent  your 
refentment  againil  thofe  injlruments  which  he  has  been  pleafed  to 
employ. 

But,  gentlemen,  you  fay,  they  are  now  deiflical :  You  appear 
concerned  that  the  work  is  not  done  to  your  approlation.  In  this 
particular,  however,  you  have  affumed  an  inquifitorial  authority, 
unbecoming  your  characters,  either  as  American  citizens,  or  Chrif- 
tians. — As  Americans,  what  right  have  you  to  interfere  in  their 
religious  eftablifhments  ?  While  you  are  peaceably  worfhipping 
in  your  own  pariflies,  what  have  you  to  do  with  the  religion  of 
France  ?  No  French  priefts  moleft  your  devotions  ;  why  then  do 
you  iffue  your  bulls  againft  them  ?  No  convention  in  France,  at 
their  annual  meeting,  have  charged  you  with  being  diforganizers, 
or  deftroyers  of  focial  order  ;  why  then  fliould  you  place  your- 
felves  as  arbiters  of  their  Chriftian  concerns  ? 

The  fa<5t  is,  gentlemen,  the  religion  of  France  is  eftablifhed  on 
the  broad  bafis  of  catholicifm,  which  admits  every  man  to  worfhip 
God,  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  confeience.  They  have 
emancipated  the  human  mind  from  that  thraldom,  with  which 
domineering  priefts  have  for  centuries  fettered  it.  Each  citi- 
zen judges  for  himfelf,  on  his  eternal  concerns,,  and  is  now  left  to 


292 


Clerical  Address  No.  LXX. 


pay  his  adoration  to  Deity,  undeterred  from  the  refcntment  of  an 
arbitrary  prieithood.     The  various  feels  of  profeflionalifts   purfue 
unmolefted  their  religious  devotions,  and  every  man  (let  his  relig- 
ion be  what  it  may)  can  attend  a  place  of  worfhip  with  equal  fe- 
curity  and  protection  as  in  any  town  or  city  in  the  United  States. 
That   fome  philofophers  in  France  are  deifts,  is  not  denied. 
But,  gentlemen,  where  are  not  thefe  characters  to  be  found  ?     In 
England,  and  in  America,  we  find  men  of  this  principle.     Great 
ftatefmen,  and  men  of  benevolent  minds,  have  been  philofophers  of 
this  defcription.     But  your  candour,  it  is  prefumed,  will  not  con- 
demn either  England  or  America,  becaufe  fome  men  of  this  pro- 
fcflion  have  differed  from  you  on  this  fpeculative  point. 

You  have,  gentlemen,  been  mifled  ar  to  the  principles  of  the 
French  government,  in  matters  of  religion.  The  Britifh  papers 
have  chiefly  been  the  medium  of  our  intelligence,  on  this  fubjedl. 
They  have  pictured  the  deiftical  ftate  of  France,  juft  to  fuit  their 
particular  purpofes  ;  and  under  cover  of  thefe  deceptions,  they 
have  attempted  to  raife  the  prejudices  of  their  own  fubjecls,  and 
the  deteftation  of  the  American  citizens,  againft  the  nation.  But 
let  an  impartial  man  read  the  hi/lory  of  England,  during  their 
wars  :  The  horrid  devaftations  they  have  fpread  in  all  thofe 
countries  they  have  conquered  :  The  perfecutions  of  the  clergy  of 
your  order,  even  in  England  :  The  martyrs  who  have  fell  a  facri- 
fice  to  the  fanguinary  edi&s  of  their  government  :  The  deftruc- 
tion  which  their  armies  fpread  in  America,  and  which  was  pecu- 
liarly aimed  at  the  houfes  of  ivorfiip.  Charleftown  can  tefiify  to 
their  conflagrations,  and  the  citizens  of  Bofton  have  witneffed  their 
facrilegious  proftitution  of  our  religious  temples.  Your  abhor- 
rence, then,  ought  not  to  be  confined  to  France,  and  your  cenfures 
fnould  not  be  particularly  aimed  to  defame  this  nation,  in  exclu- 
fion  of  Britain. 

If,  in  your  zeal,  you  are  deploring  the  ftate  of  religion,  or  if 
your  convention  aftembled  with  "  fervent  wifhes  and  prayers  for 
the  univerfal  extenfmn  of  national  liberty,  focial  order,  and  chriftian 
piety,"  why  were  you  wholly  confined  to  vent  your  invectives 
againft  France  ?  If  univerfal  extenfton  of  national  liberty  was  your 
fervent  wife,  why  are  you  filent  while  you  hear  the  groans  of  the 
afflicted    Iiifli  ?      Their  murders,    ravages,  and  dcfolation,   cry 


No.  LXX.  to  President  Adamu  jqj 

aloud  to  the  God  of  Sabaoth  ;  and,  as  his  vicegerents,  deploring 
the  unhappy  ftate  of  mankind,  your  piayers  ought  to  accompany 
their  agonizing  complaints. 

You,  gentlemen,  in  particular,  were  advocates  for  the  Britifh 
treaty  ;  but,  if  religion  is  thefubjeS  of  controversy,  how  could  you  be 
fo  defirous  to  commence  a  connexion  with  that  nation  whofe  vindic- 
tive rage  firft  drove  our  forefathers  to  the  wildernefs  of  America  ; 
and,  from  that  period,  has  been  arduous  to  eitablifh  an  hierar- 
chy to  undermine  thofe  congregational  fjlablifhm,e$is  on  which  yours 
are  founded  ?  Has  Bonaparte,  like  archbifliop  Laud,  and  other 
ccclehaftics,  in  his  addreffes  to  the  clergy,  fpoke  the  language  of  a 
ruffian  ?  Has  not  the  former,  rather  preached  to  them  of  righ- 
teoufnefs,  charity,  and  benevolence  ?  Has  he  not  told  them  to 
follow  the  precepts  of  the  Mailer  whom  they  prefume  to  imitate  : 
In  what  page  of  the  Englim  hi  (lory  can  you  find  the  conqueror 
thus  exhorting  the  conquered  to  nds  of  kindneis,  patriotifm,  and 
philanthropy  ? 

But,  gentlemen,  it  may  be  faid,  that,  as  a  government,  the 
French  have  reprobated  the  principles  of  religion.  This  certainly 
does  not  appear,  while  they  tolerate  religion  of  every  defcription. 
The  Jews,  and  the  various  orders  of  devotees,  have  perfect  liberty 
in  France  to  purfue  their  refpeclive  modes  of  worlhip.  The 
French,  in  their  conftitution,  allow  the  fuperintendance  of  the  Su- 
preme Being.  It  is  thus  introduced  ;  <:  The  French  people  pro- 
claim, in  the  prefence  of  the  Supreme  Being."  This  is  more 
than  is  acknowledged  by  the  federal  conflitution.  The  conltitu- 
tion  of  the  United  States  begins  with  "  We  the  people.."  No 
mention  is  made  of  the  Supreme  Being,  nor  no  acknowledgment 
of  his  government,  direction,  or  bleffing.  It  would  be  judging 
hardly  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  if  any  power  in  Eu- 
rope, on  this  account,  ffcould  object  to  an  alliance  with  us,  as 
atheifls.  The  Dey  of  Algiers  inquired  of  our  minifter,  whether  we 
were  Chrijlians  ■  and  his  anfwer  was,  that  the  conftitution  made 
no  diltinction  between  Chriftians  and  Mahometans.  The  Dey 
was  pleafed  with  the  idea,  and  cfteemed  our  copnexion  the  more 
valuable  on  that  account. 

The  defultory  converfaticn  in  the  French  convention,  on  relig 
ion,  no  doubt,  produced  many  fpcculative  opinions  :    and  if  a  de- 
bate in  our  Congrefs,  on  this  fubject,  fhould  take  place,  it  is  proba- 


Z94  Clerical  Address  to  President  Adams.  No.  LXX. 

ble  fbme  deiftical  opinions  would  be  broached  by  certain  high 
federalists.  But  would  it  be  candid  for  the  clergy  of  England  to 
reprobate  the  Americans  as  deifts,  for  the  impiudcncies  of  a  few 
individuals  in  Congvefs  ?  Or  would  it  be  right  in  them  to  fup- 
pole,  that  a  general  decay  of  religion  had  prevailed  in  America,  and 
that  we  were  all  turned  deifts,  becaufe  a  particular  body  of  the 
clergy,  "  in  and  about  Cambridge,"  had  publiihed  an  addrefs,  re- 
prefenting  a  general  non-attendance  on  public  worfiiip  ?  An  ad- 
drefs of  this  kind  was  publifhed  in  our  public  papers,  about  a  year 
fince  ;  but  no  king,  potentate,  pried,  or  prelate  in  Europe  has 
anathematized  America  on  this  account,  nor  thought  it  of  im- 
portance to  ifTue  their  bulls  againft  that  fountain  of  fcience,  (Cam- 
bridge) from  whence  have  ifTued  fo  many  ftreams  to  make  glad 
the  city  of  our  God. 

The  French,  it  is  true,  have  no  ecclefiaftical  titles,  as  Right 
Reverend  Father  in  God,  His  Holinefs,  or  Reverend.  Thefe 
form  no  part  of  the  religious  vocabulary.  Neither  Aaron,  the 
prophets,  apoftles,  nor  evangelifls,  arrogated  to  themfelves  thefe 
attributes  ;  and  it  is  a  ferious  confideration,  whether  the  clergy, 
who  have  fince  a/Turned  thefe  appellations,  will  not  have  to  anfwer 
for  their  prefumption  to  a  jealous  God,  on  the  great  day  of  retri- 
bution !    "  Holy  and  Reverend  is  HIS  NAME." 

1  fhall  conclude,  gentlemen,  this  lengthy  addrefs  with  my  fer- 
vent prayers  and  wifhes,  that  you  would  attend  to  that  important 
Work  for  which  you  arc  ordained  :  To  be  lefs  attentive  to  the 
amufements,  recreations,  and  politics,  of  this  world  :  To  endeav- 
our to  foothe  the  paflions,  rather  than  to  inflame  them.  For  "  as 
vvnijlcrs  of  peace"  it  becomes  you,  at  your  annual  convention,  to  fhidy 
thofe  things  that  lead  to  reconciliation,  rather  than  to  urge  the 
people  by  partial  reprefentations  into  a  war. 


No.  LXXI.  To  Theopkilus  Parsons,  Esq.  29; 


No.  LXXI. 

TO     THEOPHILUS     PARSONS,     ESQ;. 

XxS  you  hare  withdrawn  the  plea,  which  you  folemnly  pledged 
yourfelf  to  the  court  to  argue,  the  public  are  not  furnifhed  with 
the  documents  on  which  you  predicated  your  appeal.  As  you 
have  thus  left  the  queftion  in  this  crude  ftatc,  there  is  nothing 
remaining  on  which  to  animadvert,  but  the  impropriety  of  your 
conduct. 

A  gentleman  fo  long  in  the  practice  of  the  lav;,  it  is  prefumed, 
is  well  acquainted  with  the  importance  of  the  judiciary  branch  of 
government.  In  this  department  are  fufpended  the  lives,  liberty 
and  property  of  the  citizens.  Public  confidence  therefore  is 
efTential  to  its  adminiitration,  and  every  wanton  attempt  to  dero- 
gate from  its  refpectability,  mull  be  acknowledged  as  highly  rep- 
rehenfible. 

When  the  judges  aflemble,  impannel  the  jury,  and  the  crier 
announces  the  organization  of  the  court,  it  is  taken  for  granted 
that  the  juri/diSion  is  authorized  by  the  conflitution.  At  this 
period,  if  an  individual  mould  arrcft  the  proceedings,  by  a  plea 
which  ftrikes  at  its  exigence,  it  is  an  act  of  affumption  which  de- 
mands the  highefl:  authority  for  his  conduct.  The  judiciary,  thus 
moving  in  a  legal  and  formal  direction,  is  as  facred  as  the  ark  of 
old  ;  and  if  any  man  attempts  to  impede  its  progrefs,  he  is  as 
amenable  to  the  laws  of  fociety,  as  the  difturber  of  the  ancient 
building  to  the  penal  fanction  of  the  Supreme  Being.  As  citi- 
zens, we  have  a  right  to  inquire,  by  what  authority  any  part  of  the 
bufinefs  of  the  preient  court  was  fufpended  by  your  interference  ? 

It  is  understood,  fir,  that  your  plea  involved  in  it,  not  merely 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  court  on  a  particular  action,  but  (truck  at 
the  foundation  on  which  the  judiciary  fuperltructure  was  r^iifed. 
The  judges,  with  the  utmoft  condefcenfion,  referred  your  queftion 
to  be  argued  at   10  o'clock  on  the  next  day.     In  the  intwim  the 


256  To  Theophilui  Parsons,  Etfi  No.  LXXI.< 

court  was  adjourned,  and  certain  actions  were  fufpended  till  you 
had  offered  die  arguments  in  fupport  of  your  allegation. 

During  this  intermifflon,  the  public  mind  w;is  agitated  ;  the 
courts  of  law  were  confidered  as  pained  ;  the  actions  depending 
weie  hung  up  as  doubtful  in  the"ir  iilue  ;  the  jury  were  retarded  in 
the  accomplifhment  of  their  buunefs  ;  in  Ihort,  the  laws  of  the 
country,  for  twenty-four  hours*  if  not  annihilated,  were  judged  by 
many  as  progrefling  to  a  dillblution. 

The  hour  arrived,  fir,  in  which  this  intereRing  queflion  was  to 
be  argued.  The  court  affemblcd,  and  fat  in  folefnn  fufpenfe,  whe- 
ther they  were,  or  were  not  a  conftitutional  jurisdiction,  competent 
to  the  purpofes  of  trying  all  cau/es  which  were  prefented  on  the 
docket.  At  this  awful  crifts,  it  was  announced,  that  you  had 
waved  the  confideration  of  the  queflion,  which  the  day  before  you 
had  pledged  yourfelf  to  urge — or,  in  plain  Englifh,  that  Theopbilus 
Parfons,  Ef quire,  had  jmtynhtt  I  the  court  cf  jiiftice  to  proceed  on 
bufinefs  without  any  further  interruption  ! 

An  individual  thus  to  trifle  with  a  court  of  juflice,  is  an  in- 
decency, in  my  opinion,  of  the  greatefl  magnitude.  If,  fir,  you 
had  previoufly  weighed  the  fubject,  (which  undoubtedly  it  was 
your  duty  to  do)  why  did  you  not  appear  at  the  hour  afllgned, 
and  offer  your  reafons  in  fupport  of  your  plea  ?  Why  did  you 
not  decently  come  forward,  and  beg  pardon  for  your  temerity,  or 
boldly  maintain  the  controvcrfy  ?  Is  there  not  a  refpect  due  to 
the  judiciary,  when  a  lawyer  prefumes  to  challenge  its  jurifdiction  ? 
or  ought  he  thus  fport  with  the  court  by  evading  the  queflion  ? 
Are  the  public  to  depend  on  the  flexibility  of  your  nerves,  or  do 
you  confider  yourfelf  as  the  pivot  on  which  the  tribunals  of  our 
government  are  to  turn  ?  Do  you  aflume  an  exclufive  jurifdiction 
to  flop  courts,  or  fet  them  in  motion  at  your  pleafure  ?  Are  you 
the  organ  of  a  difaffefted  party  to  convulfe  the  United  States,  on 
the  fubject  of  the  judiciary,  or  have  you  a  confervative  power  to 
control  the  national  government  ?  How  can  you  anfwer  for  the 
fufpenfion  of  the  powers  of  this  court,  while  you  have  no  other 
apology  for  your  conduct,  than  the  fovereignty  of  your  own  will, 
by  which  you  checked  its  legal  progrefs  ?  Can  you  compenfate 
for  the  inconveniences  attending  fuch  fufpenfion,  to  thofe  whofe 
caufes  were  involved  in  the  decifion  ?  Anfwer,  fir,  sis  a  citizen 
and  a  lawyer. 


No.  LXXI.  To  Theophllus  Parsons,  Esq.  297 

A  particular  body  of  men,  of  late  have  placed  themfelves  in 
an  attitude  which  appears  calculated  to  Jlcp  the  wheels  of  government. 
They  affume  an  arrogance  of  deportment  to  which  no  free  gov- 
ernment ought  to  fubmit  ;  they  fecm  to  fport  with  the  conftituted 
authorities,  and  the  laws  of  Congrefs  are  treated  by  them  with 
the  utmoft  difiefpect.  The  executive  in  particular  is  abuled  with 
the  groffeft  calumny  ;  every  officer  of  government,  fanctioned  by 
the  Pi  elident,  is  the  immediate  object  of  fcurrility  and  defamation  ; 
no  man,  but  whom  the  junto  approve,  efcapes  with  impunity. 
They  appear  to  arrogate  legislative,  executive  and  judiciary  au- 
thority ;  the  acts  of  the  legiflature  are  denounced,  if  they  are  not 
agreeable  to  their  principles  ;  all  meafurcs  of  the  Preficlent  are 
anathematized  if  they  do  not  conform  to  their  willies,  and  even 
juftice  is  fliaken  in  its  feat,  unlefs  the  fcales  are  held  in  a  direction 
graduated  by  them. 

If,  fir,  you  mean  to  take  a  bold  ftand,  come  forward  in  a 
character  equal  to  the  magnitude  of  the  fubject,  and  mark  pre- 
cifely  your  lines  of  entrenchment  ;  do  not  fport  upon  vifionary 
motions  and  pleas,  on  which  you  are  cautious  of  rifking  a  perfonal 
refponfibtlity  ;  do  not  trifle  with  courts  of  juftice,  but  if  you  are 
fincere  in  your  oppofition,  fubftantiate  your  objections  by  argu- 
ments addrefTed  to  the  underftanding,  rather  than  by  fuggeftions 
which  you  are  unwilling  to  avow  before  a  tribunal  proper  to  try 
their  merits. 

As  you  have  been  indulged  by  the  judges  to  offer  your  plea, 
in  "  oppngnatiori"  to  a  jurisdiction,  which  they  bad  legalized  by  all  the 
ufual  forms  attending  our  courts  of  judicature,  it  is  expected, 
after  you  have  thus  abruptly  abandoned  the  ground,  that  this 
authority  will  not  fuifer  itfelf  to  be  retarded  by  any  further  pro- 
ceedings of  a  fimilar  nature.  They  will  not  hazard  the  tran- 
quillity of  the  country  to  graiify  the  rebutment  of  a  few  disap- 
pointed parti/ans. 

After  your  formal  parade  in  offering  your  plea  and  exciting 
the  attention  of  die  public,  to  Rumble  at  the  thrcfhold,  and  fiirink 
from  the  arduous  undertaking,  mud  feffeti  you  ffl  the  eftimation 
even  of  thofe  who  have  heretofore  appreciated  your  talents.  The 
palladium  of  jullicc  is  not  to  be  violatW  by  rufhing  precipitately 
into  its  fancluary,  and  in  a  wanton  manner  to  prottrate  its  attri- 
O  o 


298  To  ThcophUus  Par-or.s,  Esq.  No.  LXXII. 

butes.  When  a  man  contemplates  fo  important  a  tranfac~tion,  it 
is  incumbent  on  him  to  paxife  and  deliberate  with  the  moll  folemn 
circumfpeclion,  before  he  ventures  even  to  fuggeft  his  intentions  ; 
he  Ihould  reflect  on  the  confequenccs  before  he  agitates  the  ques- 
tion, and  not  aftewards  become  terrified  at  the  magnitude  and 
danger  of  his  proportions. 

I  will  venture  to  inquire  of  you,  fir,  if  fuch  a  procedure, 
(analagous  in  all  its  points)  had  taken  place  in  England,  whether 
it  would  have  patted  over  without  a  fevere  reprimand  from  the 
bench  ?  The  prudence  and  moderation  of  the  judges,  in  the 
prefent  ftate  cf  politics,  it  is  candidly  fuppofed  was  the  only  caufe 
which  prevented  a  fimilar  reprchenfion.  I  am  not  for  abridging 
the  privileges  of  the  citizens  in  their  appeals  to  the  judiciary,  but 
I  muft  repeac,  that  when  a  man  enters  the  Sanctum  fanclorum  of 
juftice,  with  a  folemn  remonftrance  againfl  its  jurifdiclion,  it  is 
incumbent  on  him  to  confider  maturely  the  ground  of  his  objec- 
tions, and  the  conftquences  arifng  from  them,  before  he  ventures  to 
difturb  the  harmony  of  the  fyltem.  It  is  but  a  poor  apology,  fir, 
that  you  reflected  afterwards  more  ferioully  on  the  fubjeft,  as  the 
time  to  confider  the  plea  was  of  much  longer  duration  previous 
to  your  entering  it,  than  the  hour  afligned  to  argue  it.  I  am 
willing  to  admit  your  apology,  but  muft  hold  to  my  firft  pofition, 
that  your  conduct  was  indifcreet  and  indecent.  You  may  think,  fir, 
to  evade  an  anfwer  with  as  much  indifference  as  you  abandoned 
your  pka>  but  depend  on  it  your  over-rated  talents  will  not  fcrcen 
you  from  further  animadverfions. 


No.  LXXII. 

TO    THEOPHILUS    PARSONS,    ESQ^ 

T  .  • 

X  HE  mortification  which  you  have  fuffered,  in  not  being  able 
to  fupport  your  plea,  may  be  an  apology  for  not  noticing  the  re- 
marks made  in  my  laft  Number.    This,  however,  is  but  a  feeble 


No.  LXXII.  To  Theoj>hilw  Partqns,  Esq.  299 

excufe  for  a  man,  who  has  ventured  to  arreft  a  Court  of  Juiiice 
in  its  legal  operations.  •  If  you  do  not  anfwer,  your  caufe  goes  by 
default  ;  and  you  (land  conyicted,  before  an  impartial  public,  of  at- 
tempting that  which  you  could  not  fubflantiatc,  and  of  retreating 
from  a  controv-.i-fy  on  which  your  profeihonal  talents  were 
pledged. 

Your  reputation,  as  a  lawyer,  had  arifen  to  the  h'gheft  eleva- 
tion ;  but  "  there  is  a  tide  in  the  affairs  of  men."  You  have  beer. 
fufFered  to  fport  with  the  character  you  had  acquired,  and  have  at 
length  by  your  temerity  brought  yourielf  to  that  ftandard,  which 
is  the  only  "  check  and  balance"  to  an  unbounded  vanity  and  am- 
bition. You  vainly  thought  that  your  plea  was  fufficient  to  con- 
vince the  people  of  the  unconstitutionality  of  the  court,  without 
reflecting  that  it  would  excite  on  the  next  day,  the  curiofity  of  a 
crouded  audience,  to  hear  the  arguments  urged  in  defence  of  the 
ground  which  you  had  prefumptuoufly  occupied.  Your  nerves, 
it  is  probable,  were  ftrung  at  the  moment  of  your  appeal,  to  an  un- 
common tone  of  energy  ;  but  a  few  hours  of  more  deliberate  re- 
flection had  relaxed  them  to  that  ftate  of  debility,  which  paliied 
thofe  efforts  adequate  to  the  magnitude  of  the  undertaking. 

I  would  wifh,  fir,  to  reaibn  coolly  on  this  intereiling  fubject.  I 
would  afk  you,  whether  your  plea  was  not  a  direct  impeachment 
either  of  the  integrity  or  legal  knowledge  of  the  judges  ?  The 
court  was  opened  and  formally  organized  \  prayers  were  made  to 
heaven  to  folemnize  its  proceedings ;  the  marfhal,  conftablcs,  and 
every  fubordinate  officer,  were  purfuing  their  ufual  rotine  of  bufi- 
nefs : — Was  it  not  then  the  higheft  act  of  impropriety  to  ftate  a 
plea  which  ftruck  at  the  conflituted  authority  of  the  United  States, 
thur  folemnly  and  formally  moving  within  its  judiciary  orbit  ? — 
What  was  the  language  of  your  plea  ?  Was  it  not  to  this  purport  ? 
'  May  it  pleafe  your'Honours,  /,  Theophilus  Parfons,  come  forward, 
clothed  with  the  majerty  of  my  own  pre-eminence,  to  inform  the 
court,  that  they  do  not  know  the  duties  of  their  office  ;  although 
they  have  taken  an  oath  to  fupport  the  conftitution  of  the  United 
6tates,  yet  they  are  acting  in  violation  of  it ;  that  they  are  purfu- 
ing meafures  which  expofe  them  to  an  impeachment  ;  that  they 
are  ignorant  of  the  laws  which  they  p^ume  to  exeaute  ;  that  the 
prayer  of  the  clergyman  on  opening  the  court,  is  a  libel  againrt 
the  government,  and  an  affront  to  heaven  j  that  the  jury  are  only 


300  To  Thcophllus  Parsons,  Esq.  No.  LXXII. 

aiders  and  abettors  of  trcafon  and  rebellion  ;  and,  that  your  mar- 
fhal  and  conftables  are  in  league  with  a  body  of  insurgents,  who 
have  afTemb'ed  in  this  hallowed  place  of  juftice  to  proftrate  all  the 
facred  attributes  of  the  judiciary — I,  therefore  propofe,  at 
10  o'clock  to-morrow,  to  convince  your  Honours  of  the  legality 
of  my  charge  ;  and,  if  you  are  honeft  men,  you  will  diffolve  the 
court,  and  retire  to  your  homes,  under  a  full  conviction  of  the  inde- 
cency and  impropriety  of  your  conduct  !' 

This,  frr,  appears  to  me  to  be  the  plain  language  of  your  plea  ; 
and  after  you  had  thus  come  forward,  I  muft  declare  as  my  opin- 
ion, that  the  court  ought  to  have  held  you  to  prove  your  charge,  or 
obliged  you  to  ajk  pardon  for  your  prefumption. 

1  would  aflc  you,  fir,  whether  you  had  fully  confidered  the  con- 
fequences  of  your  conduct  ? — Suppofe  a  veflel  had  failed  for  Europe 
on  the  day  you  offered  your  plea,  and  it  was  announced  in  Eng- 
land, France,  Holland,  Ruffia,  and  other  commercial  nations,  that 
the  courts  of  juftice  were  about  to  be  flopped  in  America — do  you 
know,  fir,  what  effect  this  might  have  had  on  the  commerce  of 
this  country  ?  Would  an  Englifh,  Dutch  or  Ruffian  merchant 
fhip  goods,  while  the  courts  of  law  were  thus  fufpended  ?  Would 
not  every  European  merchant  have  been  cautious  how  far  he 
anfwered  the  orders  of  his  correfpondents  ?  Would  not  a  general 
diftiuft  have  arifen  on  the  Exchange  of  thefe  refpective  nations  ? 
Would  not  an  univerfal  dread  have  been  ftamped  on  all  mercantile 
concerns,  as  they  related  to  the  United  States  ?  efpecially,  if  it  was 
aiferted  that  the  giant  of  the  law  had  thus  arretted  the  courts  of  juf- 
tice, and  had  only  required  a  few  hours  to  complete  the  diffolu- 
tion  ?  Thus  the  ftrength  of  your  talents  proves  the  weuknefs  of 
your  conduct. 

As  a  lawyer,  you  may  think  to  trifle  wyhin  the  bar,  but  re- 
member, fir,  that  what  is  fport  to  you,  is  death  to  the  character  of 
the  country.  The  property  of  the  merchant,  in  his  foreign  con- 
nexions, is  of  the  moft  facred  nature.  You  ought  alfo  to  be  re- 
minded, that  the  commerce  of  America  is  depofited  in  almoft  ev- 
ery port  of  the  habitable  world,  and  that  your  vifionary  /peculations 
may  eventually  ruin  tlioiuands  of  cnterprifing  merchants  and  in- 
duf'trious  feamen.  I  am  fWe  to  fay,  that  I  think  every  man  who 
was  concerned  in  navigation,  and  whofe  vefTcl  failed  on  the  day  in 
which  you  flopped  the  Court,  is  entitled  to  an  action  of  damage, 


No.  LXXII.  To  Theophilus  Parsons,  Esq.  301 

for  your  wanton,  injudicious,  and  unprecedented  proceedings,  and 
if  I  was  on  the  jury,  fhoulcl  infift  on  laying  a  heavy  penalty. 

Further — did  you  confider  how  far  i'uch  a  proceeding  might 
have  operated  on  the  public  credit  of  the  United  States  ?  The  na- 
tions, to  whom  we  are  indebted,  might  have  made  immediate  de- 
mands on  us,  when  they  apprehended  a  diflblution  of  our  Judi- 
ciary. The  public  funds  muft  have  fallen  in  foreign  markets, 
and  the  merchants  in  general  been  expofed  to  all  thofe  inconve- 
niences arifing  from  a  decreafe  of  confidence  in  our  judiciary  tribu- 
nals. In  fhort,  fir,  you  are  not  aware  of  the  mifchiefs  which 
might  have  taken  place  by  your  indifcretion,  not  only  as  it  relates 
to  individuals,  but  to  the  whole  nation.  1  am  willing  to  allow 
you  every  indulgence  for  your  hafty  meafure,  but  while  the  digni- 
ty and  reputation  of  America  are  hazarded  by  your  imprudence, 
it  is  incumbent  on  every  citizen  to  reprobate  your  folly. 

1  would  call  on  you,  fir,  to  produce  an  authority,  on  which 
you  predicated  your  plea.  I  do  not  pretend  to  be  a  drilled  lawyer, 
fhackled  with  the  formalites  of  his  profefllon,  but  I  challenge  you  to 
ftate  from  the  books  a  fimilar  plea.  I  know  that  a  plea  of  jurifdic- 
tion  may  be  made,  as  to  a  particular  cafe,  but  you  will  be  puzzled 
to  ihew  any  authority  analogous  to  your  imperious  ftride  of 
destroying  the  exiftence  of  a  court,  in  the  extenfive  degree  contem- 
plated by  you.  As  an  attorney,  I  afk  you  to  produce  the  evidence 
— you  may  be  filent,  but  filence  is  no  conviction  of  the  propriety 
of  your  behaviour;  and  when  a  lawyer  holds  his  tongue,  it  is  a 
Itrong  proof  that  he  is  confounded.  If  you  do  not  anfwer,  I  mull 
conclude  that  Theophilus  Parfons,  Efquire,  is  deflitute  of  reafons  tc 
vindicate  his  ~c:iducl, 

I  would  not  be  too  fevere  in  my  remarks,  or  attempt  to  draw  an 
unfair  conclufion  from  the  premifes  ;  but  when  we  confider  the 
revolutionary  tendency  of  the  meafure  ;  the  confeojuences  which  muft 
inevitably  have  taken  place,  in  cafe  the  plea  had  been  admitted  ; 
the  total  derangement  of  all  caufes  in  which  property  was  depend- 
ing ;  the  general  convulfion  in  every  department  of  government* 
by  a  war  commencing  between  the  legiflature  and  judiciary  ;  in 
fhort,  the  laws  fufpended  ;  life,  liber^and  property  tofled  on  the 
boiflerous  ocean  of  contending  partilP;  the  fword  of  juftice  arreft- 
ed,  and  the  poignard  of  an  Effcx  junto  introduced  as  a  fubftitute — 
amidft  this  contention,  who,  fir,  could  anfwer  for  the  dreadful  ftate 


3©*  BiVy  Dapper  and  Charles  Steady.  '    No.  LXXIIL 

into  which  fociety  would  be  plunged  ?  You  muft  have  been  re- 
fponfible  for  the  event,  and  "  God  only  knows"  the  extent  of  the 
catallrophe.  Viewing -  tilings  on  this  broad  fcale,  no  citizen  who 
duly  eftimates  the  harmony  of  the  United  States  will  confider  the 
above  obfervations  as  too  pungent.  I  flatter  myfelf  that  your  can- 
dour and  good  fenfe  will  fuppofe  them  but  a  moderate  difcipTine  for 
the  evil  which  you  threatened. 


No.  LXXIIL 


BILLY    DAPPER     AND    CHARLES    STEADY. 

IN  the  progrefs  of  federalifm >  every  pqffion  of  the  human  mind 
has  been  afTailed  ;  intereft,  fear  and  pride  have  been  the  bulwarks 
more  immediately  expofed  to  the  attack  of  the  enemy.  The 
young  men  of  all  ranks  in  fociety  have  been  arretted  by  the  federal 
party  ;  the  weight  of  pecuniary  influence  has  threatened  them 
with  poverty,  and  in  many  inflances  with  the  ruin  of  themfelvcs 
and  families.  How  often  have  we  feen  the  overbearing  fpirit  of  a 
rich  defpot,  exercifed  on  the  days  of  election — and  it  is  known  as 
a  fact,  that  many  trade/men  were  explicitly  told,  at  the  time  the 
Brltijh  treaty  was  in  agitation,  if  they  did  not  fign  in  favour  of  its 
adoption,  that  every  means  would  be  taken  to  deprive  them  of 
the  employment  of  federalifls.  Even  fmce  the  lajl  cleclion,  certain 
petty  tyrants  have  refufed  to  employ  fome  independent  mechanics,  be- 
caufe  they  c^rcifed  their  right  of  fuffrage  as  conference  dictated, 
when  they  had  evei  fulfilled  their  engagements  with  undoubted 
honefty  and  fidelity. 

But  the  moft  powerful  and  artful  method  purfued  was  ex- 
citing a  kind  of  fajhionabk  currency  to  the  politics  of  the  day. 
Thofe  who  prefumptuoufly  flyled  themfelves  the  "  better  fort" 
introduced  a  cant  phrafeol^y  of  federal  and  jacobin.  Federalifm 
was  as  fafhionable  as  a  fpencer  or  pantaloons — in  all  thofe  refined 
firchy  federalifm  was   the  card  of  invitation  or  introduction  $ 


No.  LXXII1.       Billy  Dapper  and  Charles  Steady.  303 

which  admitted  the  refpeftivc  guefls — "  Mr.  Such-a-cnc,  a  federal- 
i/l,"  was  the  common  paflport  which  ufhered  him  into  thefe  polite 
afTociations.  Mafters  and  miffes  were  taught  to  reverence  and 
refpeft  all  thofe  who  were  complimented  with  this  appellation  ; 
young  gentlemen  and  young  ladies  were  noticed  by  their  refpective 
mammas  and  papas  in  proportion  as  they  gave  evidences  of  their 
federal  inclination. 

Billy  Dapper  was  a  federalift,  and  Charles  Steady  a  jacobin  ;  the 
former  was  received  with  every  mark  of  cordiality,  while  the  lat- 
ter was  reprobated  ar,  the  moft  abandoned  profligate.  Billy  would 
talk  with  a  peculiar  flippancy  about  politics,  and  lament  the  pro- 
grefs  of  infidelity  ;  he  would  repeat  with  rapid  volubility,  d — n the 
jacobins,  d — n  the  diforganizers,  d — n  the  dtifls,  d — n  a  republican  gov- 
ernment, and  generally  concluded  his  pious  rhapiody  with  d — n 
Tcm  Paine  !  He  was  a  prodigy  of  perfection,  and  every  thing 
Billy  faid  was  confidered  monjlroujly  wife  and  wonderfully  profound  ; 
he  gained  fuch  an  afcendancy  that  all  he  propofed  was  adopted, 
and  many  deep  fpeculations  were  made  in  confequence  of  his  fage 
recommendations.  His  notes  were  readily  endorfed,  and  Billy 
had  only  to  afk  and  receive  ;  he  purfued  his  plans,  and  increafed 
in  reputation  to  the  amount  of  about  100,000  dollars.  At  length 
his  affairs  began  to  grow  a  "  little  fqually  ;"  his  "  checks"  on  the 
bank  were  all  "  balanced  ;"  and  finally  he  had  no  other  refourca 
than  to  betake  himfelf  to  the  place  of  refuge  in  "  Scollay's  build- 
ings," and  there,  like  many  of  his  predsccifors,  enriched  himfelf 
by  impoverifhing  his  creditors  ;  thereby  cancelling  all  debts,  due-; 
and  demands  by  a  noli  profequi  of  "Jit  trarjit  gloria  tnundi."  Billy 
Dapper  after  thus  legally  and  honourably  difmcumbering  himfelf  from 
the  rude  afTaults  of  impertinent  dunncr:  and  more  infolent  lailifs, 
ftrutted  about  with  a  dignified  deportment ;  took  new  apartments 
decorated  them  with  fafhionable  furniture,  and  commenced  gentle- 
man  under  the  "  modern  phHofophy"  of  the  bankrupt-act.  He 
now  renews  his  old  language  ;  d — ns  the  jacobins,  d—ns  the prefident, 
and  is  peculiarly  energetic  in  anathematizing  Tom  Paine  the  infidel. 
He  is  greatly  concerned  for  the  caufe  of  religion,  and  laments  the 
confequences  of  demoralizing  the  riling  generation  ;  he  will  often 
exclaim, — what  will  become  of  focieW  when  men  are  not  held  to 
do  juftice  by  moral  obligation!  But  Billy  is  a  federalift  ;"  he  has 
aflumed  his  credit,  goes  on  in  his  buiincis,  and  even  now  looks- 


3C4  Billy  Dapper  and  Charles  Steady.        No.  LXXIII. 

down  with  ineffable  contempt  on  Charlts  Steady. — During  the 
reign  of  terror,  Billy  and  his  comrades  were  outrageous  againil 
every  man  who  dared  to  think  different  from  them  ;  the  card- 
table  would  fometimes  be  diflurbed  by  their  vociferations  ;  even 
the  tranquil  game  of  whiff  would  he  thrown  into  confulicn  ;  all 
the  honours'  would  oftentimes  be  loft,  and  the  tricks  would  be  the 
only  part  of  the  game  to  count  upon. 

Thus  much  fot  the  hiffory  of  Billy  Dapper — but,  alas,  Charles 
Steady  was  peculiarly  unfortunate  under  his  political  denunciation. 
He  had  received  a  collegiate  education,  and  was  well  inftrufted 
m  the  principles  of  honefty  and  economy  ;  he  had  not  only  applied 
himfelf  to  his  profeffion,  but  had  appropriated  his  leifure  hours  to 
reading  hiftory,  and  from  thence  had  been  able  to  judge  with  pro- 
priety of  thefe  fyftems  of  government  which  fecured  the  rights  of 
the  people  5  he  knew  the  baneful  effects  of  monarchy,  the  destruc- 
tive tendency  of-  ariftocracy,  and  had  from  reflection  approved  a 
republican  form  as  mod  congenial  to  his  country.  Knowing  that 
economy  was  the  bafis  of  this  government,  he  always  reprobated 
thofe  expenditures  and  eftablifhments  under  the  former  administra- 
tion, which  led  to  a  fubverfion  of  the  purity  of  its  principles.  In 
the  reign  of  terror,  therefore,  he  had  the  refolution  not  to  wear  a 
cockade  ;  he  exploded  the  idea  of  a  (landing  army  ;  he  did  not 
approve  of  excife  laws  or  ftamp-acts,  and  thought  it  was  an  impo- 
sition for  Mr.  Adams  to  allow  eight  per  cent,  for  the  loan  of 
money  when  all  the  federalirts  had  pledged  their  lives  and  property 
in  fupport  of  his  meafures.  He  would  often  fay,  why  did  Mr. 
Adams  thus  fport  away  the  public  credit  in  giving  fuch  exceffive 
ufury,  when  he  had  the  ftrongell  affurances  from  the  addreffes  of 
the  fedcralift:;,  that  their  property  was  at  his  difpofal  ?  Charles, 
by  this  kind  of  converfation,  and  by  adhering  to  thefe  principles, 
was  early  denounced  in  all  circles  of  his  acquaintance  as  a  jacobin  ; 
the  young  gentlemen  forfook  him,  the  young  ladies  eyed  him  aflcant ; 
even  when  he  entered  into  company,  it  was  quickly  whifpered  that 
he  was  a.  jacobin  ;  if  any  parties  were  propofed  in  his  prefence,  it 
was  foon  hufhed  till  Charles  had  retired — No  gentleman  would  be 
ften  abroad  in  his  company  ;  no  lady  would  condefcend  to  ride  with 
him,  none  to  walk  with  him^one  to  talk  with  him,  none  to  curtefy 
to  him,  even  if  he  fubmiffively  bowed  to  them  ; — alas,  poor 
Charles  was  forfaken  by  all  his  former  acquaintance  ;    and  even 


No.  LXXIII.         Billy  Dapper  and  Charles  Steady.  305 

the  young  ladies  who  always  before  were  pleafcd  with  him,  took  a 
ftrong  averfion,  and  he  was  left  alone  to  wander  about  like 
Rachel  mourning  for  hs.-r  iivft-born. 

However,  Charles  adhered  to  his  principles,  and  purfued  his 
occupation  with  indullry.  He  got  forward  in  oppofition  to  the 
vile  means  of  his  enemies  to  injure  his  reputaiion  ;  he  formed 
a  charader  by  his  fcientific  acquirements  ;  his  credit  was  eftab- 
lifhed  by  the  reditude  of  his  conduct  ;  his  notes  were  never  hawk- 
ed upon  the  exchange  at  a  difcount  ;  he  baffled  his  opponents 
by  the  uniformity  of  his  principles,  and  now  (lands  in  that  elevated 
fituation,  as  it  relates  to  property  and  honour,  that  his  enemies 
envy  him.  He  is  not  difturbed  by  the  cries  of  the  injured  widow 
and  orphans  ;  he  walks  through  the  flreets  without  the  curfes  of 
honeft  creditors  ;  and  when  he  pades,  no  man  cart  fay,  there  goes 
a  'villain  !  He  does  not  carry  the  bankrupt-ad  as  a  paiTport,  Or  a 
"  Whereas"  as  a  receipt  in  full  for  all  delinquencies  ;  his  pay- 
ments are  twenty  fliilliugs  in  the  pound,  and  what  he  eats,  drinks 
and  wears  are  not  the  earnings  of  other  men's  induftry.  He  does 
not  make  religion  a  cloak  for  licentioufnefs,  or  curfe  Tom  Paine 
for  a  mafk  to  cheat  an  indifcreet  tradefman  ;  he  efteems  honeft 
men,  let  their  religious  profeffions  be  what  they  may,  and  never 
embraces  a  hypocrite  to  gain  an  advantage  by  his  fycophancy  ; 
he  fpeaks  his  mind  on  ail  proper  occafions  with  the  fmccrity  of  a 
freeman,  arid  fcorns  to  flatter,  though  he  might  obtain  the  appro- 
bation of  the  powerful  ;  he  remains  collcded  in  the  various  changes 
of  parties,  and  fteady  to  his  purpofe  when  he  is  threatened  with 
the  frowns  of  the  opulent  ;  an  approving  confeience  raifes  him 
above  fear,  and  all  his  adions  are  the  refult  of  a  deliberation, 
founded  on  the  bafis  of  inviolable  integrity.  He  never  fmiles  to 
betray  the  innocent,  or  frowns  to  diimay  the  timid  ;  he  inculcates 
Chriilianity  to  promote  charity  and  philanthropy,  but  dclpifes  the 
man  who  makes  the  benevolence  of  the  Deity  a  fcourge  to  inflid 
the  mifehief  rankling  within  his  own  bofom  ;  his  pradice  and  his 
profefllon  in  every  refped  correspond  ;  he  is  not  a  faint  in  words, 
and  a  fiend  in  deeds. 

Thus  fland  in  general  the  ch;tradcrs  of  thsfe  two  men,  and 
$hus  have  they  proceeded  in  their  rei^dive  int<  reourfe  with  fc- 
cicty.     To  avoid  as  much  as  poilible,  periQualiiie.i,  they  are  na;  fo 


3c5  The  Wuh^s  ,  No.  LXXIV. 

particularly  defcribed  as  to  defignatc  any  individual.  One,  : 
ever,  has  been  covered  with  the  mantle  of  fcJeraRfm,  which,  like 
charitv,  hides  a  multitude  of  iins  ;  while  the  other  has  been 
obliged  to  exercife  all  his  virtues,  to  fcreen  himfelf  from  the  ma- 
lignant difpcfiticn  of  his  adverfarics — while  one  revelled  in  luxury 
and  difiipation,  impofed  on  the  credulous  and  defrauded  the  un- 
fufpicious,  the  other  was  befet  with  all  the  venom  of  malice,  and 
his  character  rendered  the  fport  of  every  unprincipled  man  who 
had  enrolled  his  name  in  the  federal  catalogue.  "  Such  things 
have  been/'  but  we  truft  in  God  that  the  time  is  arrived,  when 
characters  will  be  ellimated,  not  by  the  phiafeology  of  party,  but 
by  the  ftandard  of  honour  and  honefly  ;  that  imperious  lordlings 
who  have  acquired  fortunes  by  the  necromancy  of  fpeculation  ; 
defpets  who  exercife  an  iufolcnt  control  over  the  tradefman  and 
labourer  ;  and  fanatics  who  wilh  to  ihackle  the  reafon  of  mankind, 
will  be  brought  to  that  '  check  and  balance'  which  gives  them  no 
other  pre-eminence  than  what  arifes  from  their  inherent  merit. 
When  this  takes  place,  the  hypocrite  will  be  flxipped  of  His  plu- 
mage, the  purfe -proud  fpeculator  of  his  trappings,  and  fpurious 
federalifm  appear  in  that  deformity  to  which  its  advocates  have 
Ion?  fince  reduced  it. 


No.  LXXIV. 


THE    WIDOW  S    MITE. 


Text — i:  And  he  called  unto  him  his  d'tjaples,  and  fayeth,  verily  I  fay 
unto  you,  that  this  poor  Widow  hath  cajl  more  in,  than  all  they  which 
have  cafi  into  the  Treafury. — Mark  xi.  43d. 

1  HE  fcripture  is  profitqfcje  for  all  things  ;  it  contains  doctrines 
which  are  applicable  both  to  civil  and  religious  inftitutions.  Our 
Saviour  took  cognizance  of  all  tranfactions,  and  always  made  his 
obfervations  with  a  view  to  inculcate  focial  and  divine  precepts. 


No.  LXX1V,  The  Widcnu's  Mite.  307 

After  cautioning  his  hearers  agaittft  thofe  "  who  love  to  go  in  long 
clothing,  and  falutations  in  the  market-phcc,  the  chief  feats  m 
the  fynagqgue,  the  uppcrmofl  feats  at  f  carts  ;  who  devoured  wid- 
ows' houles,  and  for  a  pretence  made  hvng  prayers  :"  At  this  mo, 
ment  of  exhortation,  he  fat  6ver  againil  the  Treaiury,  and  beheld 
many  that  "  were  rich  call  in  much"  ;  but  amidit  this  general  exhi- 
bition of  public  munilicence,  he  defcried  a  poor  woman  putting  in 
her  mite,  which  fo  far  arreiled  his  attention  as  immediately  led  him 
to  notice  the  promptitude  with  which  ihc  paid  her  exactions. 

This  calling  into  the  treaiury,  it  is  conjectured,  was  a  tax 
upon  the  Jew:-,  for  ihc  fappert  of  their  eccleliaftical  inftitutions  ; 
as  we  cannot  iuppofe  that  cither  the  rich  or  the  poor  were  at  that 
day  difpoiing  of  their  money  in  a  wanton  manner,  without  fome 
call  from  the  government.  The  rich  Scribes  and  Pharifecs,  it  is 
probable,  took  occalion  in  the  prefencc  of  our  Saviour,  to  fhew 
their  alacrity  in  paying  tythes  of  all  they  poffeiTed,  and  depofiled 
of  their  abundance,  the  full  amount  of  their  taxes.  They  thought 
it  would  confound  him,  while  reprobating  thofe  who  made  a  boaft 
of  their  fanctity,  to  fee  with  what  readinefs  they  placed  their  alien- 
ed quota  into  the  treafury.  It  is  probable,  they  expected  the 
multitude  and  his  difciples  would  have  rofe  in  oppofition  to  his 
denunciation,  when  the  evidence  was  fo  clearly  before  their  eyes, 
of  the  nnccrity  of  their  profeffions.  No  doubt  fome  men  in  long 
clothing,  who  had  devoured  many  a  widow's  houfe,  took  occa- 
fion  to  make  a  great  parade  around  the  treafurer's  office,  in  order 
to  attract  the  attention  of  the  bye-ftanders — they  expected  to  hear 
the  people  cry  out,  thefe  are  the  "  men  of  order"  !  thefe  are  the  men 
of  "  fteady  habits"  !  thefe  are  thofe  who  fupport  church  and  ftate  ! 
thefe  are  the  charitable  actions  of  thofe  whom  ye  have  thus  calum- 
niated !  Behold  their  fincerity  !  fee  with  what  cheerfulnefs  they 
caft  in  their  riches  !  Can  any  doubt  their  attachment  to  the  rights, 
liberties  and  happinefs  of  the  people  ?  As  to  this  poor  widow,  flie 
only  calls  in  a  mite,  while  they  are  obliged  to  enrich  the  trea- 
fury with  the  greatcft  abundance. 

This  mode  of  rcafoning  was  very  natural  for  men  who  confid- 
ered  things  in  this  contracted  point  of  view  ;  but  our  Saviour  re- 
flected on  this  event  in  a  different  rfranncr.  He  never  made  an 
obfervation  without  an  explicit  meaning  ;  he  confidered  the  fub- 
jeet,  as  it  related  to  the  circumftances  of  fociety,  and  the  inequality 


3o8  The  Widow's  Mite.  No.  LXXIV. 

of  taxes.  He  knew  that  the  abundance  of  the  rich  was  not  in  pro- 
portion to  the  widow's  mite  ;  and  wherr  he  faW  that  her  tax  was 
the  greateft  part  of  her  whole  property,  he  could  not  but  remark 
to  his  dilciples  on  the  difproportion  of  the  burthen.  His  whole 
rainiltration  was  folely  calculated  to  relieve  the  bowed  down,  and 
when  he  obfcrved  in  this  general  depofit  into  the  treafury,  that 
though  the  rich  feemed  to  bear  a  large  proportion  of  the  public 
expenfes,  yet  as  it  related  to  the  property  pofTeiTed,  the  poor  had 
the  heavieft  weight  in  difcharging  the  public  debt.  The  treafu- 
rer,  it  is  expected,  even  fmiled  at  the  poor  widow,  when  fhe  threw 
in  her  mite  ;  and  provided  the  old  lady  had  made  any  complaint 
of  her  tax,  fhe  would  have  been  confidered  as  a  diforganizer,  and 
fent  to  the  houfe  of  correction  ;  neither  is  it  improbable  that  our 
Saviour  was  denounced  as  a  flirrer  up  of  fedition,  for  drawing  any 
parallel  between  the  widow  and  the  rich  men  who  accompanied 
her.  At  that  day  they  held  in  fmall  repute  the  taxes  of  the  mid- 
dling clafTes  of  citizens  ;  they  thought  their  aid  in  fociety  was  of 
but  little  confideration  ;  without  reflecting,  that  while  others  gave 
of  their  abundance,  the  poor  man  paid  a  greater  proportion  of  his 
adhial  pofleffions. 

Thefe  reflections  naturally  lead  us  to  notice  the  obfervations 
made  by  thofe  who  oppofe  the  repeal  of  the  excife  and  other  in- 
ternal taxes.  They  fay  the  rich  pay  them,  and  that  the  poor  are 
net  injured  by  their  operation.  While  considering  this  queftion, 
we  will  not  confine  ourfelves  to  the  poor,  in  the  idea  generally  af- 
fixed to  this  appellation  ;  but  we  will,  in  connexion  with  them, 
bring  into  view  the  middling  interej?,  confiding  of  farmers,  tiadef- 
men  and  labourers.  When  we  offer  thefe  claries  as  the  criterion 
on  which  to  judge,  we  mud  conclude,  that  they  pay  more  taxes  by 
excife,  than  thofe  generally  denominated  the  rich  ;  and  though 
the  high-toned  federalifts  pretend  to  juftify  this  mode  of  taxation, 
3i-  falling  exclufively  on  the  wealthy,  yet  on  an  accurate  examina- 
tion we  fhall  find  they  fall  heavily  on  the  poor  and  middling  in- 
tereft. 

The  excife,  as  it  relates  to  many  rich  men,  is  principally  on  the 
confumptinn  of  fuch  articles  as  they  are  called  oh  to  furnifh  more 
generally  from  inclination  or  accident,  than  neceffity.  For  the 
inoft  part,  they  are  men  who  live  on  the  income  of  their  public 
&ocks  and  banl^  dividends.     The  excife  which  they  pay  is  either  to 


No.  LXXIV.  The  Widow's  Mite.  309 

pleafe  their  (.\vn  appetites,  or  to  entertain  their  bacchanalian  aflbci- 
atcs,  on  fome  peculiar  feftive  occafions.  All  they  pay  ir.  a  volun- 
tary tax,  and  as  the  revenue  is  increafed  by  the  fums  raifed  on  the 
community  at  large,  they  are  enabled  to  receive  their  quarterly 
dividends  with  more  punctuality.  'They  are  in  favour  of  an  ex- 
cife  upon  a  general  principle,  that  if  they  pay  6/.  duty  in  the 
courfe  of  the  year,  they  are  fure  of  receiving  from  the  treafury 
the  full  interell  on  their  funds  at  2c/I 

But  the  cafe  ftands  different  with  others,  who  may  be  denom- 
inated the  middling  intereft.  The  farmer,  in  confequence  of  an 
excife,  is  brought  into  an  expenfe  which  is  a  direct  tax  on  his  pro- 
duce, and  which  he  cannot  avoid.  It  is  not  merely  to  pleafe  his 
appetite,  neither  does  he  receive  any  immediate  advantages  relult- 
ing  Fiom  the  revenue.  The  fupplies  of  fpirituous  liquors  to  the 
workmen  and  labourers  upon  his  farm,  arc  an  extra  expenfe  which 
he  is  ntctjptated  to  pay  ;  every  glafs  of  liquor  is  burdened  with  a 
duty,  which  le.fle.ns  the  profits  on  his  produce.  In  haying-time,  he 
is  obliged  to  employ  a  great  number  of  labourers  ;  in  the  feveral 
bufy  feafons,  he  has  a  great  addition  to  his  family,  and  their  main- 
tenance includes  many  articles  on  which  an  excife  is  laid.  In  mod 
inftances,  the  farmer,  by  this  mode  of  taxation,  has  to  pay  a  larger 
amount  to  the  government,  than  many  men  who  have  from  one 
hundred  thouiand  to  five  hundred  thoufand  dollars  in  the  public 
funds. 

The  cafe  is  femewhat  fimilar  with  the  tradefman,  as  he  is  obli- 
ged to  employ  many  journeymen  in  his  occupation,  and  wages  are 
generally  given  in  proportion  to  the  prices  on  certain  particular 
articles  ;  the  number  of  apprentices  ufually  taken  by  this  clafs  of 
citizens,  involve  in  it  a  heavy  tax  from  this  fpecies  of  revenue. 
Even  the  merchant  is  fubject  to  a  difproportionate  weight  of  gov- 
ernment from  this  caufe  j  as  the  employment  of  his  clerks  and  la- 
bourers is  attached  with  an  expenfe  arifing  from  this  fource.  The 
old  foldier,  who  difpofed  of  the  evidences  of  his  patriorifm  during 
our  conflict;  with  Britain,  moll:  afluredly  muft  feel  the  weight  of  a 
tax,  which  falls  on  the  cheering  cordial  that  refrefhes  him  amidfl; 
the  toils  and  fatigues  of  the  day  ;  his  mite  comes  heavily,  when 
he  reflects  that  thefe  are  the  rewards  of  his  fervices.  '  He  now. 
drinks  his  grog  with  a  merry  heart,  and  blefles  the  adminiftratioq 
tlat  has  removed  the  bitter  ingredient  of  an  excife. 


ji6>  TU  Whim's  Mits.  No.  LXXIV. 

When,  therefore,  we  hear  the  federalifts  exclaiming  that  the 
excifc-  was  principally  paid  by  the  rich,  and  that  it  was  an  impo- 
sition on  the  poor  to  repeal  it,  the  fallacy  of  fuch  reafoning  is  evi- 
dent from  a  more  accurate  confideration  of  the  Subject.  For  I  be- 
lieve we  may  venture  to  aifert,  that  the  middling  intcreft,  includ- 
ing the  labouring  poor,  pay  four  times  their  juft  quota  by  this 
mode  of  taxation  more  than  the  richeft  clafTes  in  fociety.  Thefe 
final!  duties  arc  a  conftant  draining  from  their  hard-earned  prop- 
erty, and  though  the  rich  apparently  caft  into  the  treafury  much  of 
their  abundance,  yet,  like  the  poor  widow,  the  farmer,  tradefman 
and  labourer  pay  in  "  more  than  they  all." 

The  repeal  of  the  chuife  and  carriage-tax  is  alSo  faid  to  be  in- 
jurious to  the  middling  intcreft.  They  tell  us,  that  the  rich 
nabobs  at  the  Southward  are  the  chief  Supporters  of  this  tax,  and 
that  it  is  only  relieving  them  by  the  repeal.  But  this  reafoning 
alfo  is  vanity.  The  proportion  of  carriages  among  the  rich  men 
of  this  defcription,  is  Scarcely  one  to  an  hundred.  In  this  town, 
we  have  about  fifty  Such  carriages,  but  through  the  ftate,  the  num- 
ber of  chaifes  may  be  reckoned  at  five  thoufand  ;  thefe  are  gen- 
erally kept  by  farmers  and  tradesmen,  not  merely  for  convenience, 
but  their  local  fituation  requires  it ;  the  diftance  from  meeting- 
houfes  in  the  country,  obliges  a  man  to  keep  this  family-carriage 
to  convey  his  wife  and  children  to  divine  Set  vice  ;  to  take  a  ride, 
to  the  Sea-port  on  bufineSs  ;  and  probably  to  pay  inter  eft  on  a  note 
in  the  bank,  or  in  the  hands  of  one  of  thefe  rich  men,  who  So 
greatly  bemoan  the  repeal  of  the  tax.  A  chaiSe  therefore  cannot 
be  called  a  luxury,  but  a  neceflary  article  in  moft  families  in  the 
country.  To  apply  thefe  remarks  to  my 'text,  the  duty  on  five 
thouSand  carriages  is  a  revenue  which  ariSas  principally  from  the 
middling  clafTes  ;  and  if  they  do  not,  like  the  widow,  pay  into  the 
treafury  all  they  have,  yet  they  caft  in  more  in  proportion  to  the 
property  they  pofTefs,  than  the  fifty  who  appear  to  depofit  fo 
largely  from  their  abundance.  Can  any  perfon  think  it  reafena- 
ble,  that  a  hackman,  whofe  cariiage  is  his  only  means  of  main- 
tenance, mould  pay  the  fame  tax  on  this  article  as  the  man  who 
keeps  a  plcafurabie  carriage,  and  has  an  income  of  ten  thousand 
dollar',  to  Support  it  ? 

It  is  ungular,  that  thoSe  who  ftyle  themfelves  federalifts  ever 
pretend  to  be  led  by  g°Spel  principles,  and  arc  So  devout  as  to  in- 


No.  LXXIV.  The  Widow's  Mttit 

corporate  religion  with  their  politics;  they  claim  an  excl* 
character  for  attachment  to  the  Chriftian  hi'uni ;  yet  there  is  nd 
book  extant,  which  fo  completely  counteracts  their  political  tenets. 
Our  Saviour  feemed  to  feek  occafion  to  reprobate  all  thofe  who 
made  a  trade  of  their  piety  ;  his  fermon  on  the  mount,  and  ever/ 
remark  he  made,  were  peculiarly  levelled  at  thofe  bodies  who 
cxercifed  fovereignty  ever  the  people  from  their  pre-eminent 
fanctity,  or  pretended  to  render  to  Ctfir  more  than  others.  Is  it 
not  remarkable,  that  our  Saviour  fhould  efpy  a  widow  with  her 
mite,  amidil  the  crouds  who  furrounded  the  treafury  ;  that  he 
ihould  call  his  difciples  to  him,  and  fo  minutely  ftate  the  quantity 
flie  had  given  in  ;  that  he  fhould  over-look  with  indifference  the 
large  funis  paid  by  the  rich,  and  fele&  a  poor  woman  as  the 
object  of  his  notice,  who  was  the  leaft  regarded  by  the  money- 
holders  who  accompanied  her  ?  Pie  did  not  make  his  obfervationsr 
indiscriminately  to  his  audience  ;  as  he  knew  the  prejudices  of  the 
people  in  favour  of  thofe  who  made  great  profefTions  of  their 
liberality  towards  religious  and  civil  inllitutions  ;  but  he  called 
his  difciples  unto  him,  and  privately  gave  diem  a  hint,  to  beware 
of  hypocrites,  and  inftilled  into  them,  as  a  radical  principle, 
that  the  poor  or  middling  intereft  always  paid  their  full  proportion 
of  the  public  taxes.  This  being  a  day  to  pay  into  the  treafury, 
and  having  an  opportunity  to  fee  the  procefs  of  the  buunefs,  he 
took  occafion  to  give  this  -lecture  to  his  difciples  ;  but  if  he  had 
fcen  th-j  group  who  probably  the  next  day  went  to  receive  their 
demands,  poflibly,  he  would  have  been  as  particular'  in  defignating 
fome  individuals  for  the  quantity  they  received,  in  proportion  to 
the  fum  they  had  paid,  as  he  was  in  defcribing  the  Widow  and  her 
fmall  pittance. 

To  conclude,  the  foregoing  remarks  are  not  intended  to  make 
an  invidious  diflinftion  between  die  rich  and  the  poor.  In  focicty 
the  former  are  to  be  refpectcd,  and  the  latter  regarded.  A  levell- 
ing principle  is  not  the  object  contemplated,  but  that  each  individ- 
ual fhould  feel  his  juft  weight  in  the  community.  The  obferva- 
tions  are  made  to  check  die  arrogance  of  a  certain  "  feci,"  who 
pretend  to  claim  an  exclufive  privilege  from  their  property  ;  who 
endeavour  to  depreciate  thofe  who  arc  not  poiTeiTed  fo  largely  of 
this  world's  goods  as  themfelves  ;  who  claim  all  the  religion,  all 
the  knowledge,  all  the  patriotifm  of  die  country,  and  who  defpife 


ji2  Review  of  Old  Times*  No.  LXXVc 

the  poor,  for  their  mite  towards  the  lupport  of  government.  But 
our  Saviour  has  given  them  a  good  lelfon,  which  the  prefer.t  ad- 
njiniftration  is  endeavouring  to  follow,  and  which  we  are  periuud- 
ed  will  be-approved  by  heaven.  The  impoft  being  adequate  to 
all  the  purpofes  of  government,  under  the  economical  fyftem 
adopted,  the  merchant,  tradefman,  farmer,  war-worn  foldier,  or 
the  poor  widow,  are  not  required  ntedkfsly  to  pay  even  a  mite  into 
the  treafury. 


No.  LXXV. 

kEVIEW    OF   "  OLD    TIMES.' 


s 


EVENTY-FIVE,  in  the  feventeenth  century,  is  a  prominent 
number  in  the  American  calendar  ;  it  is  emphatically  designated 
"  the  time  which  tried  men's  fouls"  ;  it  is  the  period  of  the  Amer- 
ican revolution,  which  called  forth  all  the  energies  of  patriotifm; 
valour  and  decifion.  The  man  who  halted  between  two  opinions, 
at  this  crifis,  was  juftly  conlidered  an  enemy  to  his  country. 
America  then  afTumed  the  attitude  of  an  injured  and  determined 
nation.  Britain  avowed  the  principle,  and  purfued  meafures  to 
carry  into  execution  the  deteftable  declaration,  to  "  bind  us  in  all 
cafes  whatever."  This  veto  was  attempted  to  be  enforced  by  the 
Lews  of  the  bayonet,  and  the  citizens  of  America  had  no  other  alter- 
native than  to  decide  between  slavery  and  freedom. 

In  this  conteft,  liberty  or  death  was  the  motto — "  Uniting  we 
fiand,  dividing  we  fall,"  was  the  creed  to  which  every  real  friend 
to  his  country  fubferibed.  The  tones  took  one  fide  of  the  queftion, 
and  the  luhigs  the  other  ;  one  party  affifled  the  Britifh,  and  the 
other  oppofed  them.  The  Bofton  town-meetings  were  an  epitome 
of  the  controverfy  between  Britain  and  America.  Fellow-citizens, 
ye  who  remember  the  conteft,  recolleft  the  debates  in  your  folemn 
aflemblies  ;  bring  to  mind  the  crouded  audiences,  who  with  anx- 
ious concern  attended  to  the  deliberations  of  your  intrepid  patriots. 
€an  yc  forget  the  machinations  of  your  enemies  or  the  fubtle 


No.  LXXV.  Review  of  Old  Times.  3:3 

defigns  of  Hutchinfon  and  his  adherents  ?  Were  not  your  liber- 
lies  fufpended  on  the  intrepidity  of  your  determinations,  and  were 
not  a  body  of  tories  availing  you  in  every  direction  ?  If  you  had 
then  been  afraid  to  efpouie  your  rights,  they  would  hive  fallen  a 
facritice  to  your  timidity.  Recoiled  the  born-book  gentry,  who 
intermixed  themfelves  among  the  foiis  of  liberty  ;  the  foldiery 
were  fent  to  intimidate  the  citizens  during  their  freedom  of  debate 
and  inveftigation.  Our  fouls  were  then  "  invigorated  with  the 
fpirit  of  liberty  ;"  Faneull-Hall  bore  teftimony  that  men  were 
raperior  to  "  wolves"  ;  the  decifions  of  the  town  of  Bofton  gave 
ample  evidence  that  the  liberty  of  brutes,  and  the  unalienable 
rights  of  freemen',  were  not  analogous.  No  real  American  at  this 
period  contemplated  the  derogatory  connexion  between  the  vcra- 

-  animals  of  the  d'efert,  and  the  deliberate  fentiments  of  citi- 
zens. Even  at  this  period,  when  the  revolution  of  America  was 
in  fwaddlin'g  clothes,  when  the  independence  of  our  country  had 
fcarcely  formed  its  features  in  embryo,  no  one  was  hardy  enough 
to  draw  a  parallel  between  our  extrtiovs  for  liberty,  and  the  favagc 
difpojition  of  wolves  in  the  forell  ! 

This  period  reminds  us  of  that  fanguinary  fcer.e,  when  the 
ftreets  of  Bofton  were  crimfoned  with  the  blood  of  its  citizens  ! 
The  horrid  maflacre  on  the  night  of  March  the  <$lh,  1770,  is  a 
lelTbn  which  ought  to  imprefs  on  the  minds  of  Americans  the 
hoftile  difpofnion  of  Britain.  Can  any  fiiendfuip  exift  in  a  nation, 
whofe  foldiery  fpread  indillriminate  llaughter  among  tire  inhab- 
itants, of  this  metropolis  ?  Can  the  old  iviAgs  forget  the  diftreffing 
fcenc  when  the  corps  of  rive  of  their  fellow-citizens  were  followed 
ih  folemn  proceflion  through  the  ftreets  of  Bofton  ?  When  the 
fortes  were  rejoicing'  at  the  fanguinary  cataftrophe,  and  only  be- 
wailed the  misfortune  that  Samuel  Adams  and  John  Hanceck 
were  riot  the  object  of  general  lamentation.  The  luhigs  well 
niber  the  town-meeting  at  the  OUl-South  the  idCvccdir.g  day  : 
the  affembly  of  citizens  was  auguft  and  imprefhve  ;  the  deb 
were  forcible  and  decifive  ;  the  energies  of  the  inhabitants  ap] 
cd  in  their  tall  majelly  ;  one  fpirit  invigorated  the  whole  body, 
and  one  tongue  expreffed  their  ultimate  d  ion.     C:-. 

forget  the   venerable  Samuel   Adams  on  this   folemn  < 
C  .n  we  forget  the  fortitude  of  Ins  minJ,  or   the   ni   . 

Q  q 


3 14  •  tmer.  No.  LXXV. 

his  cor. d  n  »t  even   at  tl  jnize  him  in  the 

QhfcSc  ',    while   (landing  as  a  bulwark   to  impede  the  en- 

croachments of  the  enemy  ?  "  How  did  oui  hearts  bum  within 
us,"  when  lie  recounted  the  impositions  we  had  Suffered  !  and  how 
diJ  our  fouls  beat  in  unifon  with  the  fentiments  which  he  inculcated  ! 
This  was  truly  the  "  iinurto  try  men's  fouls. '*  Venerable  patriot  ! 
you   arc  now  retired    from  rid  to  enjoy   that  compofure 

which  your  fervices  merit  ;  happy  are  you  in  the  reflection,  that 
you  have  never  deviated  from  the  road  which  you  early  defcribed 
as  the  only  path  of  Safety  and  happinefs.  In  your  retirement,  you 
have  to  lament,  that  fame  who  began  the  journey  with  yon  have 
ftrayed  into  die  broad  way  which  leads  to  deftruction  ;  but  ftill 
your  reflections  mud  give  confokuaon  to  your  declining  j 
and  though  feeble  in  body,  yet  your  SOUL  muft  experience  thofe 
joys  which  arc  ever  llrangers  to  the  breads  ofapoftates.  "While 
others  have  received  the  Sycophantic  addrefTes  of  men,  who  in  '75 
would  have  led  them  to  the  gibbet,'  you  have  enjoyed  domeltic 
tranquillity,  and  have  had  the  fatisfaetion  to  reflect,  if  you  was  not 
flattered,  you  was  not  ek/pifed  ;  you  never  became  the  dupe  of  a 
party,  or  the  fport  of  thofe  who  made  an  inftrument  of  your  cre- 
dulity ; — firm,  manly  and  decilive,  you  never  was  obliged  to  apol- 
ogize for  your  conduct,  by  laying  the  blame  on  thofe  who  pre- 
fumed  to  dictate  through  an  "  expected  or  unexpected  quarter." 
No — you  was  a  politician  equal  to  your  emergencies,  and  certain- 
ly you  was  placed  in  a  refponlible  fituation,  when  the  mod  critical 
precaution  was  neceffafy  for  your  judgment.  When  the  profcrip- 
Uon  of  Britain  i   you   and  Hancock  as  victims  to  fatiate 

their  vengeance,  even  at  this  momentous  crifis,  Adams  and 
Hancock  never  dooped  to  become  Suppliants  for  minifterial  or 
tory  clemency.  Your  fellow-citizens,  venerable  patriot,  will  ever 
embalm  your  memory  with  their  praife,  and  your  name  will  never 
be  mentioned  without  reverting  to  the  magnitude  of  your  virtues 
and  the  pre-eminent  tedimonies  you  have  given  of  your  unbiaffed 
attachment  to  their  freedom  and  happinefs.      You   have  done 

YOUR.    DUTY,    AND    NO     MAN     CAN     IMPEACH     YOUR    FIDELITY. 

Iii  this  Nambei,  I  have  chofen  to  felect  among  the  variety  of 
circumdances  attending  the  revolution,  the  Bqflon  tnajfacre.  This 
Was  the  touchdone  of  the  Englifli  fydem  of  taxation.  After  the 
troops  had  arrived  in  Bodon,  every  method  was  taken  to  bring  on 


3]5 

■ 

their  i  was,  i  blood !     The  tories 

alw;;'  p  to  the  ;  :.ions,  and  tin'- 

tn  killed  fifth  of  M 

n  ;  the  minifi- 
ed their  prowefs  and  evinced 
ild  have  been 
intimidated   from   any   further  oppofuicn  ;    but  when  they  found 
that  the    I  the  Americans   operated  like  oil   to   the   flame, 

they  became  difmayed.     The  firmnefs  of  the  town  of  Bofton   on 

bccallon,  was  the  balls  of  the  revolution  ;  this  was  the  tri 
principle  ;  i  patting  theory  into  practice.     The  conduct  ol 

Britain  was   bringing  our   town-meeting  refolves  to  the  tefl,   and 

period  when  the   i  n  unequ"' 

evidence  of  then  patriotism.     The  tradefmen  of  Bofton  were 
to  the  caufe  of  their  country  ;    they  gave  fupport  to  the  active 
citizens  wlio  pledged  their  lives  and  fortunes  in  vindication  of  the 

>  of  the  people  ;  th  an  irreiiftible  1 

moved  within  the   orbit  of  freedom  and  rofc  iuperior    to  tc: 
fluence,  all  oppofition  fell  before  them.     Thz  trade/men  were  fully 
informed  of  the  importance   cf  the  c<  ntroverfy,  and  when   I 
fpoke,  their  voice  was  audible   and  decifive.     The  it 
chants  were  not  in;utive,  as  we  were  jjot  baffled  at  this  period 
a  body   of  mercantile   mullirooms,   who   live  on   the  fmiles   of  a 

.  and  who  dare  not  atl  contrary  to  his  dictates. 
YEOMANRY  alfo  can;  i  to  vindicate  their  rights  as 

men  ;  this  valuable  part  of  the  community  never  failed  when  their 
exertions  were  neceflary  ;  on  this  independent  body  we  ever  did, 
and  ever  mull  rely  ;  they  are  the  (lamina  of  our  government,  and 
the  great  palladium  of  our  conftitutional  privileges.  The  coi 
of  MiJdkfiX  and  Norfolk  with  others  Mill  retain  the  horrors  of  a 
Britilli  banditti,  as  they  well  remember  the  fanguinary  onfet  of  a 
nary  foldiery  on  the  commencement  of  hoftilities.  The 
19TH  of  April,  1775,  will  hnprefs  on  their  minds  the  dreadful 
effects  of  monarchy  and  toryifm.  Lexington  was  a  telegraphy  which 
conveyed  the  intelligence  to  the  remotcft.  parts  of  the  continent — 
like  the  far  in  the  eq/l,  mentioned  in  fcripture,  it  directed  Wai; 
ton  to  the  fpot,  where  the  camp  of  America  was  formed,  to  effect 
the  falvation  of  freemen.     From  this  moment  the  Americans  v 


|l5  kewem  of  uhl  Times.  No.  LXXV. 

alive  to  their  fituation,  and  nothing  fhort  of  heaven  could  have 
infpired  them  with  their  martial  intrepidity,  valour  and  prowefs  ; 
unprepared  with  every  warlike  implement,  they  were  obliged  to 
feek  powder  from  the  very  earth  under  their  ancient  buildings, 
and,  like  the  dufl  of  Egypt  by  the  wand  of  Aaron,  it  was  convert- 
ed to  the  purpofe  of  annoying  and  diflreffing  their  enemies. 

1  have  particularly  feledted,  :is  is  before  obferved,  the  fubjecl 
of  the  Bojlon  majj'acre.  When  this  took  place,  the  controverfy  in 
this  country  involved  in  it  the  right  o{  the  Britifh  government  to 
tax  America  ;  they  fent  troops  to  enforce  it.  In  this  Hate  of  things, 
could  any  patriot  juflify,  for  a  trlfl'.ng  fee,  the  indilcriminate 
Slaughter  of  his  fellow-citizens,  merely  from  the  unruly  conduct  of 
a  number  of  boys  I  Edward  Paine,  Efq.  a  worthy  citizen,  was 
wounded  at  his  door,  and  every  man,  woman  and  child  were 
more  protected  by  Providence,  than  the  lenity  of  the  murderers. 

I  would  not  dwell  too  long  on  this  circumflance,  relating  to 
the  advocate  for  Preflon,  as  I  believe 'the  fuggeflion  is  fufiicient  to 
convince  him  of  the  impropriety  of  his  conduct.  Whether  the 
main  guard  of  Britifh  troops  mould  difpenfe  the  laws,  in  a  country 
where  their  ivbok  authority  was  d'jjmted,  was  the  queflion  on  which 
Preflon  and  his  afTociates  ought  to  have  been   tried. 

The  controverfy  had  gone  beyond  the  trifling  conlideration  of 
a  lawyer's  fee  ;  the  important  queflion  of  civil  and  military  boun- 
dary was  to  be  afcertained,  and  when  a  patriot  became  the  advo- 
cate for  a  prompt  deciiion  of  powder  and  ball  (without  even  the 
formality  of  a  juflice  of  the  peace)  the  Britifh  naturally  concluded 
that  a  few  guineas  would  filence  cur  clamours,  and  bring  our 
leading  characters  to  juftify  their  meaiures, 

The  political  flate  of  our  country  requires  us  to  look  back,  in 
order  to  take  fome  line  of  departure,  by  which  we  may  draw  our 
decifions.  The  fifth  of  March  malTacre,  in  my  opinion,  is  the  era 
which  decided  characters,  within  the  town  of  Bofton,  in  the  eflima- 
tion  of  Britain.  TJiey  never  forgave  Samuel  Adams  or  John 
Hancock  for  infifling  on  the  removal  of  the  troops  ;  Englifh  pride 
rofe  indignant  at  the  action  ;  this  was  the  unpardonable  fin,  which 
led  to  their  profcription — but  while  they  thirfled  for  the  blood  of 
thefe  patriots,  gratitude  ever  induced^them  to  refpeft  thefc  who 
countenanced  a  venal  court  to  releafe  the  murderers.     At  this 

.  •  .  !  •  .  .  .  -1 


Laml-Tax,  crV.  3  1 7 

moment,  the  hand-writing  was  dii'covcrcd  "  Mene  Tekel  U'harjin" 
which  is  thus  interpreted, —  I  urderers  ( I 

rr.cn  is  found  wanting  in  patrioti 


•  written,  in  the  year  1797,  oy  the  fame  au- 
thor ; — and  as  they  contain  principles  and  documents  conneSed  nv'ith 
the  foregoing  Numbers,  they  are  in  fried  for  the  perafal  cf  the  ci'U 

LAND-TAX,    &C. 

JL  HE  (latcment  cf  the  treasury-department,  for  further  fupplies 
of  revenue,  is  a  fubjeet  which  could  fcarcely  be  contemplated  a  few 
}  ears  Lack.  The  IMPOST  was,  in  the  firft  inftance,  confidered 
as  adequate  to  all  the  exigences  of  government  ;  and  in  fact  was 
declared  fo  vaftly  competent  to  all  the  purpofes,  that  a  declaration 
was  made  by  ferretary  Hamilton  that  an  overplus  remained  in 
the  treafury.  Notwithstanding  this  pleafing  reprefentaticn,  we 
were  foon  called  upon  for  an  EXCISE,  which  was  predicated  on 
the  principle  that  the  war-department  required  this  addition;]! 
duty.  Thefe  two  taxes  have  been  for  many  years  in  full  opera- 
tion, and  though  we  have  been  told  of  the  "  flourifliing  fituation  of 
our  commerce,"  (of  confequence  the  revenue  arifmg  mv.il  have 
been  greatly  augmented)  yet,  even  with  this  brilliant  profpeer  of 
cafe  of  taxation,  we  have  now  prefented  to  us  a  gloomy  ftate- 
menr,  that  the  revenue  is  incompetent  to  our  governmental  de- 
mands. A  LAND-TAX  is  now  the  rcfort,  and  is  to  become  the 
medium  for  further  fupplies.  The  merchant  and  tradefman  have 
hitherto  experienced  largely  the  demands  of  government  ;  and  the 
Farmer  is  now  to  be  brought  forward  to  affift  the  revenue. 
;gh  the  yeomamy  have  heretofore  in  an  indirect  way  bore 
:..  1  proportion  of  the  weight  of  import  and  excife,  yet  they  are 
BOW  called  upon  for  an  immediate  taxation  on  thejr  lands, 


Land-1 

It  isp-'ffihle  that  the  ncceffities  of  our  government  may  require 
reafe  of  revenue,  but  wc  certainly  ought  to  know  by  what 
fatality,  \vc  jre  reduced  to  this  necelTity.  We  ought  to  be  infoini- 
i  the  expenditures,  and  through  what  channels  the  excefs  of 
duties  have  been  abforbed.  If  the  departments  of  government 
have  hitherto  been  too  lavilh  of  the  public  money  :  If  the  war 
department  has  funk  millions,  by  "  mif-management  and  ne- 
glect :;'  If  the  British  treaty  brings  into  view  a  large  debt  to 
be  discharged  by  the  United  States  :  If  the  building  of  frig 
will  abforb  millions  to  complete  them  :  If  we  have  hitherto  been 
lavifh  in  confequence  of  the  facility  of  collecting  the  revenue  : — 
if  thejfe  things  arc  true,  it  is  proper  that  the  people  fliould  be  made 
acquainted  with  thefe  circumllances,  before  they  refign  the  great 
ftamina  of  Taxation,  the  LANDS  of  the  United  States. 

No  individual  within  the  United  States  ever  conceived  that  the 
fubject  of  a  land-tax  would  have  been  before  Congrefs  at  fo  early 
a  period  after  the  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution.  We  have 
often  heard  that  we  were  kljenwg  our  debts  ;  that  the  revenue 
was  adequate  ;  the  "  flouriming  (late  of  our  commerce,"  gave 
vigour  to  this  happy  idea.  But  thefe  luminous  profpecb  have 
become  clouded,  and  the  citizens,  in  a  time  of  peace,  are  reduced  to 
their  financiering  arrangements,  to  a  war  eitablifnment. 

Congrefs   it  is  expected  will  confider  with  attention  th: 

ifition  ;  for  if  the  landed  property  is  once  touched, 
the  fuluie  fyfleru  of  finance  is  opened  upon  an  extenfive  fcale  ; 
when  this  refource  (which  was  ever  confidered  the  lafl)  is  broke  in 
upon,  in  a  time  of  peace,  and  fliould  the  United  States  be  hereaftei 
engaged  in  a  war,  the  extent  of  its  operation,  and  the  yearly  in- 
creafe  of  tax  on  this  fource,  will  reduce  this  country  to  a  Hate,  but 
little  fhort  of  the  mod  fervile  nation  in  Europe. 

If,   within  a  few  years,  we   have  gone  fo  greatly  beyond  our 

.rces  of  impoit   and  excife  ;    if  we  have  become  fo  lavifh  on 
thefe  two  objects,  as  to  expend  all  the  production  from  them,  have 

:->ot   reafon  to   fuppofe   that   the   call  for  one   million,  four 

-RED    AND     EIGHTY-FOUR     THOUSAND     DOLLARS    On    the 

will  be  as  quickly  expended  ?      When  the  government  can  once 
Jiep  t'  bprfe,  with  a  weight  pf  one  penny  on  an  acre,  they  will 

loon  make  it  trot  with  a  weight  of  twenty  failings. 


Free  Ships,  free  GooJs.  319 

ECONOMY  in  our  expenditures  is  the  great  objec\of  atten- 
tion. Commerce  is  already  burthencd.  Manufactures  are  in  gen- 
eral either  ruined  or  embarraiTed.  The  revenue  arifing  from  im- 
port and  exciie,  (especially  die  lalt  two  years)  it  is  probable  would 
have  been  adequate  to  our  purpofes,  if  the  money  had  been 
economically  appropriated.  But  when  we  rind,  that  the,  expendi- 
in  thole  tranfactions  which  immediately  come  within  our 
knowledge,  are  lavifhcd  to  an  unparrellele,'  we  have  reafon 

to  fufpecT:  that  economy  has  not  been  the  ftandard  of  our  cemduct. 

The  building  of  our  three  frigates,  it  is  expccled  will  coft  more 
money,  than  three  times  the  fame  number  in  any  part  of  Europe. 
This  bufmefs  may  ferve  to  put  fome  men  in  pay,  who  otherways 
would  be  out  of  employ  ;  it  may  ferve  to  give  exclufive  advan- 
tages to  individuals  in  furnifhing  the  manufacturing  materials  ;  it 
may  conduce  to  political  purpofes,  by  employing  particular  men 
in  all  the  lucrative  parts  of  this  naval  tranfaction.  But  if  it  is 
o^folutcly  nu-ejfury  that  we  fhould  have  a  navy,  of  three  frigates, 
the  bulinefs  Ihould  befo  equally  proportioned,  that  no  one  individ- 
ual fhould  monopolize  in  his  manufaci.,  .'merit,  the  advanta- 
ges of  it. 

Congrefs,  previous  to  their  granting  a  land-tax,  it  is  prefumed, 
will  call  for  official  documents,  to  afcertain  precifely  the  expen- 
ditures of  the  enormous  fum  raifed  by  impoft  and  excife,  and  will 
not  haftily  break  in  upon  the  dernier  refort  of  TERRA  FIRMA, 
till  "  The  People"  are  convinced  of  the  propriety,  neceffity  and 
economy  of  the  meafui  e. 


FREE    SHIPS,    FREE    GOODS. 

Fellow -Citizens, 

J.  HE  difpute  between  Fra  country  has  got  fo  far 

involved  in  perplexity,  that  the  rsal  objecls  of  controverfy  are  al- 
moft  thrown  out  of  public  view. 

The  cauTe  of  complaint  is  fimply  this,  the  treaty  which   the 
United  States  have  made  with  France,  has  fecurcd  to  us  the  im- 


320  Free  Shfy  ■  ,ds. 

portanc  privilege  of  the  CARRYING-TRADE,  by  making 
fhips  free  goods.     By  this  treaty,  the  commerce  of  this  coo  . 

refpe&s  thai  nation,  has  the  molt  ample  feeurity  I 
trade,  even  in  time  of  war.     The  great  difficulty,  then,  arifinj 
tween  France  and  this  country,   is,  that  by  die   Britifli  treat 
have  exprefsly  Jllpulated  with  England  that  free  fhips  Jl.all  not  make 
free  goods. 

In  confequence  of  this  flipulation,  the  French  property  on  board 
American  (hips  is  fubject  to  capture  by  the  Britiih,  while  the  En- 
ghjh  property  on  board  American  fhips  is  to  remain  free  and  unmo- 
lested. France  complains  of  this  inequality  of  privilege,  more  ef- 
pecially  as  this  is  admitted,  on  our  part,  by  an  exprefs  agreement 
in  the  treaty  with  England. 

Let  then  the  Americans  judge  with  refpect  to  the  propriety 
and  juftnefs  of  this  partiality.  I  am  fenilble,  that  the  plea  made 
by  the  advocates  fo*r  the  BritiPu  treaty  ib,  that  England  never  ac- 
knowledged the  principle,  and  never  would  accede  to  the  terms  of 
admitting  free  fhips  to  make  free  goods.  But  though  this  obfer- 
vation  may  be  plead  by  Britain,  yet  the  quetlion  naturally  ariies, 
"whether  it  was  good  faith  in  the  government  of  the  United  States 
•voluntarily  to  make  a  treaty  with  England,  in  direct  opposition  to 
the  principle  on  which  their  treaties  with  France  and  Spain  were 
founded  ?  If  Britain  would  not  confent  to  the  freedom  of  our 
navigation,  was  it  politic  or  generous  in  us  to  grant  them  by  treaty 
the  right  to  capture  the  property  of  thofe  who  had  gcnerculi 
ceded  to  the  principle  ? 

Suppofe  two  men  had  made  an  agreement  to  give  free  courfe 
to  the  trade  of  each  other,  and  a  third  was  fo  refractory  as  never 
to  confent  to  it.  In  this  cafe,  would  it  not  be  the  higheft  violation 
of  the  right  of  one,  if  the  other  fhould  enter  voluntarily  into  an 
agreement  with  him  who  would  not  recognize  the  privilege,  to  check 
and  embarrafs  the  trade  of  the  man  with  whom  Jie  had  made  hid 
firit  covenant  ? 

The  controverfy  with  France  and  the  United  States  ftands  on 
the  fame  ground  of  equity.  It  is  true,  that  nation  does  not  dif- 
pute  the  right  of  England,  in  not  agreeing  that  free  mips  fliould 
make  free  goods  ;  neither  do  they  difpute  cur  right  to  make  a 
treaty  with  them,  for  this  purpofe.     But  at  the  fame  time,  while 


Free  Ships,  free  Goods.  321 

the  right  is  acknowledged  on  our  fide,  if  we  improve  it  to  their 
injury,  they  alfo  have  a  right  to  refent  our  ingratitude  and  duplicity. 
If  we  have  inconfiderately  and  wantonly  exerciied  our  right  in 
making  a  treaty  with  their  implacable  enemies,  and  thereby  given 
them  advantages  which  deftroy  the  mutual  benefits  contemplated  in 
our  former  contract,  they  have  the  fame  right  to  refent  our  con- 
duct as  we  have  to  make  a  treaty  with  Britain  to  their  injury. 

The  people  of  America  have  been  deceived  by  the  frequent 
attempts  to  perfuade  them,  that  France  wifhes  to  interfere  in  our 
right  to  make  treaties.  This,  however,  is  falle.  France  has  never 
denied  us  this  right.  But  if  we  are  fo  imprudent  as  to  make  a 
treaty,  which  fubjecls  French  property  to  be  taken  on  board 
American  vefTels,  when  at  the  fame  time,  they  are  under  engage- 
ments to  us,  that  Englifh  property  fhall  be  fecure  in  fuch  bottoms, 
the  operation  becomes  fo  exceflively  unjuft,  that  we  cannot  rea- 
fonably  fuppofe  any  nation  would  tamely  place  themfelves  in  fuch 
a  derogatory  and  unfavourable  fituation. 

Nations,  like  individuals,  will  fecure  themfelves  againft  injuf- 
tice  ;  and  the  only  queftion  is,  whether  the  French  are  wrong  in 
their  refentment,  or  we  in  giving  them  the  provocation  ? 

I  have  endeavoured  to  give  a  plain  Jlatemcnt  of  what  appears  to 
be  one  of  the  elTential  points  of  controversy,  between  France  and 
the  United  States.  The  merchants  are  left  to  judge  of  the  bene- 
fits of  a  war  with  thofe  powers,  which  wifh  to  fupport  the  Carry- 
ing Trade  of  the  United  States  in  alliance  with  one  which  is  anx- 
ious to  annihilate  it. 

If  a  war  ihould  commence  between  France  and  Spain,  and 
America,  what  are  the  profpects  of  our  merchants  ?  Are  they 
willing  to  join  England  in  this  warfare,  who  are  anxious  to  deftroy 
our  Carrying  Trade  ?  Impcflible  that  the  good  fenfe  of  the  Ame- 
rican merchants  fhould  lead  them  to  this  excefs  of  Quixotifm  and 
individual  ruin. 

A  war  with  France  and  Spain  is  no  lefs  than  a  war  upon  our 

own  commerce.     It  is  commercial  filicide  ;  and  provided  the  Ef» 

fex  junto  are  capable  of  deceiving  the  merchants  into  a  compliance 

with  their  projects,  the  only  fati«faclion  they  can  after  the 

R  r 


322  On  foreign  Injlutncc. 

expenditures  of  their  property,  and  the  ruin  of  their  trade,  will  be 
the  ridicule  of  thofe  who  are  living  on  the  funics  and  favoritism  of 
a  Britifh  party  reiiding  in  this  country. 


ON    FOREIGN    INFLUENCE. 


"  Let  us  not  be  EnglJJomen,  nor  Frenchmen,  but  Americans" 


I 


N  my  lad,  a  few  obfervarions  were  made  on  this  convenient  faying, 
of  certain  t'tme-ferving  fycophants.  I  therein  endeavoured  to  prove 
that  we  did  not  act  as  Americans  on  the  queftion  of  the  treaty,  but 
were  wholly  under  a  Britijh  influence,  in  acceding  (contrary  to  our 
previous  refolutions)  to  this  baneful  and  deftruclive  inftrument. 

I  mall  now  coniider  this  fubject  upon  more  general  principles, 
and  attempt  to  iliew,  that  Britijh  influence  pervades  this  country  in 
a  more  extenfive  manner  tharris  generally  apprehended. 

When  we  reflect  on  the  number  of  Britifh  factors  who  refide 
within  the  United  States — the  number  of  individuals  who  were  ene- 
mies to  our  revolution,  and  llnce  the  peace  returned  among  us — 
the  number  of  perfons  who  refided  in  America  during  our  conteft 
with  Britain,  and  who  were  inimiral  to  our  independence — the 
particular  body  of  merchants,  who  receive  their  annual  fupplies  of 
merchandize  from  the  Englilh  merchants  and  manufacturers — the 
fhopkeepers  in  the  country  who  are  vending  thefe  fuperfluities  in 
the  feveral  towns  throughout  the  United  States — the  fafhions  and 
manners  which  we  imbibe  from  our  Britifh  connexions  :  I  would 
candidly  afk,  whether  all  thefe  circumftances  do  not  ferve  to 
prove  that  wc  are  under  the  influence  of  the  Britijh  nation,  by  the 
various  operations  of  thefe  refpeclive  interefts  ?  I  dare  venture  to 
affert  that  there  is  not  a  man  who  contemplates  the  fubjecT:  upon 
fair  and  rational  principles,  but  will  readily  allow,  that  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Britijh  predominates  in  this  country  from  thefe  refpec- 
tive  caufes,  and  that  no  other  foreign  influence  is  half  fo  powerful. 


Or.  foreign  Influence*  323 

I  will  again  Inquire  with  confidence,  whether  any  man  can 
fuppofe  we  arc  under  a  French  influence,  ftrcn:;  enough  to  oppofe 
this  powerful  combination  in  favour  of  Britain  ?  Look  through 
our  fcaports  and  the  inland  trading  towns,  and  who  are  the  per- 
fons  active  in  our  political  concerns  ?  Are  they  French  or  Briti/h 
merchants  ?  What  fpecies  of  merchandize  are  in  their  ftores  or 
fhops  ?  Whofe  fkfhions  do  we  follow,  or  whole  manners  do  we 
adopt  ;  are  they  French  or  Engli/h  P  Even  our  theatrical  enter- 
tainments aic  announced  as  being  a&cd  at  Covent-Garden  or 
Drury-Lane,  to  give  a  zeft  to  the  performance,  and  we  are  led  to 
fupport  them  in  proportion  as  they  have  received  their  plaudit  at 
thofe  royal  places  of  amufement.  Let  the  revilers  againft 
French  influence  produce  the  channels  through  which  it  operates ; 
let  them  name  the  body  of  French  merchants,  refiding  in  the  me- 
tropolis or  inland  towns  ;  let  them  announce  the  immenfe  "  horde" 
of  French  republicans  refiding  among  us.  We  can  then  judge 
whether  they  are  in  proportion  to  the  numerous  clan  of  Britifii 
ariftocrats,  and  men  who  are  openly  in  favour  of  the  monarchy  of 
Britain.  Let  them  produce  the  body  of  Frenchmen  who  are  ac- 
tive in  our  elections  in  any  degree  equal  to  thofe  of  the  Britiih  : 
In  fhort,  let  them  mention  any  particular  as  it  relates  to  foreign 
influence,  and  it  can  be  proved  that  the  Engli/h  nation  poflefs,  and 
practice  it  in  a  fourfold  ratio. 

After  fuch  demonstrations  of  the  predilection  of  certain  per- 
fons  to  Britain  ;  after  being  convinced  that  Britifh  attachments  both 
in  trade  and  in  political '  fentiments  fo  greatly  predominate,  can  we  fe- 
rioufly  fay,  that  French  influence  prevails  within  the  United  States  ? 
On  the  contrary,  is  it  not  evident,  that  Briti/h  influence  has  an  un- 
controlable  fway  ?  Scarcely  a  hat  (not  a  three-cornered  one)  which 
covers  the  head  of  an  American,  but  what  announces  our  connex- 
ion with  their  merchants  ;  and  the  fantaftic  gewgaws  of  many  of 
our  ladies  are  the  trophies  which  proclaim  our  complete  refigna- 
tion  to  their  fafliionablc  influence.  The  American  ladies  whofe 
graces  and  beauty  rife  fuperior  to  any  ornaments  from  Europe, 
ought  to  fpurn  at  the  idea  of  becoming  fubfervient  to  the  paltry 
trumpery  of  foreign  importations. 

The  manufactures  of  America  are  daily  falling  a  facrifice  to 
our  partiality  for  Britain  ;  while  the  Britifh  manufacturer  is  in- 


+  t\  9 n  foreign  Influence, 

creafing  in  wealth  by  our  importation*,  the  American  manufactu- 
rer is  declining  with  equal  rapidity  ;  do  not  our  importations  op- 
erate as  a  prohibition  on  our  own  manufactures,  and  does  not  the 
refidence  of  Britifh  factors  give  a  fuperiority  over  our  own  mer- 
chants ? 

While  we  are  talking  of  foreign  influence,  let  us  reflect  on  our 
connexion  with  England.  Let  us  contemplate  the  numerous 
avenues  by  which  this  is  conveyed.  It  works  in  every  direction, 
and  ftrengthens  in  almoft  every  connexion.  I  would  again  aflc, 
wherein  have  the  French  an  equal  weight  ?  Let  thofe  who  are 
exclaiming  againft  them,  pioduce  the  evidences  of  their  influence  ; 
or  let  them  fhow  any  circumftance,  which  can  in  any  way  coun- 
teract the  forcible  operation  of  the  Britifh,  not  only  in  their  com- 
mercial intercourfe,  but  in  the  efficacy  of  thofe  infidious  arts  practi- 
fed  by  a  phalanx  of  Britifh  factors,  who  refide  among  us  under 
a  deceptive  mafk  of  naturalization. 

To  fum  up  the  whole  in  a  few  words,  the  Briti/h  influence  has 
become  a  ftrong  and  powerful  ingredient  to  poifon  the  republican 
principles  of  our  citizens,  and  while  they  are  employing  their  tools 
to  cry  down  a  French  influence^  they  are  ufing  every  bafe  art  to  ef- 
fect their  own.  They  know  their  force  in  feveral  parts  of  the 
United  States,  and  are  bufily  employed  to  vilify  and  abufe  every 
character  who  attempts  to  difclofe  their  nefarious  meafures.  Not 
that  I  am  in  favour  of  a  French  influence,  but  would  control 
it  in  every  inftance  ;  my  real  fentiments  are,  let  us  be  AMERI- 
CANS in  DEED  and  in  TRUTH: 


Concluding  Addres:.  325 


CONCLUDING  ADDRESS. 

\Ne<ver  before  publ{fhed.~\ 
Fellow-Citizens, 

A FTER  perufing  the  foregoing  Numbers,  you  will  be  led  to 
confider  the  propriety  of  the  principles,  and  the  juftnefs  of  the  re- 
flectfons.— Here  then  we  are  at  iffue.  ARE  THE  SENTI- 
MENTS RIGHT,  OR  ARE  THEY  WRONG  ?  Speak  with 
candour,  and  decide  with  that  impartiality  which  characterizes 
patriots  and  republicans. 

To  the  young  Americans  the  foregoing  remarks  may  appear 
erroneous.  They  have  rifen  on  the  flagc  fince  the  fig-tree  began 
to  bloflbm,  and  fruit  was  on  the  vine  ;  fince  the  labour  of  the  olive 
has  not  failed,  and  the  fields  have  yielded  their  meat  ;  when  the 
flock  was  not  cut  off  from  the  fold,  and  there  was  herd  in  the 
ftall.  In  thefe  halcyon  days,  they  experience  the  bleflings  which 
their  fathers  obtained  by  their  prowefs  and  exertions. 

The  queftion  now  is,  by  what  means  has  this  country  arrived 
to  its  prefent  eminence  ?  Was  it  by  the  friendship  of  that  nation 
which  declared  they  had  a  "  rigln.  tu  tax  Ub  in  all  cafes  what- 
ever" ?  Did  the  ravages  of  their  troops  give  fruitfulnefs  to  our 
fields,  or  did  the  blood  they  fhed  enrich  the  foil  which  feeds  the 
cattle  on  our  "  thoufand  hills"  ? 

I  will  not  affront  my  countrymen  by  admitting  this  idea.  If 
we  had  been  conquered,  the  wildernefs  that  now  bloffoms  like  the 
rofe,  would  have  been  the  gloomy  afylum  of  pcrfecuted  patriots  ; 
and  thefe  venerable  fages  would  have  been  hunted  in  their  retire- 
ment as  partaking  of  the  ferocious  liberty  of  wolves. 

Is  it  policy  then,  or  rather  is  it  not  an  affront  to  heaven,  to 
feefc  an  alliance  with  thofe  who  have  given  fuch  evidences  of  their 
enmity  ?  Muft  we  commence  war  with  France  and  Spain,  and 
then  apply  to  England  for  afiiftance,  as  is  propofed  by  Mr.  Mor- 
tis ?     Gracious  God  !  "  let  us  paufc  !  for  heaven's  fake  paufe  1" 


325  Concluding  Address . 

before  we  precipitate  the  United  States  into  fo  hazardous 
a  fituation  !  Muft  our  country  again  be  ftained  with  blood  ? 
Muft  the  clarion  of  war  be  blown  through  the  continent  ? 
Mud  millions  of  dollars  be  appropriated  to  effed  that,  which  an 
amicable  negociation  will  probably  cancel  ?  Surely  the  Prefident 
has  acled  the  part  of  a  Chriftian  by  attempting  a  reconciliation  : 
for  he  who  wantonly  draws  the  fword,  we  are  told,  will  perifh  by 
the  fword.  Not  that  we  fhould  fuffer  any  nation  to  impofe  on  us  ; 
but  reafon  and  humanity  dictate  the  path  to  be  taken. 

A  war  with  France  and  Spain,  in  alliance  with  England,  is 
the  ground-work  of  the  politics  of  the  party  in  oppofition  to  the 
prcfent  adminiftration.  They  have,  by  their  artifice,  interwoven 
tfcemfelves  for  a  number  of  years  back  into  our  national  councils, 
and  the  principal  part  of  our  troubles  have  arifen  by  their  agen- 
cy. They  wifh  to  augment  the  public  debt,  by  eftablifhing  fyf- 
tems  which  lead  to  extravagant  expenditures.  They  want  the 
government  to  maintain  a  body  of  men  at  the  expenfe  of  the  in- 
dustrious merchant,  farmer,  and  tradefman. — This  is  genuine  feder- 
elifm  with  them,  and  every  thing  which  has  a  different  tendency  is 
reprobated  as  rank  jacobinifm. 

Are  the  young  men  in  favour  of  this  policy  ?  If  they  are, 
it  muft  eventually  prove  their  ruin.  An  expenfive  government 
creates  burdenfome  taxes,  and  the  rifing  generation  muft  feel  the 
weight  of  their  preffure. 

This  party  attempt  fo  far  to  vitiate  the  youth,  as  to  render 
republicanism  unfafhionable.  This  is  fl-riking  at  the  vitals  of  our 
government  ;  for  the  man  who  is  not  a  republican  is  a  POLITI- 
CAL ATHEIST,  and  is  as  much  a  fubverter  of  the  Conftitution 
as  Thomas  Paine  is  an  unbeliever  in  Revelation.  All  our  civil  in- 
ftitutions,  frcm  the  days  of  our  forefathers,  are  as  firmly  founded  on 
Republicanifm,  as  the  platform  of  the  churches  on  the  Chriftian 
religion. 

The  foregoing  obfervations  are  not  intended  to  vifiame  the  paf- 
fions,  but  to  allay  them  ;  though  expreffed  with  warmth,  they  are 
calculated  to  bring  us  to  cool  reflection.  In  the  prefent  ftate  of 
public  affairs,  it  is  requifite  to  bring  into  view  the  many  arts  and 
ftratagems  pra&ifed  by  thofe  who  affume  the  appellation  of  Fed- 
eralifts,  and  to  mew  that  all  their  alarms  were  the  effufions  of  dif- 
affe<£ticn,  rather  than  an  attachment  to  the  peace  and  profperity  of 


Concluding  Address.  327 

the  country.  While  we  revert  to  the  periods  when  plots  and  con- 
fpiracies  were  the  telegraphs  to  communicate  terror  and  amaze- 
ment, and  when  neighbours  aifumed  an  hcftilc  attitude  towards 
each  other,  how  pleafing  is  the  reflection  that  the  ccol  moment  of 
deliberation  has  difpelled  thofe  clouds  which  threatened  an  annihi- 
lation of  every  benign  attribute  which  harmonizes  feciety  !  If  we 
find  theie  things  falfe,  (which  at  the  time  they  were  propagated 
gave  an  impulfe  to  our  political  conduct)  ought  we  not  to  difliuft 
thofe  men  who  create  alarms  to  deftroy  the  confidence  of  the  peo- 
ple in  the  prefent  adminiftration  ?  If  they  have  hitherto  been  falfe 
prophets,  what  reafon  have  we  to  believe  in  their  future  prog- 
noftications  ? 

Fellow-Citizens — In  treating  on  the  various  fubjects  in  the 
foregoing  Numbers,  I  have  been  obliged  to  vary  the  mode  by  ar- 
gument and  fatire.  Many  things  have  required  a  ferious  confid- 
cration,  while  others  admitted  no  other  plea  than  ridicule.  I  have 
wholly  confined  my  obfervations  to  political  confiderations,  with- 
out wiihing  to  reflect  on  any  individual  in  his  moral  or  focial  ca- 
pacity. The  GENERAL  GOOD  is  my  only  object,  and  I  wil- 
lingly place  myfelf  on  the  candid  decifions  of  my  fellow-citizens. 
I  court  no  partial  patronage.  Having  offered  my  fentiments  on  the 
fundamental  principles  of  the  Conftitution,  it  will  give  me  fatisfac- 
tion  as  a  citizen  if  they  are  fupported  ;  but  if  they  are  not,  I  feel  my- 
felf in  a  fituation  to  meet  the  evils  which  await  my  country.  Pro- 
vided I  receive  the  approbation  of  the  virtuous  and  patriotic,  I 
fhall  never  concern  myfelf  about  perfons  of  an  oppefite  character  ; 

"  To  virtue  only,  and  its  friends,  a  friend. 
The  world  bejide  may  murmur  or  commend  : 
Know  all  the  difiant  din  this  world  can  keep, 
Rolls  o'er  my  grotto,  and  but  foot  be s  my  fleepj* 


FINIS. 


H 


Date  Due 

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Dec  16 '30(51 

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